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THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  CALIFORNIA 

SANTA  BARBARA 

PRESENTED  BY 

ADMIRAL  MORGAN   POWELL 


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THE  CONSULATE  AND  EMPIRE 
OF  FRANCE 


VOL.  I. 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2007  with  funding  from 

IVIicrosoft  Corporation 


http://www.archive.org/details/consulateempire01thieiala 


7^.l£j^3 


HISTORY  OF  THE 

CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE 
OF  FRANCE 

■       UNDER  NAPOLEON 

By   LOUIS   ADOLPHE   THIERS 


TRANSLATED,  WITH  THE  SANCTION  AND  APPROVAL 
OF  THE  AUTHOR,  BY 

D.  FORBES  CA:\IPBELL  and  JOHN  STEBBING 


"Wflitb  ^b(rtB=sii  Steel  plates 


IN  TWELVE  VOLUMES 
VOL.  I. 


PHILADELPHIA 
J.    B.    LTPPINCOTT   COMPANY 

LONDON:  CHATTO  &  WINDl^S. 
1893 


AUTHOR'S  PREFACE. 


A  FTEE  fifteen  years  of  assiduous  work  I  have  completed  my 
-^  History  of  the  Consulate  and  the  Empire,  which  I  began 
in  I  840.  Of  these  fifteen  years,  I  have  not  suffered  one  to  go 
by  (always  excepting  that  which  political  events  compelled 
me  to  pass  out  of  France)  without  consecrating  the  whole  of 
my  time  and  energies  to  the  difficult  task  I  had  undertaken, 
I  agree  that  the  work  might  have  been  accomplished  more 
quickly,  but  such  is  my  veneration  for  the  mission  of  history, 
that  the  fear  of  stating  an  inaccurate  fact  fills  me  with  a  feel- 
ing akin  to  shame.  When  such  a  doubt  assails  me,  I  have  no 
peace  until  I  have  discovered  proof  of  the  fact  which  is  the 
subject  of  my  doubts ;  I  seek  it  unremittingly,  never  resting 
until  I  have  found  it  or  until  I  am  convinced  that  proof  is 
non-existent.  In  which  case,  reduced  to  taking  my  position  as 
in  a  jury-box,  I  speak  according  to  ray  innermost  conviction, 
l)ut  ever  with  the  greatest  fear  of  self-deception ;  for  I  think 
nothing  to  be  more  reprehensible,  when  one  lias  voluntarily 
undertaken  the  mission  of  informing  others  of  the  truth  con- 
cerning great  events  in  history,  tlian  to  disguise  it  through 
feebleness,  to  misrepresent  it  through  pa=sion,  or  to  suppose, 
only,  through  indolence,  and  thus,  whether  knowingly  or  not, 
to  lie  to  one's  own  generation  and  those  to  come. 

It  is  under  the  influence  of  such  scruples  that  I  have  read, 
re-read,  and  annotated  with  my  own  hand,  the  nural)erless 
documents  contained  in  the  State  Areliives,  the  thirty  thousand 
letters  which  compose  Napoleon's  personal  corres})ondence,  the 
letters,  no  less  numerous,  of  his  ministers,  his  generals,  his 
aides-de-camp,  and  even  those  of  his  police  ai^ents  ;  in  fact,  tlie 
greater  portion  of  the  MS.  Memoirs  in  the  possession  of  jaivate 
families.  I  must  say,  under  every  (lovernment  (and  1  have  seen 
three  successive  ones  since  I  first  started  my  work)  1  liave  met 
with  tlie  same  facilities,  the  same  gentirosity  in  providing  nie 


vi  A  UTHOR  'S  PBEFA  CE. 

with  the  documents  I  required ;  and  under  the  nephew 
of  Napoleon  I  was  not  refused  access  to  the  secrets  of 
Imperial  policy,  any  more  than  under  the  I'epublic,  or  the 
regime  of  Constitutional  lioyalty.  It  is  thus  that  I  consider 
myself  to  have  seized  and  reproduced,  not  that  conventional 
truth  so  often  arrived  at  by  contemporaneous  generations, 
and  by  them  transmitted  to  future  ones  as  authentic,  but 
that  absolute  truth  of  facts  themselves,  only  to  be  found  in 
documents  of  State,  and  above  all  in  the  correspondence  of 
exalted  personages.  I  have  at  times  devoted  a  whole  year 
to  the  preparation  of  a  volume  which  has  taken  me  but 
a  couple  of  months  to  write;  and  thus  have  kept  the  public 
waiting  for  a  work  to  which  they  have  been  good  enough  to 
attach  a  certain  amount  of  importance. 

I  ought  perhaps  to  observe  that  to  the  above  scruple  has 
been  added  my  taste  for  investigating  to  the  very  utmost  what 
were  the  agents  which,  in  one  of  the  most  excited  periods  of  the 
history  of  humanity,  acted  so  potently  upon  men,  money,  and 
events.  Secrets  of  administration,  of  finance,  war,  diplomacy 
have  attracted,  detained,  captivated  me,  and  it  has  seemed  to 
me  that  this  distinctly  technical  portion  of  history  has  de- 
served at  least  as  mucli  attention  from  serious  minds  as  did 
the  dramatic  portion.  To  my  mind,  praise  or  blame  awarded 
to  great  operations  is  but  vain  declamation,  if  it  do  not  rest 
upon  a  dispassionate  statement,  clear  and  positive,  of  tlie 
manner  in  which  the  said  operations  have  been  carried  out. 
To  fall  into  ecstasies,  for  instance,  about  the  passage  of  the 
Alps,  and,  by  way  of  exciting  the  enthusiasm  of  others,  to 
pile  on  words — mass  the  rocks,  heap  up  the  snow — is,  in  my 
eyes,  but  puerile  and  even  annoying  to  the  reader.  The  one 
legitimate,  earnest  manner  in  which  to  excite  interest  and 
admiration  alike  is  to  observe  an  exact  and  complete  state- 
ment of  things  as  they  occurred.  The  distance  to  go  in  cross- 
ing such  and  sucli  mountains,  the  number  of  cannon  and  tlie 
quantity  of  stores  which  had  to  be  transported  along  unbeaten 
roads,  up  prodigious  heights,  along  terrific  precipices  where 
animals  were  useless,  and  where  man  alone  could  preserve  his 
courage  and  will ;  to  relate  all  tliis  simply,  iiiving  all  neces- 
sary particulars,  weeding  out  unimportant  details, — this  to  my 
mind  is  the  proper  way  to  describe  an  undertaking  such  as  the 


AUTHOR'S  PREFACE.  vii 

passage  of  the  Saint-Bernard,  for  instance.  When,  after  some 
such  clear  and  precise  statement  of  facts,  an  exclamation 
perchance  escapes  the  lips  of  the  narrator,  it  goes  straight 
to  the  heart  of  the  reader,  because  it  has  probably  already 
occurred  to  him,  and  is  thus  only  an  echo  of  his  own  admira- 
tion. This  explains  the  bulky  proportions  of  this  history, 
and  the  length  of  time  I  have  spent  in  writing  it.  It  also 
leads  me  to  express  upon  history,  and  the  method  of  writing 
it,  a  few  ideas  inspired  by  long  practice  in  the  art,  and  by 
a  profound  respect  for  its  great  dignity. 

I  know  nothing  in  the  sphere  of  tlie  human  mind  more 
exalted  than  is  poetry  of  the  first  order ;  but  it  will  not  be 
denied  that  there  are  epochs  more  suited  to  its  appreciation 
than  to  its  production.  For  instance,  I  do  not  think  there 
was  ever  a  period  in  which  Homer  and  Dante  have  been 
so  profoundly  appreciated  as  in  our  own  times,  at  once  so 
emotional  and  so  erudite.  And  yet,  altliough  we  have  had 
our  distinguished  poets  and  painters,  our  age  has  not  gone 
near  to  producing  the  naive  and  energetic  poetry  of  thirteenth 
century  Florence  or  of  primitive  Greece.  Societies  have 
their  different  ages  as  ha^'e  individuals,  and  each  af?e  has  its 
own  occupations.  I  have  always  considered  history  to  be  the 
occupation,  not  exclusively,  but  more  especially,  adapted  to  our 
period.  We  have  not  lost  appreciation  for  great  actions,  at 
any  rate, — if  we  had,  this  nineteenth  century  would  have  given 
it  back  to  us, — and  we  have  acquired  the  experience  which 
allows  us  to  recognise  and  criticise  them.  Hence,  from  early 
youth  I  have  devoted  myself  with  confidence  to  historical 
research,  convinced  that  by  so  doing  I  was  taking  up  tlie 
work  especially  adapted  to  my  own  times.  I  have  devoted 
thirty  years  of  my  life  to  tlie  writing  of  history,  and  I  can 
atUrm  that,  even  when  taking  my  part  in  the  affairs  of  public 
life,  I,  so  to  say,  in  no  wise  dissociated  myself  frtjm  my  art. 
Wlien,  in  the  presence  of  tottering  tl)rones,  in  the  midst  of 
assemblies  thrilled  by  the  voice  of  powerful  statesmen,  or 
menaced  by  the  multitude,  I  had  a  moment  for  reflection,  1 
did  not  see  before  me  sucli  and  sucli  a  passing  individual 
bearing  the  name  of  some  contemporaneous  person,  but  the 
undying  figures  of  all  times  and  of  all  places,  wlio  in  Athens, 
Iv'onie,  or   Florence  had  previously  acted  in   like   manner.      1 


viii  AUTHOR'S  PREFACE. 

was  at  once  less  irritated  and  less  troubled,  because  less  sur- 
prised, as  I  felt  I  was  assisting,  not  at  the  scene  of  a  day 
which  passes,  but  at  the  eternal  scene  appointed  by  God 
when  He  placed  man  in  society  with  passions  noble  or  base, 
low  or  generous  ;  man  ever  like  himself,  ever  variable,  ever 
actuated  by  laws  as  profound  as  they  are  immutable. 

My  life  then,  I  may  say,  has  been  one  long  study  of  history, 
and,  with  the  exception  of  those  times  of  violent  action  which 
stupefy,  in  which  the  rushing  torrent  of  events  carries  one 
away  with  it,  making  it  impossible  to  see  its  magnitude,  I  have 
almost  always  taken  note  of  what  has  been  passing  around  me, 
and,  comparing  it  with  previous  events,  have  found  its  points 
of  difference  or  resemblance.  Such  deliberate  comparison  is,  I 
think,  the  true  preparation  of  the  mind  for  the  rendering  of 
that  epic  of  history  which  is  not  to  be  condemned  for  want 
of  colour  because  it  is  positive  and  exact ;  for  your  real  man, 
be  he  Alexander,  Hannibal,  Ciesar,  Charlemagne,  or  Napoleon, 
is  as  replete  with  poetry,  although  of  a  different  nature,  as  is 
the  man  of  fiction,  whether  he  be  an  Achilles,  an  ^Eneas,  a 
Eoland,  or  a  Eenaud. 

The  careful  observation  of  men  and  events,  or,  as  painters 
call  it,  the  observation  of  nature,  does  not  suffice ;  it  needs  a 
certain  gift  in  order  to  be  able  to  write  history  well.  What 
is  that  gift  ?  Is  it  mind,  imagination,  critical  power,  the  art 
of  composition,  the  talent  of  painting  ?  I  reply,  that  it  would 
be  highly  desirable  to  be  possessed  of  every  one  of  these  gifts, 
and  that  every  history  in  which  only  one  of  them  is  apparent,  is 
an  appreciable  work,  greatly  to  be  valued  by  future  generations. 
I  say  that  there  is  not  one  only,  but  there  are  twenty  different 
methods  of  writing  history ;  it  may  be  written  in  the  style  of 
Thucydides,  Xenophon,  Polybius,  Livy,  Sallust,  Cix^sar,  Tacitus, 
Comines,  Guicciardini,  Macchiavelli,  »Saint-Simon,  Frederick 
the  Great,  or  Napoleon,  and  be  superlatively  written,  although 
very  differently.  I  would  desire  nothing  better  of  Providence 
than  to  have  acquitted  myself  as  the  least  eminent  of  these 
historians,  in  order  to  feel  certain  that  I  had  done  well,  and  that 
I  should  leave  behind  me  a  memento  of  my  ephemeral  exist- 
ence. Each  of  them  has  his  own  salient  characteristic :  one 
narrates  with  an  eloquence  that  carries  the  reader  along  witli 
it ;  another  is  inconsequent,  progressing  by  leaps  and  bounds. 


A  UTHOR  'S  PRE  FA  CE.  ix 

but,  in  passing,  sketches  in  a  few  strokes  figures  wliich  are 
never  effaced  from  the  memory  ;  while  yet  another,  less  eloquent 
or  less  of  a  word- painter,  but  more  calm  and  reticent,  searches 
with  an  eye  which  nothing  escapes  the  depths  of  human  events, 
illuminating  them  with  a  brilliancy  which  endures  for  ever. 
Whichever  be  their  method,  I  repeat,  it  is  good.  And  yet, 
withal,  is  there  not  one  essential  (|uality,  preferable  to  every 
other,  which  should  distinguish  the  historian,  and  constitute 
his  true  superiority  ?  So  I  think  ;  and  without  circumlocution 
I  say  that,  in  my  opinion,  this  quality  is  intelligence. 

I  use  the  word  here  in  its  ordinary  acceptation,  and,  apply- 
ing it  to  subjects  most  diverse,  will-  endeavour  to  make  my 
meaning  plain.  One  often  observes  in  a  child,  a  workman,  or 
a  statesman,  something  which  one  does  not  at  once  qualify 
by  the  name  of  wit,  because  it  is  devoid  of  brilliance,  but 
which  one  calls  intelligence,  because  the  person  endowed  with 
it  is  able  at  once  to  grasp  the  meaning  of  what  is  said  to  him ; 
sees,  understands  with  half  a  word,  if  a  child,  what  is  being 
taught  him — if  a  workman,  the  work  given  him  to  execute — 
if  a  statesman,  events,  their  causes  and  consequences;  reads 
character,  the  proclivities  of  the  men  he  has  to  deal  with,  the 
conduct  to  be  expectel  from  them,  and  is  neither  surprised 
nor  embarrassed  by  what  may  take  place,  although  it  may  cause 
him  sorrow.  This  is  what  is  understood  by  intelligence,  and 
for  all  practical  purposes  this  simple  quality,  which  makes  no 
show,  is  of  greater  utility  in  life  than  all  the  gifts  of  mind, 
genius  excepted,  which,  after  all,  is  but  intelligence  with  the 
addition  of  brilliancy,  power,  breadth,  and  readiness. 

It  is  this  ({uality,  applied  to  the  great  objects  of  history, 
which  is,  to  my  mind,  the  essential  quality  of  tlie  narrator, 
and  which,  if  there,  brings  in  its  train  all  the  others,  provided 
that  to  nature's  gift  be  joined  experience  born  of  practical 
knowledge.  With  tliat  which  I  call  intelligence  a  man  sifts 
the  true  from  the  false ;  he  does  not  suiier  himself  to  be 
deceived  by  the  vain  traditions  or  the  false  reports  of  history, 
he  exercises  his  own  critical  judgment;  tlioroughly  grasping 
the  characters  of  the  men  and  their  times,  he  exaggerates 
nothing,  neither  magnifies  nor  diminishes  auglit,  gives  to  each 
liis  true  characteristics,  brushing  aside  the  tinsel — most  mere- 
tricious of  all  tlie  ornamentations  of   history.      He  ])aints   in 


X  A  UTHOB  '8  PBEFA  CE. 

true  colours,  enters  into  the  secret  springs  of  actions,  himself 
understanding,  and  enabling  otliers  to  understand,  how  they 
came  about.  Diplomacy,  administration,  war,  the  navy,  these 
varied  subjects  are  all  brought  within  scope  of  the  compre- 
hension of  most  people,  because  tlie  writer  has  known  how 
to  seize  upon  the  aspect  most  intelligible  to  the  ordinary 
mind ;  and  liaving  thus  possessed  himself  of  command  of  all 
the  numerous  elements  which  compose  a  vast  recital,  the  order 
in  which  they  sliould  be  presented  comes  of  itself  in  the  chain 
of  events ;  for  he  who  has  known  how  to  seize  the  mysterious 
link  which  connects  them,  and  the  manner  in  which  one  has 
been  engendered  by  the  other,  has  discovered  the  best,  because 
the  most  natural,  order  of  narration ;  and,  moreover,  if  he  be 
not  made  of  ice,  in  recording  those  grand  scenes  in  the  life  of 
nations,  he  warms  to  his  subject,  making  event  succeed  event 
with  fire  and  fluency.  He  leaves  to  the  stream  of  time  its 
flow,  its  force,  nay,  its  grace,  never  forcing  its  action,  nor 
changing  any  of  its  outlines ;  and,  last  and  supreme  attri- 
bute, he  is  just,  because  there  is  nothing  which  calms,  which 
allays  the  passions,  like  a  profound  knowledge  of  mankind. 
I  will  not  say  that  it  divests  a  man  of  all  severity,  for  that 
would  be  a  misfortune ;  but  when  one  knows  humanity  and 
its  weaknesses,  when  one  knows  what  leads  and  dominates  it, 
without  hating  evil  or  loving  good  the  less,  one  is  more  in- 
dulgent to  the  man  who  has  succumbed  to  the  thousand  tempta- 
tions to  which  humanity  is  exposed ;  one  reverences  none  the 
less  ardently  the  man  who,  amid  every  debasing  allurement, 
has  kept  liis  heart  up  to  the  level  of  the  good,  the  great,  and 
the  beautiful.  Intelligence  then,  to  my  mind,  is  that  happy 
faculty  which  teaches  the  historian  to  separate  the  true  from 
the  false,  to  paint  men  justly,  to  elucidate  the  secrets  of 
politics  and  of  war,  to  narrate  events  in  harmonious  order, 
to  be  equitable — in  a  word,  to  be  a  truthful  narrator. 

Dare  I  say  it  ?  Almost  without  art,  the  far-seeing  mind  I 
am  imagining  has  but  to  allow  itself  to  yield  to  that  need  of 
utterance  which  sometimes  possesses  us,  leading  us  to  relate  to 
others  events  which  have  affected  us,  and  he  may  produce 
a  chef-d'oeuvre.  Among  the  many  examples  I  could  cite,  I 
will  ask  permission  to  select  two,  those  of  Guicciardini  and 
of  Frederick  the  Great. 


A  UTHOR  'S  PREFA  CE.  xi 

Guicciardini  had  never  intended  to  take  to  literary  work,  and 
had  served  no  apprenticeship  to  the  art.  His  whole  life  had 
been  spent  in  diplomacy  and  administration,  and  on  one  or 
two  occasions  he  had  served  in  the  army.  ]3ut  he  had  one 
of  the  most  discerning  minds  the  world  has  ever  seen,  above 
all  in  political  affairs.  His  temperament  was  somewhat  sad, 
both  naturally  and  from  satiety  of  pleasure.  Xot  knowing  how 
to  occupy  his  leisure  upon  his  retirement  from  public  life, 
he  set  himself  to  writing  the  annals  of  his  times,  a  portion 
of  which  had  passed  before  his  own  eyes,  and  he  did  it  with 
a  fulness  of  narration,  a  vigour  of  description,  and  a  depth  of 
judgment,  which  cause  his  history  to  rank  among  the  finest 
monuments  of  the  human  intellect.  His  style  is  long-winded, 
confused,  sometimes  heavy,  yet  it  is  the  gait  of  an  active  man, 
even  thmigh  he  be  encumbered  with  awkward  limbs.  He 
has  a  tliorouuh  insight  into  human  nature,  and  his  sketches 
t)f  the  men  of  his  time  are  undying,  because  true,  simple, 
and  vigorous.  To  these  merits  he  unites  the  disappointed, 
morose  tone  of  a  man  wearied  with  the  innumerable  mistakes 
and  miseries  he  has  witnessed — too  morose  to  my  idea,  for 
history  should  remain  calm  and  serene,  not  distressful ;  por- 
traying therein,  as  with  the  sombre  severity  of  Tacitus,  the 
sadness  of  the  upright  man. 

Frederick  the  Great,  who  was  never  sad,  was  a  passionate 
admirer  of  letters,  and  his  love  of  letters  is  assuredly  one  of 
the  n()l)lest  traits  of  his  character,  sustaining  him,  as  it  did, 
more  tlian  once  in  desperate  situations,  when  his  fortunes 
seemed  on  the  very  point  of  being  wrecked.  On  the  night  of 
a  lost  battle  he  would  console  himself  by  writing  bad  verses  : 
not  bad  as  to  idea,  for  at  every  instant  one  meets  deep  thought, 
ingenious  or  striking,  but  bad  in  form,  needing  revision  as  to 
liarinony  and  prace.  Thought  without  art  goes  for  nothing 
in  poetry.  Xor  was  form  all  that  was  needed  by  Frederick 
tlie  (Jreat  for  the  composition  of  books;  having  hitherto 
merely  made  literature  a  recreation,  not  an  art,  he  liad  never 
extended  liis  labours  beyond  a  short  poem,  a  pamphlet,  or 
an  address:  thus  tlie  art  of  Ijook-making  was  as  unknown  to 
liini  as  was  tliat  of  writing  correctly.  And  yet  tliis  man, 
in  tlie  history  he  lias  l)e([ueathed  to  us  of  liis  family  and 
his  reign,  bringing  to  liglit  the  subtle  webs  of  liis  (li])l()macy. 


xii  A  UTHOR  'S  PREFACE. 

the  profound  combinations  of  his  military  genius ;  retracing, 
as  he  does,  the  vicissitudes  of  a  career  of  close  upon  fifty 
years,  the  unspeakable  variations  of  politics  in  an  age  when 
women  governed  states,  while  philosophers  governed  minds ; 
in  fine,  the  perpetual  alternations  of  a  war  in  which,  as  often 
vanq^^ished  as  victorious,  but  ever  covered  with  glory,  he  saw 
himself  at  every  instant  on  the  verge  of  succumbing  to  the 
hatred  of  three  women  and  under  the  weight  of  three  great 
states, — this  remarkable  man  has  given,  in  bad  French  and 
in  a  style  of  his  own,  a  picture  simple,  animated,  and  almost 
wholly  true  of  this  curious  epoch,  great  through  him  alone  and 
a  few  French  writers.  Tliis  bad  writer  writes  well  enough, 
composes  unscientifically  but  with  order  and  interest,  sketches 
character  with  masterly  hand,  and  would  be  an  important 
judge,  had  he  the  equity  and  dignity  of  one  who  judges. 
But,  uniting  to  the  licence  of  the  times  his  own  unbridled 
spirit ;  despising  those  kings  whom  he  liad  humiliated,  their 
generals  whom  he  had  vanquished,  their  ministers  whom 
he  had  deceived ;  caring  only  for  the  society  of  men  of 
letters,  whose  vanity,  however,  often  afforded  him  a  subject 
of  laughter  ;  liking  to  make  himself  and  others  appear  worse 
than  they  really  were ;  intemperate,  cynical ; — he  has  given 
to  history  a  slanderous  tone,  while  at  the  same  time  he  has 
immortalised  his  own  work  by  stamping  it  with  the  mark  of 
the  most  profound  intelligence  and  the  rarest  good  sense  the 
world  has  ever  seen. 

I  do  not  speak  of  Cjesar,  because  he  was  one  of  tlie  finest 
writers  of  his  age  ;  nor  of  IsTapoleon,  who  became  one ;  but 
the  two  examples  I  have  given  will  sufiice  to  explain  my  mean- 
ing, and  to  prove  that  whoever  possesses  a  clear  insight  into 
men  and  things,  has  the  true  genius  of  history.  But,  it  will 
be  objected,  is  art  nothing  and  intelligence  everything  ?  Any 
one  who  is  simply  possessed  of  this  power  of  comprehension, 
can  he  compose,  paint,  relate,  according  to  the  conditions  of 
the  true  historian  ?  I  should  be  ready  to  reply  yes,  were  it  not 
necessary  to  put  some  reservation  on  this  unqualified  assertion. 
Comprehension  is  almost,  but  not  quite,  everything.  To  it 
must  be  superadded  a  certain  knowledge  of  composition,  of 
painting,  of  arranging  the  colours,  diffiising  the  light ;  a  certain 
talent  for  writing,  too,  is  necessarv,  for  language  must  be  the 


A  UTHOR  'S  FBEFACE.  xiii 

medium,  whether  it  be  Greek,  Latin,  Italian,  or  French,  in 
.which  the  world's  vicissitudes  are  to  be  recounted.  And  I 
admit  that  to  intelligence  must  be  added  experience  and 
calculation,  that  is  to  say,  art. 

Thus,  man  being  a  finite  being,  it  becomes  almost  necessary 
that  his  mind  should  be  made  infinite.  The  events  you  have 
to  set  before  him  may  be  passing  in  a  thousand  and  one  places  ; 
not  only  in  France,  if  the  scene  of  your  history  be  France,  but 
in  Germany,  Ilussia,  Spain,  America,  India ;  and  yet  you  who 
relate,  and  he  who  reads,  can  only  be  in  one  place  at  a  time. 
Frederick  the  Great  was  fighting  in  Bohemia,  while  at  the 
same  time  fighting  was  going  on  in  Thuringia,  Westphalia,  and 
Poland.  Upon  the  field  of  battle,  where  he  directs  the  whole 
plan  of  action,  he  is  fighting  in  the  left  wing,  but  fighting  is 
also  going  on  in  the  right  wing,  in  the  centre,  everywhere. 
Even  when  one  has  clearly  grasped  the  general  chain  whicli 
unites  events,  it  needs  a  certain  art  to  take  the  reader  from 
place  to  place,  and  to  knit  up  the  thread  of  secondary  facts 
which  have  had  to  be  neglected  for  those  of  greater  importance. 
The  writer  must  hie  to  the  right,  to  the  left,  to  the  rear,  with- 
out losing  sight  of  the  main  scene,  without  letting  the  action 
languish,  at  the  same  time  without  omitting  anything,  for 
every  omission  constitutes  a  fault,  not  alone  against  material 
exactitude,  but  against  moral  veracity,  because  it  rarely 
happens  that  a  neglected  fact,  be  it  great  or  small,  is  not 
wanted  to  complete  the  whole  context  whether  as  to  cause  or 
effect.  And  withal  the  reader,  that  finite  being  who  hears  all 
and  ever  aspires  to  the  infinite,  who  is  so  eager  to  know  all, 
yet  is  so  destitute  of  patience  to  learn, — the  reader  must  be 
taken  into  consideration.  I  must  know  everytliing,  he  must 
be  spared  all  effort  of  attention  :  such  is  the  writer — such 
the  reader — such  the  world  in  general ! 

Thus  a  certain  dramatic  art  becomes  necessary,  demanding 
experience,  thought,  science,  and  a  sense  of  proportion.  Xor 
is  that  all.  The  historian  must  be  a  word-painter ;  lie  must 
understand  the  art  of  description ;  he  must  be  able  to  seize 
in  an  individual  the  salient  characteristic  which  distinguislies 
him,  in  an  event  the  most  picturesque  circumstances  connectcil 
with  it ;  he  must  know  how  to  lay  on  colour  witli  proportion, 
with  fitting  gradation,  and  not  be  too  lavisli  witli  it,  so  as  to 


xi V  A  UTHOB  '8  PREFA  CE. 

have  none  to  spare  for  the  parts  which  require  to  be  more 
highly  coloured.  Finally,  as  the  implement  with  which  all  this 
is  accomplished  is  language,  the  historian  should  know  how  to 
express  himself  with  that  elegance  and  gravity  of  diction  which 
befits  great  as  well  as  small  things,  enabling  the  one  to  be  told 
with  loftiness,  the  others  with  ease,  precision,  and  lucidity. 
This  is  all  art,  I  admit,  and  art  of  a  very  high  order.  It  is 
therefore  necessary  to  add  to  the  perfect  understanding  of  facts 
a  certain  habit  of  handling  and  disposing  them,  of  describing 
them  in  their  slightest  details  in  an  order  wdiich  is  learned 
yet  easy,  noble  yet  simple ;  to  penetrate  everywhere,  to  be  at 
home  in  the  sanguinary  battlefield  as  much  as  in  the  cabinets 
of  diplomacy  or  in  the  boudoir,  where  State  secrets  may  often 
be  discovered,  as  much  as  in  the  dirty  streets  where  wild  and 
foolish  demafTogues  are  racfin«;. 

But  while  admitting  that  art  should  go  hand-in-hand  with 
intelligence  to  form  the  perfect  historian,  I  should  like  to  say 
why  intelligence,  as  I  have  defined  it,  succeeds  better  than  any 
other  faculty,  in  this  complicated  art.  Of  all  the  productions 
of  the  mind  of  man,  the  purest,  most  chaste,  and  severe,  at 
once  the  most  sublime  and  the  most  humble,  is  history.  This 
proud  Muse,  far-seeing  and  modest,  needs,  above  all  things,  to 
be  clothed  in  unaffected  raiment.  Art  is  indispensable,  but  if 
art  be  too  lavishly  employed,  if  it  be  detected,  all  truth  and 
dignity  disappear,  for  this  noble  and  simple  being  has  essayed 
to  deceive,  and  from  this  time  forth  all  confidence  in  her  is 
lost.  Exaggerate  the  terror  in  a  tragic  scene,  or  the  laughter 
in  a  comic  one ;  in  an  epic,  ode,  or  idyl  magnify  or  embellish 
the  characters;  make  your  heroes  always  intrepid,  your  shep- 
hei'desses  always  pretty, — in  a  word,  use  deception,  however 
slight,  in  these  arts,  which  are  all  called  the  art  of  fiction, — and 
no  one  can  feign  illusion  any  longer,  for  every  one  has  been 
placed  on  his  guard.  I  would  here  counsel  authors  of  fiction 
to  remain  tiuthful,  though  they  are  exempt  from  being  exact. 
But  in  history,  to  lie  from  the  foundation,  in  form  and  colour, 
is  intolerable  !  History  does  not  say,  I  am  fiction  ;  it  says,  I 
am  the  truth.  Imagine  any  wise  serious-minded  father,  loved 
and  honoured  by  his  children,  who,  desiring  to  instruct  them, 
should  call  them  together,  and  say, — I  am  going  to  relate  to 
you  what  T,  and  my  father  and  my  grandfather  before  me,  liave 


A  UTHOR  '.S'  PREFA  CE.  x  v 

done  towards  building  up  the  fortunes  and  dignity  of  our 
house.  I  shall  tell  you  their  good  actions,  their  faults,  their 
errors,  everything,  in  fact,  to  enlighten  and  instruct  you  and 
put  you  in  the  path  of  well-being  and  of  honour.  The  chil- 
dren are  all  assembled ;  they  listen  in  religious  silence.  Now, 
can  you  understand  such  a  father  embellishing  his  statements, 
consciously  altering  them,  and  thus  giving  to  the  children  who 
are  so  dear  to  him  a  false  idea  of  the  business,  tlie  pleasures, 
and  the  sorrows  of  life  ? 

History  is  this  father  instructing  his  children.  After  such 
a  definition,  can  you  understand  its  being  made  pretentious, 
exaggerated,  coloured,  or  declamatory  ?  I  submit  to  every- 
thing in  the  way  of  art ;  but  when  it  comes  to  history  the 
slightest  pretentiousness  revolts  me.  In  composition,  drama, 
portraits,  style,  history  should  be  truthful,  simple,  unvarnished. 
Which  is  best  adapted,  among  the  various  types  of  intellect, 
to  preserve  to  it  these  essential  qualities  ?  Evidently  the 
profoundly  intelligent  mind,  which  sees  tilings  as  they  are, 
sees  them  impartially,  and  writes  them  down  as  it  sees  them. 
A  perfect  understanding  of  things  brings  out  their  natural 
beauties,  causing  them  to  be  so  balanced  that  to  add  or  to 
take  away  from  them  would  be  alike  repugnant,  the  sole  aim 
being  to  attain  the  perfection  of  art  hy  reproducing  them  as 
they  are.  Perhaps  I  may  be  permitted  to  make  a  comparison 
in  order  to  bring  out  my  meaning  more  clearly. 

liaphael  painted  fancy  pictures,  principally  of  the  Holy 
Family,  and  poi'tiuits.  The  greatest  critics  difier  as  to 
whether  the  Holy  Families  or  the  portraits  are  the  better, 
without  being  able  to  arrive  at  any  decision.  I  will  not  say 
tliat  in  time  tlie  critics  come  to  prefer  the  portraits,  for  he 
would  be  very  bold  wlio  would  venture  to  judge  between  tliese 
divine  works  :  but  in  the  course  of  time  they  certainly  come 
to  acknowlediic  no  inferiority  between  them,  and  the  most 
celebrated  Madonna  of  liaphael  is  not  prized  above  liis 
simplest  portrait ;  the  poetry  of  the  one  does  not  eflaee  the 
noble  realism  of  the  other.  But  how  did  even  liapliael 
succeed  in  producing  that  remarkable  portrait  of  Leo  X.,  one 
of  the  most  perfect  works  ever  executed  by  the  hand  of  man  ?  ' 
Wlien  painting  a  Holy  Virgin,  tliis  great  genius  sought  in  the 
'   III  tlie  I'itti  I'ahice  of  Florence. 


X vi  A  UTHOB  'S  PREFA  OK 

treasures  of  his  imagination  the  most  chaste  lineaments  he 
knew,  purifying  them  still  more,  and  adding  to  them  the  grace 
which  was  innate  in  his  soul,  and  thus  evolved  one  of  those 
exquisite  heads  which  once  seen  is  never  forgotten.  But 
when  painting  a  portrait,  he  renounced  all  combining,  purify- 
ing, inventive  processes.  In  the  countenance  of  the  old  prince 
of  the  Church,  with  red  and  swollen  nose,  sensual  lineaments, 
small  but  piercing  eyes,  he  saw  nothing  ugly  or  repulsive. 
Seeking  nature,  he  could  admire  it  in  its  reality,  was  careful 
to  alter  nothing,  to  put  into  it  nothing  of  his  own  but  perfect 
correctness  of  drawing,  truth  of  colour,  skilful  adjustment  of 
light — qualities  he  had  observed  in  nature ;  for  even  in  ugli- 
ness she  is  ever  correct  in  drawing,  beautiful  in  colouring, 
striking  in  -effects  of  light. 

History  is  portraiture,  as  the  Madonnas  of  Raphael  are 
poetry.  As  one  examines  a  portrait  of  Eaphael,  struck  with 
the  nature  in  it  and  the  beauty  of  its  perfect  reality,  so  does 
one  become  a  great  historian  by  strictly  confining  oneself  to 
facts,  observing,  contemplating  them  as  the  painter  contem- 
plates nature,  admiring  it  even  in  an  ugly  countenance,  seeking 
his  effects  alone  in  the  perfect  truth  of  his  reproduction. 

History  lias  its  picturesque  side  just  as  painting  has, 
and  the  picturesque  is  in  man,  and  in  events  accurately  and 
profoundly  observed.  For  instance,  open  a  history  of  France, 
take  Henri  IV.,  Louis  XIII.,  Louis  XIY.,  Louis  XY. ;  take 
their  ministers,  their  mistresses,  their  confessors,  Ptichelieu, 
Mazarin,  Louvois,  Colbert,  Choiseul,  IMesdames  de  Montespan, 
de  Maintenon,  de  Pompadour,  Letellier,  Fleury,  Dubois ;  from 
these  powerful,  graceful,  feeble,  or  uncomely  personages  turn 
to  the  heroes — the  fiery  Conde,  the  wise  Turenne,  lighthearted 
A^illars,  as  posterity  designates  them ;  from  these  subordinate 
heroes  pass  on  to  the  nding  ones,  Frederick  the  Great  and 
Xapoleon  :  contemplate  these  figures  as  portraits,  suspended 
in  the  Louvre  of  history,  see  them  as  they  are,  with  their 
grandeur  and  their  misery,  their  charm  and  their  repulsiveness  ! 
Do  you  not  feel  the  same  kind  of  thrill,  when  you  behold  these 
figures  such  as  God  has  created  them,  as  you  do  when  you 
come  across  a  portrait  of  Eaphael,  of  Titian,  or  of  A^elasquez  ? 
Do  you  not  feel  how  under  their  true  characteristics,  sometimes 
sublime,  sometimes  eccentric,  sometimes  coarse,  tliere  lies  the 


A  UTHOR  'S  PREFA  CE.  xvii 

picturesque  beauty  of  nature  ?  Is  there  not  in  Henri  IV., 
with  his  great  mind,  his  chivalrous  calculating  courage,  his 
gracefulness,  goodness  of  heart,  cunning,  and  sensual  appetites  ; 
in  Louis  XIII,,  with  his  awkward  timidity,  his  courage,  his 
submission,  his  revolt  against  the  mighty  minister  to  whom 
he  owes  the  glory  of  his  reign  ;  in  Louis  XIV.,  with  his  vanity, 
his  good  sense,  his  greatness ;  in  Louis  XV.,  with  his  egotism, 
which  dazed  without  blinding  him  ;  in  Ilichelieu,  with  his  piti- 
less spirit ;  in  Mazarin,  with  his  patience  and  depth ;  in  Conde, 
with  his  ardour  illuminated  by  intellitience ;  in  Turenne,  with 
his  bold  prudence  ;  in  Villars,  with  his  talent  for  seizing  oppor- 
tunities ;  in  Frederick,  with  his  arrogant  spirit ;  in  Napoleon, 
with  that  Titanic  genius  which  would  fain  have  scaled  the 
heavens, — is  there  not  in  one  and  all  an  historic  beauty  which 
it  would  be  a  crime  to  touch,  a  crime  to  add  or  take  away 
a  single  trait  ?  "What  is  needed  to  portray  them  ?  To  under- 
stand them.  Once  understood,  one  has  but  one  desire,  to 
study  them  carefully  and  reproduce  them  as  they  are,  and  after 
having  studied  them,  to  study  them  again,  in  order  to  make 
sure  that  one  has  not  neglected  any  single  line  written  on 
the  countenance  by  misfortune,  time,  or  passion,  which  should 
complete  the  truth  of  the  portraiture. 

It  is  the  profound  understanding  of  things  wliich  leads  to 
this  idolatrous  love  of  the  true,  which  painters  and  sculptors 
call  love  of  nature.  They  would  not  alter  in  the  slightest 
degree,  because  to  tlieni  nature  is  above  everything.  In 
poetry  one  selects,  one  does  not  alter  nature ;  in  liistory  one 
has  not  even  the  right  to  select,  the  sole  right  there  is  to 
arrange.  If  truth  be  essential  in  poetry,  it  is  infinitely  more 
so  in  history.  You  would  l)e  interesting,  dramatic,  profound, 
trace  grand  portraits  which  shall  stand  out  from  your  narra- 
tive as  though  from  a  canvas,  and  impress  themseh'cs  upon  the 
memory ;  your  episodes  shall  be  toucliing ;  well,  take  it  as  a 
certainty  that  you  will  be  nothing  of  this,  that  your  narrative 
will  be  forced,  your  scenes  exaggerated,  your  portraits  purely 
academical.  And  do  you  know  why  ?  r>ecause  your  mind 
will  be  preoccupied  with  the  efibrt  to  be  dramatic,  or  graphic. 
Have  but  one  thouglit,  that  of  being  exact ;  study  a  period 
exhaustively,  its  people,  tlieir  characteristics,  vices,  (juarrels, 
tlie  causes  of  difTerence  between  tliem  ;  then  ap])ly  yourself  to 


xviii  AUTHOR'S  PREFACE. 

state  them  simply.  When  a  person  is  on  the  stage,  sketch 
him  in  such  a  manner  as  to  make  the  part  he  plays  proceed 
from  his  character,  but  without  making  any  complaisant  pause 
over  it ;  certain  personages  have  violent  dissensions  among 
themselves :  relate  what  is  necessary  to  make  clear  the  motives 
of  their  differences,  the  why  and  wherefore  thereof,  tlieir  faults 
of  character,  and  do  not  stop  over  them  to  compose  tragedies ; 
go  on,  go  on,  always  as  does  the  world  ;  if  there  be  technical 
details,  give  tlieni :  it  is  just  the  material  in  human  things  that 
must  not  be  omitted,  for  in  real  life  all  is  not  drama,  grand 
bursts  of  passion,  fierce  sword-thrusts ;  there  are  long-drawn- 
out  periods  wliich  precede  great  crises ;  the  collecting  together 
of  men,  of  money,  of  material  which  precede  sanguinary  wars ; 
all  this  must  have  its  place  and  time,  each  must  succeed  the 
other  in  your  recital  as  it  does  in  real  action ;  and  if  your  sole 
thought  has  been  to  be  simply  true,  you  will  have  been  what 
the  events  themselves  have  been,  interesting,  dramatic,  varied, 
instructive,  but  you  will  be  nothing  more  than  they  have  been, 
you  will  be  nothing  but  through  them,  neither  more  nor  less 
than  they  are.  And  do  not  feel  uneasy  about  your  subject, 
whatever  it  may  be.  Fear  neither  its  difficulties,  its  aridity, 
nor  its  obscurities.  God  has  made  the  face  of  the  world  and 
the  mind  of  man  one  for  the  other.  Show  to  man  a  picture 
of  the  world,  and  his  eyes  are  attracted  to  it ;  there  is  but  one 
condition  necessary,  and  that  is,  that  he  should  not  allow  the 
deficiencies  of  his  own  mind  to  influence  liis  view  of  events. 
Take  any  history,  or  portion  of  history,  state  its  facts  accu- 
rately, following  them  up  to  their  natural  consequences  with- 
out false  ornamentation,  and  you  will  be  interestincf,  I  might 
add,  picturesque.  If  in  order  to  systematise  your  narrative 
you  have  not  sought  to  group  them  arbitrarily,  if  you  have 
thoroughly  seized  their  natural  coherence,  they  will  possess 
an  irresistible  fascination,  that  of  a  river  flowino-  throug-h 
meadows.  Doubtless  there  are  rivers  great  and  small,  their 
banks  may  be  smiling  or  dreary,  mean  or  imposing.  And  yet, 
take  them  under  all  aspects,  and  say  whether  every  waterway, 
be  it  river  or  streamlet,  does  not  flow  with  a  certain  natural 
grace — whether  passing  under  such  a  hillock,  sinking  to  the 
horizon  behind  such  a  thicket,  it  has  not  its  striking  effects  ? 
Thus  will  it  be  with  you,  whatever  be  your  subject,  if  you  make 


A  UTHOR  'S  PREFA  GE.  xix 

your  events  succeed  each  other  with  the  easy  flow,  now 
peaceful,  now  precipitate,  of  nature. 

After  such  a  profession  of  faith,  do  I  need  to  say  what  are 
the  conditions  of  style  necessary  for  the  writing  of  history  ?  I 
enunciate  first  and  foremost  the  essential,  that  of  being  neither 
seen  nor  heard.  There  have  been  recently  exhibited  to  the 
astonished  eyes  of  the  public,  among  the  industrial  productions 
of  the  century,  sheets  of  plate-glass  of  extraordinary  dimensions 
and  purity,  before  which  the  Venetians  of  the  fifteenth  century 
would  have  paused  in  amazement,  through  which  could  be 
seen  without  the  slightest  change  of  contour  or  of  colour 
the  innumerable  objects  contained  in  our  great  Paris  Exhi- 
bition. I  have  heard  astonished  onlookers,  not  perceiving 
the  glass,  but  seeing  only  the  framework,  wonder  what  the 
magnificent  frame  could  be  intended  for.  When  informed  of 
their  error,  they  were  lost  in  admiration  of  the  purity  of  the 
glass.  The  fact  of  seeing  glass  proves  it  to  have  a  defect, 
its  merit  being  absolute  transparency.  Such  is  style  in  history. 
The  moment  you  become  aware  of  it,  its  sole  object  being  to 
demonstrate  events,  it  testifies  to  a  defect.  Is  this  perfect 
transparency  of  style  arrived  at,  then,  without  labour  ?  De- 
cidedly not.  If  the  style  be  vulgar  or  pretentious,  if  it  offend 
by  unnecessary  changes  in  names, — for  in  history  the  names 
of  men,  of  places,  and  of  battles  are  given  in  the  language  of 
their  nation,  and  one  cannot  always  find  exact  equivalents 
for  them, — if  style  offend  in  the  slightest  particular,  it  is 
because  the  crystal  has  a  flaw.  To  be  simple,  lucid,  accurate, 
easy,  elevated  at  times  when  the  great  interests  of  humanity 
are  in  question,  is  what  is  required,  and  I  am  convinced  that 
the  choicest,  most  carefully  thought-out  verse  does  not  give 
more  food  for  study  than  a  simple  phrase  in  history  designed 
to  convey  some  technical  detail  without  being  colloquial  or 
commonplace.  But  who  would  take  such  pains,  such  care  and 
devotion  solely  to  obliterate  self  ?  Who  ?  Tlie  intelligent  man. 
who  alone  comprehends  the  one  essential,  which  is  to  lay  all 
before  the  reader  without  ever  bringing  himself  to  tlie  fore.  1 
have  already  said  that  intelligence  alone  is  needed.  I  may  be 
permitted  to  add  yet  a  few  words  on  that  important  subject. 

If  I  experience  a  kind  of  shame  at  the  mere  idea  of 
stating  an  iniiccurate  fact,  I  do  not  feel  less  at  the  idea 
vor,.  I.  h 


XX  A  UTHOB  'S  PRE  FA  CE. 

of  doing  an  injustice  to  the  actors.  When  one  has  been 
judged  oneself,  often  by  an  outsider  knowing  neither  the 
persons  concerned  nor  the  circumstances,  nor  the  questions 
upon  which  he  is  pronouncing  an  ex  cathedrd  judgment, 
one  experiences  as  much  shame  as  disgust  on  becoming 
oneself  a  similar  judge.  When  men  have  shed  their  blood 
for  a  too  often  ungrateful  country,  when  others  have  spent 
their  strength  in  the  consuming  anxieties  of  political  life  for 
it,  whether  or  not  ambition  may  have  been  one  of  their 
motive  powers,  to  pronounce  with  a  stroke  of  the  pen  upon 
the  merit  of  their  blood,  or  of  their  labours,  without  a  due 
knowledge  of  events  or  care  for  truth,  is  a  kind  of  impiety ! 
That  there  should  be  injustice  during  a  lifetime,  well  and 
good !  there  will  be  flatterers  to  counteract  the  work  of  de- 
tractors, albeit  to  noble  hearts  the  inanities  of  flattery  do 
not  counterbalance  the  bitterness  of  calumny  ;  but  after  death, 
let  us  at  least  have  justice ;  justice  alike  free  from  adulation 
or  detraction ;  justice,  if  not  for  the  one  who  vainly  looked 
for  it,  at  least  for  his  children  !  But  who  can  boast  that  in 
history  he  can  hold  the  balance  of  justice  with  a  perfectly  sure 
hand  ?  Alas  !  no  one,  for  they  are  God's  weights  in  men's 
hands.  What  problems,  what  complications  of  problems, 
what  delicate  shades  of  distinction  are  needed,  in  order  to 
be  perfectly  equitable !  Such  a  man  has  done  great  things ; 
but  entirely  on  his  own  initiative  ?  Had  he  no  coadjutors 
to  assist  him,  no  predecessors  to  smooth  the  way  for  him  ? 
Alexander  had  his  father  Philip  before  him,  laudation  of 
whom  filled  him  with  wrath.  Frederick  the  Great  had  his 
father  and  the  Prince  of  Anhalt-Dessau,  who  had  made  the 
Prussian  army  for  him.  Napoleon  had  received  from  the 
French  Eevolution  an  incomparable  army.  Such  a  man  had 
caused  great  evil ;  but  did  the  evil  belong  to  him  personally 
or  to  his  period  ?  Had  he  not  been  carried  away  by  his  times  ? 
Were  not  the  passions  to  which  he  had  yielded  those  of  his 
contemporaries  as  much  as  his  own  ?  Moreover,  if  he  had 
the  misfortune  to  have  caused  the  shedding  of  human  blood, 
must  not  the  time  in  which  he  lived  be  taken  into  account  ? 
Ought  not  one  single  drop  of  blood  in  this  century  of  ours, 
in  which  the  value  of  human  life  is  so  fully  realised,  to  weigh 
almost  as  much  in  the  balance  of  justice  as  a  river  of  blood  in 


A  UTHOR  'S  PREFA CE.  xxi 

the  thirteenth  century  ?  There  are  other  problems  !  Here  we 
find  a  general  of  tried  bravery,  of  quick  and  sure  intelligence, 
who  on  one  fatal  day  loses  his  head,  makes  mistakes,  and 
sacrifices  his  army — there  a  person,  hitherto  always  wise,  who 
one  day,  from  weakness  or  absence  of  mind,  suffers  himself 
to  be  grossly  deceived  !  How  judge  of  such  accidents  ?  And 
how  many  events  are  there  still  more  difficult  to  pronounce 
upon,  in  our  own  national  history ! 

Here  we  have  a  remarkable  young  man  who,  after  ten  years 
of  horrible  anarchy,  comes  before  his  contemporaries  covered 
with  glory  !  Trampling  every  law  under  his  feet — laws,  it  must 
be  conceded,  which  had  never  inspired  respect — he  reaches  to 
supreme  power.  By  his  wisdom,  his  prudence,  his  good  deeds, 
the  wonders  he  accomplishes,  he  becomes  the  idol  of  his  country, 
and  the  admiration  of  the  world.  But  soon  the  intoxication 
of  success  mounts  to  his  head,  he  attacks  Europe,  overwhelms, 
subdues,  oppresses,  revolts  it,  draws  it  down  upon  himself,  and 
falls,  surrounded  by  glory  unparalleled,  into  an  abyss  into  which 
Trance  is  dragged  with  him  !  How  judge  of  such  a  stupendous 
career  ?  Was  he  right,  was  he  wrong  to  have  seized  upon  a 
sceptre  to  which  the  whole  world  invited  him  ?  What  man 
could  have  resisted  such  an  invitation  ?  Did  not  his  fault 
rather  consist  in  the  use  he  made  of  supreme  authority  ?  But 
if  he  be  absolved  from  the  usurpation  of  power  only  to  be 
blamed  for  the  use  made  of  it,  do  we  not  forget  that  in  the 
violent  manner  of  seizing  it  probably  lay  the  germ  of  the 
violent  manner  of  employing  it  ?  Again,  in  this  abuse  of 
victory  which  revolted  the  whole  world,  did  the  fault  lie  exclu- 
sively with  him,  or  with  the  world  against  which  he  fought  ? 
Is  the  crime  of  that  terrible  struggle,  which  caused  more  blood- 
shed than  in  any  other  century,  to  be  laid  all  to  his  charge,  or 
to  the  world's,  or  partly  to  one  and  partly  to  the  other  ?  Is 
the  insatiable  pride  of  the  conqueror,  or  the  implacable  resent- 
ment of  the  conquered,  to  be  taken  into  account  ?  Thus  in  one 
single  life  (remarkably  great,  it  is  true)  there  are  problems  deep 
as  the  human  soul  !     How  resolve  them  ? 

The  first  condition  is  to  extinguish  all  passion  in  one's  soul. 
]3ut  how,  it  will  be  asked,  accomplish  such  a  miracle  ?  It 
might  as  well  be  said  that  you  are  to  be  placetl  befcjre  a  vast 
stage,  unquestionably  the  vastest  of  all,  for  it  is  the  universe 


xxii  AUTHOR'S  PREFACE. 

itself.  Seated  in  front  of  this  stage  you  are  to  see  pass  before 
your  eyes  the  most  illustrious  actors  known,  with  their  great- 
nesses and  littlenesses,  their  terrible  or  laughable  idiosyncrasies, 
and  are  not  to  be  affected  by  one  or  the  other,  to  experience 
neither  indignation,  nor  love,  nor  hatred,  nor  feelings  of  ridicule  ! 
Thus  to  stultify  the  human  soul  is  beyond  the  bounds  of  pos- 
sibility, nor  is  it  desirable.  But  is  it  not  possible  to  destroy 
passion  without  destroying  sentiment  ?  It  seems  to  me  that 
it  is  so,  and  that  the  way  in  which  to  accomplish  it  is  to  exalt 
the  mind  by  the  assiduous  study  of  history.  Place  yourself 
before  the  arena  of  human  actions  ;  meditate  upon  them  un- 
ceasingly ;  get  to  understand,  to  grasp  them  ;  live  with  the 
men  of  the  past  and  of  the  present ;  take  account  of  their 
weaknesses  ;  in  order  better  to  understand  them,  think  of  your 
own  ;  and  by  a  knowledge  of  mankind  you  will  become,  if  not 
impassive,  at  any  rate  just  and  equitable.  All  bitterness  will 
of  a  certainty  have  been  expunged  from  your  heart.  Accord- 
ing to  your  natural  bias  you  may  feel  a  preference  for  Turenne 
or  for  Condo,  for  Eichelieu  or  for  Mazarin,  but  your  reason, 
independent  of  your  instincts,  will  soar  above  your  feelings,  and 
will  pronounce  judgments  befitting  poor  humanity  whilst  still 
awaiting  that  of  the  Supreme  Judge.  If  you  happen  to  be  in- 
dulgent or  severe  by  nature,  something  of  it  may  appear,  not 
in  the  groundwork,  but  in  the  form,  of  your  judgments.  You 
may  be  sad  like  Guicciardini  or  Tacitus,  but,  like  them,  you 
will  possess  that  justice  which  proceeds  from  reason.  Thus 
I  return  to  my  first  proposition  :  possess  yourself  of  an  un- 
derstanding for  human  events,  and  you  will  have  what  is 
needed  in  order  to  relate  them  with  clearness,  variety,  depth, 
order,  and  justice. 

As  for  me,  I  have  spent  five-and-twenty  years  in  public 
life,  and  more  than  thirty  in  the  study  of  history.  I  have 
been  especially  attracted  by  the  annals  of  my  own  times,  or 
rather  of  those  which  ended  when  my  youth  began.  After 
liaving  written  the  History  of  tlie  French  Eevolution,  I  have 
endeavoured  to  write  that  of  the  Consulate  and  the  Empire. 
The  History  of  the  French  Eevolution  is  known,  and — ^judging, 
at  least,  from  the  number  of  copies  that  have  been  sold  of  it — 
I  may  say  that  it  has  been  read  in  my  generation.  I  have 
already  published  a  great  portion  of  that  of  the  Empire ;   I 


A  UTHOB  'S  PRE  FA  CE.  xxiii 

am  now  about  to  publish  the  remainder.  It  has  to  be  known 
and  judged.  I  cannot  tell  what  may  be  the  public  verdict 
upon  it,  but  there  will  be  this  one  opinion,  if  I  am  not  greatly 
mistaken — that  it  bears  the  impress  of  a  deep  sentiment  of 
justice  and  of  truth.  I  began  it  in  1840,  under  a  king  whom 
I  served  and  loved,  while,  at  the  same  time,  I  differed  from 
him  on  certain  points  ;  I  have  continued  it  under  the  Ilepublic, 
and  I  finish  it  under  the  Empire  re-established  by  the  nephew 
of  the  great  man  whose  life  I  have  written.  I  cherish,  how- 
ever, one  hope,  and  that  is,  that  no  one  will  perceive  any 
trace  of  these  different  epochs  in  my  writings,  not  alone  in 
the  groundwork  of  my  judgments,  but  even  in  the  tone  of  my 
language.  When  one  stands  in  the  presence  of  mighty  actions, 
of  stupendous  prosperity  or  adversity,  which  have  had  un- 
speakable consequences  for  the  world  in  general,  and  which 
bear  upon  themselves  undying  beauties  and  horrors, — to  think 
of  self  at  such  a  moment  shows  a  feebleness  either  of  character 
or  of  spirit  of  which  I  flatter  myself  that  I  have  never  been 
guilty.  I  trust,  therefore,  that  there  will  appear  in  my  history 
no  trace  of  the  time  when  I  was  in  power,  when  I  was  exiled, 
or  when  I  was  tranquilly  happy  in  retirement ;  and  that  my 
reason,  calm,  benevolent,  and  just,  at  least  in  intention,  will 
alone  appear  in  my  narrative.  I  do  not  say  that  my  personal 
opinions  will  not  be  made  manifest — nay,  I  should  be  greatly 
ashamed  were  they  not — but  they  will  be  found  to  be  the  same 
in  the  last  volume  as  they  were  in  the  first. 

I  have  ever  loved  the  true  greatness  which  rests  upon  tlie 
possible,  and  the  true  liberty  which  is  compatible  with  the 
infirmities  of  human  societies.  These  feelings  were  born  and 
will  die  with  me,  and  I  have  not  divested  myself  of  them  in 
order  to  write  the  History  of  Napoleon  ;  but  I  do  not  think 
that  they  have  detracted  from  the  rectitude  of  my  judgment 
of  him ;  rather  do  1  think  they  have  contributed  to  elucidate 
it.  No  human  being  in  the  world's  history  has  seemed  to  me 
to  unite  in  himself  qualities  so  mighty  and  so  diverse  ;  nor, 
after  having  meditated  upon  the  end  of  his  career,  have  I 
changed  my  opinion.  But  on  beginning  his  history  I  tliought, 
as  I  do  now  at  its  close,  that  it  was  the  abuse  of  those 
great  (qualities  which  caused  his  fall ;  and  I  thouglit,  as  I 
do  at   this   day,   tliat   it  was  the    impetuosity   of    his   genius, 


xxiv  AUTHOR'S  PREFACE. 

joined  to  want  of  control,  which  caused  his  misfortunes  and 
ours.  While  profoundly  admiring  him,  while  feeling  power- 
fully attracted  towards  that  nature,  so  great,  so  spirited  and 
so  ardent,  I  have  ever  regretted  that  the  natural  intemperance 
of  his  character,  and  the  liberty  accorded  him  to  indulge  in 
it,  should  have  thus  precipitated  him  to  his  ruin.  In  a 
poetical  aspect  he  is  not  the  less  striking,  rather  more  so. 
In  all  that  concerns  politics  and  patriotism,  he  deserves  a 
judgment  just  but  severe.  But  in  every  epoch  of  his  career 
I  have  striven  to  describe  him  as  he  was,  and  such  he  will  be 
seen,  I  am  convinced,  in  my  later  chapters  :  pushing  the  blind- 
ness of  success  to  madness  in  1 8 1 1  and  1 8  1 2  in  his  expedi- 
tion into  the  depths  of  Eussia ;  bringing  to  bear  upon  that  fatal 
invasion  powers  of  conception  most  extraordinary,  but  weaken- 
ing in  execution ;  astounded  even  during  the  retreat  by  the 
unexpected  blow  which  had  struck  him  ;  awaking  on  the  banks 
of  the  Beresina,  and  from  that  day  rousing  himself  under  the 
stimulus  of  ill-fortune  ;  displaying  in  1 8  i  3  the  most  prodigious 
powers  in  order  to  regain  success,  but  deceiving  himself  as  to 
the  attitude  of  the  world ;  even  in  that  year  injudicious  in  his 
policy,  but  magnificent  in  warfare,  and  admirable  in  the  midst 
of  the  greatest  reverses — misunderstood  hitherto,  because  the 
true  facts  have  been  unknown ;  rising  with  greater  majesty 
than  ever  in  1 8  1 4,  but  at  that  time  in  no  way  deceived  as  to 
Europe,  as  to  Fiance,  or  as  to  himself ;  knowing  that  he  stood 
alone,  alone  against  every  one ;  right  for  the  first  time  in  his 
policy  against  his  wisest  counsellors ;  choosing  rather  to  succumb 
than  to  accept  a  France  less  powerful  than  he  had  received  her  ; 
understanding  with  as  great  depth  as  nobility  of  spirit  that  a 
vanquished  France  would  stand  higher  under  the  sceptre  of 
the  Bourbons  than  under  his  own ;  still  fighting,  but  fighting 
alone,  and,  although  divested  of  all  other  illusions,  preserving 
one  last  confidence,  confidence  in  his  art — a  confidence  as  great 
as  was  his  genius — and  justifying  it  so  well  that,  although  in 
the  wrong  against  the  whole  world,  having  France  no  longer 
with  him,  having  at  his  side  a  mere  handful  of  soldiers  who 
liad  nobly  sworn  to  die  under  his  standard, — he  thus  weighs 
for  one  moment  in  the  scales  of  Destiny  as  heavily  as  do 
reason,  justice,  and  truth  ! 

Before    such    a   spectacle,   such    a   man,    such    events,    to 


A  UTHOR  'S  PEEFA  CE.  xxv 

experience  any  inclination  to  lessen  or  increase  such  or  such 
a  circumstance  in  order  to  gratify  personal  sentiment  would 
be  the  most  signal  of  puerilities.  I  am  convinced  that  my 
character  is  free  from  any  such  meanness. 

Napoleon's  genius  is  therefore  out  of  court  in  the  judgment 
of  history.  What  is  not,  in  my  opinion,  is  the  licence  left 
him  to  will  and  do  all.  My  conviction  on  this  point  dates 
not  from  1855  or  1852,  but  from  the  first  day  I  began  to 
think.  To  be  enabled  to  accomplish  all  one  can  will  is,  to 
my  mind,  the  greatest  of  misfortunes.  Those  judges  who  see 
in  Napoleon  a  man  of  genius,  do  not  see  all ;  he  should  be 
recognised  as  one  of  the  most  reasonable  minds  that  ever 
existed,  and  yet  he  ends  by  being  one  of  the  maddest  of 
politicians.  Despotism  can  effect  any  and  everything  upon 
the  mind  of  men,  for  it  could  pervert  the  natural  good  sense 
of  Napoleon.  This  conviction  w^ill  consequently  be  traced 
through  my  history ;  how  could  it  be  otherwise  ?  It  is  forty 
years  since  I  began  to  think,  and  I  have  ever  thought  the 
same  thing.  I  know  well  that  it  will  be  said  to  be  a  life  pre- 
judice with  me :  let  it  be  so ;  I  shall  reply,  it  truly  has  been 
tlie  prejudice  of  my  whole  life.  I  would  only  ask  from  certain 
minds  that  kind  of  excuse.  I  know  all  the  dangers  of  liberty, 
and  what  is  worse,  its  miseries.  And  who  should  understand 
them,  if  those  who,  having  attempted  to  sound  them,  have  gone 
aground,  did  not  know  them  ?  But  something  there  is  even 
worse,  and  that  is,  the  unbounded  power  of  action  left  even 
to  the  best,  even  to  the  wisest  of  men.  It  is  often  said  that 
liberty  impedes  this  or  that  action,  the  raising  of  such  a 
monument  or  the  execution  of  such  a  deed  in  the  \vr»rld. 
Long  reflection  has  led  me  to  think  that  if  sometimes  goveni- 
ments  have  need  to  be  stimulated  to  action,  more  often  they 
need  to  be  restrained  ;  that  if  sometimes  they  tend  to  inaction, 
they  more  often  in  matters  of  policy,  or  war,  or  expense,  are 
led  to  undertake  too  much ;  and  that  a  little  restraint  is 
never  a  misfortune.  True,  it  may  be  added,  "  But  who  shall 
keep  within  bounds  this  liberty  designed  to  restrict  the  })Ower 
of  one  man  ? "  I  reply  unhesitatingly,  everybody.  I  well 
know  that  a  whole  country  may  sometimes  go  wrong,  and  I 
have  seen  it ;  but  it  does  not  go  wronu'  so  often,  nor  so  utterly, 
as  does  one  man. 


XX vi  A  UTHOB  'S  FEEFA  CE. 

I  see  that  I  am  forgetting  myself,  and  hasten  to  assure  the 
reader  that  I  have  no  wish  to  convince  him.  I  have  merely  de- 
sired to  explain  the  reason  of  an  opinion,  the  traces  of  which  will 
be  found  in  this  history ;  an  opinion  which  age  and  experience 
have  not  weakened,  and  which,  I  dare  affirm,  personal  interest 
has  not  sustained  in  me.  Indeed,  did  I  venture  to  allude  to 
myself  personally,  I  should  say  that  never  have  I  been  happier 
than  since  the  period  when,  retired  from  public  life,  I  have 
been  able  to  return  to  my  former  occupation,  that  of  the 
assiduous  and  impartial  study  of  human  events.  Certain  minds 
may  be  unwilling  to  believe  me,  and  they  have  a  right  to  their 
opinion,  as  I,  in  my  turn,  should  be  disposed  to  disbelieve  them 
when  they  declare  themselves  to  be  disinterested  in  their  pro- 
fessions concerning  the  excellence  of  absolute  power.  I  ask 
pardon  for  having,  for  a  moment,  descended  from  the  exalted 
region  of  history  to  enter  that  of  contemporaneous  controversy. 
I  desired,  I  would  repeat,  in  stating  the  opinion  which  will  be 
apparent  in  this  book,  to  excuse  my  persistence  in  those  con- 
victions of  mine  which  go  back  to  the  early  years  of  my  life. 
I  am  convinced  that  in  these  later  volumes  will  be  recognised 
an  historian  who  is  an  ardent  admirer  of  the  great  Napoleon, 
the  most  ardent  friend  to  France,  who,  while  deploring  that 
this  remarkable  man  was  so  unfettered  in  action,  even  to  his 
own  destruction,  is  immensely  grateful  to  him  that  he  left  to 
us,  in  leaving  us  glory,  that  seed  of  heroes,  that  precious  seed, 
which  has  sprung  forth  again  in  our  land  and  has  given  to  us 
the  conquerors  of  Sebastopol.  Yes,  even  without  him,  our 
soldiers,  his  pupils,  have  been  as  great,  as  victorious  as  they 
were  of  yore  under  him  !  May  they  ever  be  so,  and  may  our 
armies,  whatever  be  the  government  directing  them,  be  ever 
triumphant !  The  best  compensation  for  being  of  no  account 
in  one's  country  is  to  see  that  country  taking  the  place  in  the 
world  to  which  it  is  entitled. 

A.  THIEES. 

Pari?*,  October  lo,  1855. 


CONTENTS   OF   VOL.   I. 


AUTilOR'S  PkEFACE 


BOOK  I. 

COXSTITUTIOX   OF   THE   YEAR   YIII, 


The  Provisional  Consuls  enter  upon  their  Functions- — Division  of  Duties 
between  Siey5s  and  General  Bonaparte — The  General  secures  for 
himself  the  Administration  of  Affairs,  and  leaves  the  Digesting  of  the 
new  Constitution  to  Sieyos — State  of  France  in  Brumaire,  Year  VIII. 
— Disorder  in  the  Administration  of  the  Finances — Extreme  Desti- 
tution of  the  Armies — Disturbances  in  La  Vendee — Agitation  of  the 
Revolutionary  Party  in  some  of  the  Cities  of  the  South — First  Efforts 
of  the  Provisional  Consuls  to  restore  Order  in  the  different  Depart- 
ments of  the  Government — Appointment  of  Cambacoros  to  the 
Ministry  of  Justice,  Laplace  to  the  Ministry  of  the  Interior,  F'oucho 
to  the  Ministry  of  the  Police,  Talleyrand  to  the  Ministry  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  Berthier  to  the  Ministry  of  War,  Forfait  to  the  Ministry 
of  the  Marino,  Gaudin  to  the  Ministry  of  the  Finances — F'irst 
Financial  Measures — Suppression  of  the  Progressive  I'orced  Loan 
— Institution  of  the  Agency  of  Direct  Contributions,  and  immediate 
preparation  of  the  Assessments  left  in  Arrear  for  several  Years — 
Creation  of  Bonds  of  the  Receivers-general — Confidence  begins  to 
be  Restored  ;  the  Bankers  of  Paris  lend  the  Government  the  first 
Funds  that  it  has  need  of — Relief  sent  to  tlie  Armies — Political  Acts 
of  the  Provisional  Consuls — Repeal  of  the  Law  of  Hostages  ;  Release 
of  the  Priests  in  Confinement,  and  of  the  Persons  shipwrecked  off 
Calais — Parleys  with  the  Chiefs  of  the  Royalist  Party — Susjien- 
sion  of  Arms  in  La  Vendee  concluded  with  Messrs.  de  Bourmont, 
d'Autichamp,  and  de  Cluitillon — Commencement  of  Relations  with 
F'oreign  Cabinets — State  of  Euroj)e — England  and  Austria  bent  on 
continuing  the  War — Paul  I.,  irritated  against  his  Allies,  is  disposed 
to  withdraw  from  the  Coalition,  and  to  accede  to  the  System  of 
Neutrality  adopted  by  Prussia  —  Importance  of  Prussia  at  that 
Moment — General  Bonaparte  sends  liis  Aide-de-Camp,  Duroc,  to 
Berlin — Rumours  of  Peace— Sensible  Improvement  in  the  material 
and  moral  State  of  France,  in  consequence  of  the  first  Acts  of  the 
Provisional  Consuls — The  Subject  of  the  Constitution  begins  to  be 
taken  u]) — Plan  of  Sieyes  long  ])efore  Projected  and  Matured — Lists 
of  Notables,  the  Conservative  Senate,  the  Legislative  Body,  tlie 
Tribunate,  the  Grand  F'lector — Disagreement  between  Sieyes  and 
Bonaparte  relative  to  the  Organisation  of  the  Executive  l^ower — 
Danger  of  a  Rupture  between  those  two  Personages — They  are 
reconciled  through  the  Mediation  of  F'riends — 'l"he  Grand  Elector 
superseded  by  Three  Consuls — Adoption  of  tlie  Constitution  of  the 
Year  ^'^I.,  and  tlie  Commencement  of  its  Operation  fixed  for  the 
4th  of  Nivose        ........... 


xxviii  CONTENTS. 

BOOK  IT. 

INTERNAL   GOVERNMENT. 

PAGE 

Definitive  Establishment  of  the  Consular  Government — Composition  of  the 
Senate,  of  the  Legislative  Body,  of  the  Tribunate,  and  of  the  Council 
of  State  (Coiiseild' Etat) — The  First  Consul's  Manifesto  to  the  Powers 
of  Europe — Public  Offers  of  Peace  made  to  England  and  to  Austria — 
Proclamation  addressed  to  La  Vendee — Opening  of  the  first  Session 
— Germs  of  Opposition  in  the  Tribunate — Speeches  of  the  Tribunes 
Duveyrier  and  Benjamin  Constant — A  considerable  Majority  ap- 
proves the  Measures  of  the  Consuls  —  Numerous  Laws  for  the 
Organisation  of  Public  Bodies — Institution  of  Pre^fectures  and  of 
Sub-Prefectures— Creation  of  Tribunals  of  First  Instance,  and  of 
Appeal — The  List  of  Emigrants  closed  and  discontinued — Restora- 
tion of  the  Right  to  dispose  of  Property  by  Will — Law  relating  to 
Income  and  Expenditure— The  Bank  of  France — Sequel  of  Negotia- 
tions with  European  Powers — Refusal  of  England  to  entertain  the 
Proposals  of  Peace — Warm  Debate  on  this  Subject  in  the  British 
Parliament — The  Refusal  of  Austria  couched  in  milder,  but  not 
less  firm  Terms  than  that  of  England — Necessity  for  recommencing 
Hostilities — On  the  Rejection  of  his  Overtures  by  the  Belligerent 
Powers,  the  First  Consul  endeavours  to  propitiate  Prussia,  and 
frankly  explains  his  Views — He  strives  to  bring  the  War  in  La 
Vendee  to  a  close  before  commencing  the  Camiiaign  of  1800 — 
Position  of  Parties  in  La  Vendue — Proceedings  of  the  Abbe  Ber- 
nier — Peace  of  Montfaucon — Messrs.  d'Autichamp,  de  Chatillon, 
de  Bourmont,  and  Georges  Cadoudal  proceed  to  Paris  and  see  the 
First  Consul — M.  de  Frottd  is  shot — Final  Submission  of  La  Vendee 
— Troops  are  put  in  March  for  the  Frontiers — The  Session  of  the  Year 
VIII.  closes  in  Quiet^Police  Regulations  in  regard  to  the  Press — 
Funeral  Ceremony  on  the  Occasion  of  the  Death  of  Washington 
— The  First  Consul  takes  up  his  Abode  at  the  Palace  of  the 
Tuileries  .............       63 


BOOK  III. 

ULM   AND    GENOA. 

Preparations  for  War — Forces  of  the  Coalition  in  iSoo— Army  of  Baron 
Melas  in  Liguria  ;  of  Maishal  Kray  in  Swabia — Plan  of  the  Cam- 
paign of  the  Austrians — Importance  of  Switzerland  in  this  War — 
Plan  of  General  Bonaparte — He  forms  the  Resolution  to  make  use 
of  Switzerland,  in  order  to  debouch  on  the  Flank  of  Kray,  and  in 
the  Rear  of  Melas — The  Part  which  he  destines  for  Moreau,  and 
that  Avhich  he  destines  for  Himself — Creation  of  the  Army  of  Re- 
serve— Instructions  to  Masscna — Commencement  of  Hostilities — 
Melas  attacks  the  Army  of  Liguria  on  the  Apennines,  and  divides 
it  into  two  Halves,  one  of  which  is  driven  back  towards  the  Var, 
the  other  upon  Genoa — Description  of  Genoa — Massena,  blocked 
up  in  Genoa,  prepares  for  an  obstinate  Resistance — Heroic  Com- 
bats of  Massena — The  First  Consul  urges  Moreau  to  commence 
Operations  in  Germany,  that  he  may  be  able  to  succour  Massena 
the  sooner — Passage  of  the  Rhine  at  four  Points — Moreau  suc- 
ceeds in  concentrating  three  out  of  four  Corps,  and  falls  upon  the 
Austrians  at  Engcn  and  Stockach — Battles  of  Engen  and  Mijskirch 


CONTENTS.  xxix 


— Retreat  of  the  Austrians  upon  the  Danube — St.  Cyr's  engage- 
ment at  Biberach — Kray  posts  himself  in  the  entrenched  Camp  of 
Ulm — Moreau  manoeuvres  to  dislodge  him — False  Movements  of 
Moreau  ;  but  not  productive  of  any  disastrous  Result — Moreau  de- 
finitiveh-  shuts  up  Kray  in  Ulm,  and  takes  a  strong  Position  in 
Advance  of  Augsburg,  to  wait  the  Result  of  Events  in  Italy — 
Summary  of  Moreau's  Operations— Character  of  that  General         .       127 


BOOK    IV. 

MARENGO. 

Impatience  of  the  First  Consul  for  News  from  Germany — On  receiving 
Intelligence  of  Moreau's  Success,  he  resolves  to  set  out  for  Italy — 
Extreme  Distress  of  the  Garrison  of  Genoa — Fortitude  of  Massdna 
— The  First  Consul  hastens  to  his  Relief  and  to  execute  the  Plan  of 
crossing  the  High  Alps — Departure  of  the  First  Consul ;  his  sham 
Visit  to  Dijon  ;  his  Arrival  at  Martigny,  in  the  Valais — Choice  of 
the  St.  Bernard  for  crossing  the  Great  Chain — Means  devised  for 
forwarding  the  Artillery,  the  Ammunition,  the  Provisions,  and  the 
whole  of  the  MaUriel — Commencement  of  the  Passage — Inexpres- 
sible Difficulties  surmounted  by  the  Enthusiasm  of  the  Troops — 
Unexpected  Obstacle  of  Fort  de  Bard — Surprise  and  Mortification 
of  the  Army  at  the  Sight  of  that  Fort,  deemed  at  first  Impregnable 
— The  Infantry  and  the  Cavalry  make  a  Circuit  and  avoid  the  Ob- 
stacle— The  Artillery  drawn  on  hx  Hand  under  the  Fire  of  the  Fort 
— Ivrea  taken — The  Army  deploys  on  the  Plains  of  Piedmont  before 
the  Austrians  are  aware  of  its  Existence  and  its  March— Simul- 
taneous Passage  of  the  St.  Got  hard  by  the  Detachment  from  Ger- 
many— Plan  of  General  Bonaparte,  when  once  in  Lombardy — He 
determines  to  proceed  to  Milan,  to  rally  the  Troops  from  Ger- 
many, and  to  envelop  Mclas — The  long  Illusions  of  Melas  suddenly 
destroyed — Mortification  of  that  old  General— His  Orders  for  Eva- 
cuating the  Banks  of  the  Var  and  the  Environs  of  Genoa — ^Last 
Extremities  of  Massdna — The  absolute  Impossibility  of  feeding  the 
Soldiers  and  the  Inhabitants  of  Genoa  compels  him  to  Surrender — 
Honourable  Capitulation — The  Austrians,  having  taken  Genoa,  con- 
centrate themselves  in  Piedmont — Importance  of  the  Route  from 
Alexandria  to  Piacenza — Eagerness  of  both  Armies  to  occupy 
Piacenza — The  French  arrive  there  first — Position  of  La  Stradella 
chosen  by  the  First  Consul  for  enveloping  Melas — Halt  of  some 
Days  in  that  Position — Conceiving  that  the  Austrians  have  Escaped 
him,  the  First  Consul  goes  in  Quest  of  them,  and  falls  in  with  them 
unexpectedly  in  the  Plain  of  Marengo— Battle  of  Marengo,  lost 
and  regained — Happy  Inspiration  of  Desaix,  and  his  Death — Grief 
of  the  First  Consul — Despair  of  the  Austrians,  and  Convention  of 
Alexandria,  by  which  they  give  up  Italy  and  all  its  Fortresses  to 
the  French  Army — The  First  Consul  is  employed  for  some  Days 
at  Milan  in  settling  the  Affairs  of  Italy — Conclave  at  Venice,  and 
Elevation  of  Pius  VII.  to  the  Papacy — Return  of  the  First  Consul 
to  Paris — Enthusiasm  excited  by  his  Presence — Operations  on  the 
Danube— Passage  of  that  River  below  Ulm — Victory  of  Hochstctt 
— Moreau  conquers  all  Bavaria  as  far  as  the  Inn — Armistice  in 
Ciermany  as  well  as  in  Italy — Commencement  of  Negotiations  for 
Peace — Arrival  of  M.  St.  Julien,  sent  by  the  Emperor  of  Germany 
to  Paris — Fete  of  the  14th  of  July  at  the  Invalides  .         .         .         .195 


XXX  CONTENTS. 

BOOK-  V. 

11  E  L  I  0  P  0  L  I  S. 

Page 
State  of  Egypt  after  the  Departure  of  General  Bonaparte — ProfoundGrief 
of  the  Army  :  its  Desire  to  return  to  France— Kleber  excites,  instead 
of  repressing,  that  Feeling — His  Report  on  the  State  of  the  Colony 
— This  Report,  destined  for  the  Directory,  is  received  by  the  First 
Consul — Falsehoods  with  which  it  is  filled — Great  Resources  of  the 
Colony,  and  Facility  of  securing  it  to  France— Kleber,  influenced 
by  the  feeling  which  he  had  encouraged,  is  induced  to  treat  with 
the  Turks  and  the  English — Culpable  Convention  of  El-Arisch, 
stipulating  the  Evacuation  of  Egypt — Refusal  of  the  English  to 
execute  that  Convention  :  they  calculate  upon  obliging  the  French 
Army  to  lay  down  its  Arms — Noble  Indignation  of  Kleber — Rup- 
ture of  the  Armistice  and  Battle  of  Heliopolis — Dispersion  of 
the  Turks — Kldber  pursues  them  to  the  Frontiers  of  Syria — The 
Vizir's  Camp  taken— New  Distribution  of  the  Army  in  Lower 
Egypt — Return  of  Kleber  to  Cairo,  to  reduce  that  City,  which  had 
risen  in  his  Rear — His  skilful  Temporising — Having  collected  his 
Means,  he  attacks  and  retakes  Cairo — General  Submission — Alli- 
ance with  Murad  Bey — Kleber,  who  thought  it  impossible  to  keep 
Egypt  when  subdued,  reconquers  it  in  thirty-five  Days  from  the 
Turkish  Forces  and  the  revolted  Egyptians — His  Faults  gloriously 
repaired — Emotion  of  the  Mussulman  Populations  on  learning  that 
Egypt  is  in  the  Hands  of  the  Infidels — A  Fanatic  travels  from 
Palestine  to  Cairo  to  assassinate  Kleber — Lamentable  Death  of  the 
latter,  and  its  Consequences  for  the  Colony — Present  Tranquillity — 
Kleber  and  Desaix  both  killed  on  the  same  Day — Characters  and 
Lives  of  those  two  Warriors        ........       273 


BOOK    Yl. 

ARMISTICE. 

Vast  Preparations  for  Succouring  the  Army  in  Egypt — Arrival  of  M.  de 
St.  Julien  at  Paris —Impatience  of  the  French  Cabinet  to  treat 
with  him — Notwithstanding  the  Insufticiency  of  M.  de  St.  Julien's 
Powers,  Talleyrand  induces  him  to  sign  preliminary  Articles  of 
Peace — M.  de  St.  Julien  signs  and  sets  out  with  Duroc  for  Vienna 
— State  of  Prussia  and  Russia — Clever  Expedient  of  the  First  Consul 
in  regard  to  the  Emperor  Paul — He  sends  back  to  him  six  thousand 
Prisoners  without  Ransom,  and  offers  him  the  Island  of  Malta — 
Enthusiasm  of  Paul  I.  for  General  Bonaparte,  and  Mission  of  M.  de 
Sprengporten  to  Paris — New  League  of  the  Neutral  Powers — The 
four  great  Questions  of  Maritime  Law — Reconciliation  with  the 
Holy  See — The  Court  of  Spain,  and  its  Intimacy  with  the  First 
Consul — Sketch  of  the  internal  State  of  that  Court — General 
Berthier  sent  to  Madrid — This  Representative  of  the  First  Consul 
negotiates  a  Treaty  with  Charles  lY.  by  which  Tuscany  would  fall 
to  the  House  of  Parma,  and  Louisiana  to  France — Erection  of  the 
Kingdom  of  Etruria — France  reinstates  herself  in  the  Favour  of 
the  European  Powers — Arrival  of  M.  de  St.  Julien  at  Vienna — 
Astonishment  of  his  Court  when  apprised  of  the  Preliminary 
Articles  signed  without  Powers — Embarrassment  of  the  Cabinet  of 
Vienna,  which  had  engaged  not  to  treat  without  England — Disa- 
vowal of  M.  de  St.  Julien — Attempt  at  a  joint  Negotiation,  com- 


C0NTI:NTS.  xxxi 


prehending  England  and  Austria — For  the  Admission  of  England 
into  the  Negotiation,  the  First  Consul  requires  a  Naval  Armistice, 
which  would  enable  him  to  succour  Egypt — England  refuses,  not 
to  treat,  but  to  grant  the  proposed  Armistice — The  First  Consul 
then  insists  on  a  direct  and  immediate  Negotiation  with  Austria,  or 
the  Resumption  of  Hostilities— Manner  in  which  he  has  Profited 
by  the  Suspension  of  Arms  to  put  the  French  Armies  on  a  for- 
midable Footing — Alarm  of  the  Austrians,  and  cession  of  the 
Fortresses  of  Philipsburg,  Ulm,  and  Ingolstadt,  to  obtain  a  Pro- 
longation of  the  Continental  Armistice— Convention  of  Hohen- 
linden,  granting  a  fresh  Suspension  of  Arms  for  forty-five  Days — 
Appointment  of  M.  de  Cobentzel  as  Envoy  to  the  Congress  of  Lune- 
ville — Festival  of  the  ist  of  Venddmiaire — Removal  of  Turenne's 
remains  to  the  Invalides — The  First  Consul  devotes  the  Leisure  left 
him  by  the  Interruption  of  Hostilities  in  attending  to  the  internal 
Administration — Success  of  his  Financial  Measures — Prosperity  of 
the  Bank  of  France — Payment  of  the  Stockholders  in  Cash— Repair 
of  the  Roads— Return  of  the  Priests — Difficulties  respecting  the 
Celebration  of  Sunday  and  Decadi — New  Measures  in  regard  to 
the  Emigrants — Posture  of  Parties — Their  Dispositions  towards  the 
First  Consul — The  Revolutionists  and  the  Royalists — Policy  of  the 
Government  towards  them — Conllicting  Influences  about  the  First 
Consul — Parts  acted  by  Messrs.  Fouch(5,  de  Talleyrand,  and  Cam- 
bac^r5s — The  Bonaparte  Family — Letters  of  Louis  XVIII.  to  the 
First  Consul,  and  Answer  to  that  Prince — Plot  of  Ceracchi  and 
Arena — Public  Sensation  created  by  the  Discovery  of  this  Plot- 
Imprudent  Friends  of  the  First  Consul  wish  to  make  a  Handle  of 
it  to  raise  him  too  soon  to  the  Supreme  Power — Pamphlet  written 
in  that  Spirit  by  M.  de  Fontanes — Necessity  for  Disavowing  that 
Pamphlet — Lucien  Bonaparte  removed  from  the  Ministry  of  the 
Interior,  and  sent  to  Spain 312 


BOOK  VII. 

IIOHENLINDEN. 

Peace  with  the  United  States  and  with  the  Barbary  Regencies — Meet- 
ing of  the  Congress  of  Luneville — M.  de  Cobentzel  declines  a 
separate  Negotiation,  and  insists  at  least  on  the  Presence  of  an 
English  Plenipotentiary,  to  mask  the  real  Negotiation  between 
Austria  and  France — The  First  Consul,  with  a  view  to  hasten  the 
Conclusion,  orders  the  Renewal  of  Hostilities — Plan  of  the  Winter 
Campaign — Moreau  is  directed  to  cross  tlie  Inn,  and  to  March  for 
"\'ienna — Macdonald,  with  a  second  Army  of  Reserve,  has  Oiders  to 
pass  from  the  Grisons  into  tlie  Tyrol — Brune,  with  eighty  thousand 
Men,  is  destined  to  force  the  Adigc  and  the  Mincio — Plan  of  the 
young  Archduke  John,  apfjointed  Generalissimo  of  the  Austrian 
Armies — His  Plan  for  turning  Moreau  miscarries  tlirough defective 
Execution — He  halts  l)y  the  way,  and  purposes  to  attack  Moreau 
in  the  Forest  of  Hohcnlinden— Admirable  Slanoeuvrc  of  Morcau's 
executed  in  a  superior  Manner  by  Richepanse — Memorable  Battle 
of  Hohenlinden — Important  Results  of  that  Battle — Passage  of  tlie 
Inn,  the  Salza,  tlie  Traun,  and  the  Eniis — Armistice  of  Steyer — 
Austria  promises  to  sign  the  Peace  immediately — Operations  in  the 
Alps  and  in  Italy — Macdonald  crosses  the  Splugen,  despite  the 
Perils  and  Hardships  of  Winter — His  Arrival  in  the  Italian  Tyrol 
Disjiositions  of  Bruno  for  crossing  tlie  Jlincio  at  two  Points — 
Defect    in    Ihose  Dispositions — General  Dupont   attem])ts  a  first 


xxxii  CONTENTS. 


Passage  at  Pozzolo,  and  draws  upon  himself  alone  the  Main  Body 
of  the  Austrian  Army — The  Mincio  is  forced  after  a  useless  Effusion 
of  Blood — Passage  of  the  Mincio  and  the  Adige — Fortunate  Escape 
of  General  Laudon  in  consequence  of  a  Falsehood — The  Austrians, 
being  Beaten,  propose  an  Armistice  in  Italy — Signature  of  that 
Armistice  at  Treviso — Renewal  of  Negotiations  at  Luneville — The 
Principle  of  a  separate  Peace  admitted  by  M.  de  Cobentzel — The 
First  Consul  requires  Austria  to  pay  the  Expenses  of  this  second 
Campaign,  and  imposes  harder  Conditions  than  in  M.  de  St.  Julien's 
Preliminaries — He  fixes,  as  his  Ultimatum,  the  Boundary  of  the 
Rhine  in  Germany,  the  Boundary  of  the  Adige  in  Italy — Courageous 
Resistance  of  M.  de  Cobentzel — This  Resistance,  though  honourable, 
causes  Austria  to  lose  valuable  Time — While  the  Negotiations  are 
pending  at  Luneville,  the  Emperor  Paul,  to  whom  the  First  Consul 
has  ceded  the  Island  of  Malta,  claims  it  from  the  English,  who 
refuse  it — Rage  of  Paul  I. — He  invites  the  King  of  Sweden  to  St. 
Petersburg,  and  renews  the  League  of  1780 — Declaration  of  the 
Neutrals — Rupture  of  all  the  Northena  Powers  with  Great  Britain 
— The  First  Consul  avails  himself  of  it  to  force  harder  Terms  upon 
Austria — He  insists,  not  only  upon  the  Boundary  of  the  Adige,  but 
also  on  the  Expulsion  of  all  the  Princes  of  the  House  of  Austria 
from  Italy — The  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany  and  the  Duke  of  Modena 
are  to  be  removed  to  Germany — M.  de  Cobentzel  at  length  gives 
way,  and,  with  Joseph  Bonaparte,  signs  the  celebrated  Peace  of 
Luneville,  on  the  9th  of  February  1801 — France  obtains  for  the 
second  Time  the  Boundary  of  the  Rhine,  throughout  its  whole 
Length,  and  is  left  almost  Mistress  of  Italy — Austria  is  thrust  back 
beyond  the  Adige — The  Cisalpine  Republic  is  to  include  the  Mila- 
nese, Mantua,  the  Duchy  of  Modena,  and  the  Legations — Tuscany 
destined  for  the  House  of  Parma,  with  the  Title  of  Kingdom 
of  Etruria — The  Principle  of  the  Secularisations  laid  down  for 
Germany — Important  Results  obtained  by  the  First  Consul  in  the 
course  of  Fifteen  Months .391 


BOOK  VIIT. 

THE   INFERNAL   MACHINE. 

Plots  against  the  Life  of  the  First  Consul — Carbon,  St.  Rejant,  and 
Limoiilan,  three  Agents  of  Georges,  form  a  plan  for  destroying  the 
First  Consul  by  the  Explosion  of  a  Barrel  of  Gunpowder — Choice 
of  the  Rue  St.  Nicaise,  and  of  the  3rd  Nivose  for  the  Execution  of 
this  Crime- — The  First  Consul  saved  by  the  Dexterity  of  his  Coach- 
man— Sensation  produced — The  Crime  attributed  to  the  Revolu- 
tionists, and  to  the  Indulgence  shown  them  by  Fouche,  the  Minister 
— Animosity  of  the  new  Courtiers  against  that  Minister — His 
Silence  and  Coolness — He  discovers  Part  of  the  Truth  and  makes 
it  known  ;  but  Measures  are  nevertheless  taken  against  the  Revo- 
lutionists—Irritation of  the  First  Consul^Project  of  an  arbitrary 
Measure — Deliberation  on  this  Subject  in  the  Council  of  State — 
After  long  Discussions,  a  Resolution  is  adopted  for  transporting  a 
certain  Number  of  Revolutionists  without  Trial — Some  Resistance, 
but  very  faint,  made  to  this  arbitrary  Act — Discussion  whether  it 
shall  take  place  by  a  Law,  or  by  a  spontaneous  Measure  of  the 
Government,  referred  only  to  the  Senate,  for  the  sake  of  Consti- 
tutionality— The  latter  Course  adopted — Transportation  decreed 
against  one  hundred  and  thirtj'  alleged  Terrorists — Fouche,  who 
knew  them  to  be  innocent  of  the  Attempt  of  the  3rd  NivOse,  consents, 


CONTENTS.  xxxiii 


nevertheless,  to  the  Measure  which  proscribes  them — Discovery  of 
the  real  Authors  of  the  Infernal  Machine — Execution  of  Carbon 
and  St.  Rejant — Unjust  Condemnation  of  Topino  Lebrun,  Ar<5na, 
&c. — Session  of  the  Year  IX. — Fresh  Manifestations  of  Opposition  in 
the  Tribunate — Institution  of  Special  Tribunals  for  the  Suppression 
of  Robbery  on  the  Highroads — Financial  Statement  of  Ways  and 
Means  for  the  Years  VI.,  VII.,  and  VIII.— Budget  of  the  Year  IX. 
—  Definitive  Adjustment  of  the  Public  Debt — Rejection  by  the 
Tribunate,  and  Adoption  by  the  Legislative  Body,  of  this  Plan  of 
Finance — Sentiments  of  the  First  Consul — Continuation  of  his 
administrative  Labours— Roads — Canal  of  St.  Quentin — Bridges 
over  the  Seine — Works  at^  the  Simplon — The  Monks  of  the  Great 
St.  Bernard  established  at  the  Simplon  and  at  Mont  Cenis      .         .       440 


BOOK  IX. 

NEUTEAL   POWERS. 

Sequel  of  the  Negotiations  with  the  Powers  of  Europe — Treaty  with 
the  Court  of  Naples — Exclusion  of  the  English  from  the  Ports  of 
the  Two  Sicilies,  and  Engagement  entered  into  by  the  Neapolitan 
Government  to  receive  a  French  Division  at  Otranto — Spain  pledges 
herself  to  coerce  the  Portuguese,  to  put  an  End  to  the  English 
Trade  on  the  Coasts  of  Portugal — Vast  Naval  Projects  of  the  First 
Consul,  for  combining  the  Naval  Forces  of  Spain,  Holland,  and 
France,  to  enable  them  to  act  in  Concert — Means  contemplated 
to  assist  Egypt — Admiral  Ganteaume,  at  the  Head  of  a  Division, 
leaves  Brest  during  a  Gale  of  Wind,  and  proceeds  to  the  Straits  of 
Gibraltar  on  his  Way  to  the  Mouth  of  the  Nile — General  Coalition 
of  all  the  Maritime  Nations  against  England — Preparations  of  the 
Neutral  Powers  in  the  Baltic — Warlike  Ardour  of  Paul  I. — Distress 
in  England — She  is  visited  by  a  frightful  Famine — Her  Financial 
and  Commercial  Position  before,  and  since  the  War — Her  Income 
and  Expenditure  both  doubled — Unpopularity  of  Mr.  Pitt — His 
Differences  witli  George  III.,  and  Retirement  from  Office — The  Ad- 
dington  Administration — England,  in  spite  of  her  Embarrassments, 
faces  the  Storm,  and  despatches  Admirals  Nelson  and  Parker  to 
the  Baltic,  to  break  up  the  Confederacy  of  the  Neutral  Powers — 
Plan  conceived  by  Nelson  and  Parker — They  determine  upon  forc- 
ing the  Passage  of  the  Sound — The  Swedish  Coast  being  badlj- 
defended,  the  English  Fleet  passes  the  Sound  almost  without 
Difficulty,  and  appears  before  Copenhagen — Nelson's  views  are 
to  attack  the  Danes,  before  proceeding  to  the  Baltic — Description 
of  the  Position  of  Copenhagen,  and  Measures  adopted  to  defend 
this  important  Maritime  Position — Nelson  executes  a  bold  Man- 
cjeuvre,  and  succeeds  in  Anchoring  in  the  King's  Channel,  Broad- 
side on  to  the  Danish  Fleet — Bloody  Engagement — Gallantry  of 
the  Danes,  and  Danger  of  Nelson — He  sends  a  Flag  of  Truce  to 
the  Crown  Prince  of  Denmark,  and  thereby  obtains  the  Advantage 
of  a  Victory — Suspension  of  Hostilities  for  Fourteen  Weeks,  during 
which  the  Death  of  Paul  I.  becomes  known — Events  which  have 
taken  place  in  Russia — Exasperation  of  the  Russian  Nobility  against 
the  Emperor  Paul,  and  their  Resolution  to  get  rid  of  this  IMnce 
by  any  Means,  even  by  Crime — Count  Pahlen — His  Character  and 
Projects — His  Conduct  towards  the  Grand  Duke  Alexander — The 
Scheme  of  a  forced  Abdication  made  to  conceal  their  Project  of 
Assassination — Frightful  Scene  at  the  Palace  (Michael)  on  the 
Night  of  the  23rd  of  March — Tragical  Death  of  Paul  I. — Accession 


xxxiv  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

of  Alexander — The  Confederacy  of  the  Neutral  Powers  dissolved 
by  the  Deatli  of  the  Emperor  Paul — Virtual  Armistice  in  the  Baltic 
— The  First  Consul  endeavours,  by  offering  Hanover  to  Prussia,  to 
retain  her  in  the  League  of  the  Neutrals — England,  satisfied  with 
having  broken  up  this  Confederacy  by  the  Battle  of  Copenhagen, 
and  with  being  rid  of  Paul  I.,  seeks  to  improve  the  Opportunity- 
offered,  by  treating  with  France,  and  redeeming  the  Errors  of  Mr. 
Pitt — The  Addington  Administration  Proposes  Peace  to  the  First 
Consul,  through  the  Medium  of  M.  Otto — This  Proposal  accepted, 
and  Opening  of  Negotiations  between  France  and  England  at 
London — Peace  becomes  general,  both  by  Sea  and  Land — Progress 
of  France  since  the  i8th  Brumaire 474 


PLATES  IN  VOL.  L 

A.  THIERS Frontispiece 

DESAIX To  face  parjc  2J,% 

KLEBER ,,  :!io 


HISTORY  OF  THE 

CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE  OF  FRANCE 

UNDER  NAPOLEON. 

BOOK  ]. 

CONSTITUTION   OF   THE   YEAH   VIII. 

rpilE  events  of  the  iStli  of  Brumaire  liacl  terminated  the 
X      existence  of  the  Directory. 

The  men  who,  after  the  storms  of  the  Convention,  devised  tliat 
sort  of  repubHc,  were  not  thoroughly  convinced  of  the  excellence 
and  solidity  of  their  work  ;  but,  on  emerging  from  the  reign  of 
blood  which  they  had  just  witnessed,  it  was  difficult  for  them 
to  do  better  or  otherwise  than  they  did.  It  was  impossible,  in 
fact,  to  think  of  the  Bourbons,  to  whom  public  opinion  was 
decidedly  hostile ;  it  was  equally  impossible  for  them  to  tlirow 
themselves  into  the  arms  of  an  illustrious  general ;  for,  at  that 
period,  none  of  our  military  men  had  acquired  sufficient  glory 
to  subjugate  the  national  mind.  All  illusions,  moreover,  were 
not  yet  dispelled  by  experience.  The  nation  had  just  escaped 
from  the  hands  of  the  Committee  of  Public  Welfare;  it  had  yet 
tried  only  the  sanguinary  l{e])ublic  of  "93,  consisting  of  a  single 
assembly,  which  exercised  all  the  powers  at  once  :  a  last  trial 
was  yet  left  to  be  made,  that  of  a  moderate  republic,  in  wliich 
the  supreme  power  should  be  judiciously  divided,  and  tlie  ad- 
ministration of  which  should  be  committed  to  new  men,  who 
liad  had  no  hand  in  those  excesses  which  had  lillinl  France  witli 
horror.     "J^he  Directory  was  in  consecpience  devised. 

Tliis  new  scheme  of  a  republic  lasted  four  years,  from  the 
I4tli  of  Brumaire,  y(>ar  I\'.,  till  the  i8tli  of  JJi'umaire,  yc\ar 
^  III.  It  was  set  on  foot  honestly  and  lieni'tily  l)y  men.  most 
(if  whom  were  u])right.  and  animated  by  exceHent  intenlions. 
Some  persons  of  violent  character  or  sus]iected  int(>gri1y.  such 
as  J5arras.  for  instance,  had  contrived  to  inti'oduce  them- 
selv(>s  into  the  list  of  governors,  who,  during  thdse  I'our  years, 

vol..   I.  A 


2  HISTORY  OF  THE  nov.  1799 

transmitted  the  supreme  power  from  one  to  another ;  but  Kew- 
bell,  La  Eeveillere-Lepeaux,  Le  Tourneur,  Carnot,  Barthelemy, 
Roger-Ducos,  Sieyes,  were  men  of  integrity,  some  of  them  of 
considerable  ability,  and  the  last,  M.  Sieyes,  possessed  a  very 
superior  mind.  And  yet  the  Directorial  Republic  had  very  soon 
exhibited  a  scene  of  distressing  confusion  :  less  cruelty  but  more 
anarchy — such  had  been  the  character  of  the  new  government. 
The  Directory  gave  up  guillotining;  it  only  transported.  It 
ceased  to  force  people  to  take  assignats  upon  pain  of  death ; 
but  it  paid  nobody.  Our  soldiers,  without  arms  and  without 
bread,  were  beaten  instead  of  being  victorious.  Terror  had 
been  succeeded  by  a  feeling  of  intolerable  uneasiness.  And,  as 
weakness  also  has  its  gusts  of  passion,  this  Republic,  moderate 
in  intention,  had  finished  with  two  measures  that  were  abso- 
lutely tyrannical — the  progressive  forced  loan  and  the  law  of  the 
hostages.  This  latter  measure,  in  particular,  though  there  was 
nothing  sanguinary  in  it,  was  one  of  the  most  odious  vexations 
invented  by  the  cruel  and  fertile  imagination  of  parties. 

Is  it  surprising  that  France,  to  which  the  Bourbons  could  not 
be  presented  in  1799,  and  which,  after  the  ill  success  of  the 
directorial  constitution,  began  to  have  no  faith  in  the  Republic 
— is  it  surprising,  I  say,  that  France  should  throw  herself  into 
the  arms  of  that  young  general  who  had  conquered  Italy  and 
Egypt,  a  stranger  to  all  the  parties,  affecting  to  disdain  them 
all,  endowed  with  an  energetic  will,  showing  equal  aptness  for 
military  and  civil  affairs,  and  affording  glimpses  of  an  ambition 
which,  instead  of  alarming  the  nation,  was  then  hailed  by  it  as 
a  hope  ?  Less  glory  than  he  had  acquired  would  have  sufficed  to 
enable  a  man  to  seize  the  reins  of  government ;  for,  some  time 
previously,  General  Joubert  had  been  sent  to  Novi,  that  he 
might  there  earn  those  titles  which  he  still  wanted  for  effecting 
the  Revolution,  since  styled  in  our'  annals  that  of  the  i8th  of 
Brumaire.  The  unfortunate  Joubert  was  defeated  and  fell  at 
Novi;  but  young  Bonaparte,  always  fortunate  and  victorious, 
at  least  at  that  time,  escaping  the  dangers  of  the  sea  as  well 
as  the  dangers  of  battles,  had  returned  from  Egypt  to  France 
in  an  almost  miraculous  manner ;  and,  on  his  first  appearance, 
the  Directory  succumbed.  All  parties  hastened  to  meet  him. 
demanding  of  him  order,  victory,  and  peace. 

It  was  not,  however,  in  a  day  that  the  authority  of  one  could 
supersede  that  mob-government  where  so  man}-,  alternately 
oppressed  or  oppressors,  had  enjoyed  for  a  moment  a  share  of 
the  supreme  power.  It  was  necessary  to  save  appearances, 
and,  in  order  to  induce  harassed  France  to  submit  to  absolute 
power,  to  lead  her  to  it  through  a  glorious,  restorative,  and  semi- 
republican  government.  It  was  requisite,  in  short,  that  the 
Consulate  should  pave  the  way  to  the  Empire. 


NOV.  1799       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  3 

It  is  this  portion  of  our  contemporaiy  history  of  which  I  am 
now  about  to  treat.  Fifteen  years  have  elapsed  since  I  recorded 
the  events  of  our  first  revolution.  Those  fifteen  years  have  been 
passed  amid  the  storms  of  public  life  :  I  have  seen  an  ancient 
throne  crumble  to  pieces  and  a  new  throne  rise  up ;  I  have  seen 
the  French  Revolution  pursue  its  invincible  course :  and  though 
the  scenes  which  I  have  witnessed  have  not  excited  in  me  any 
great  surprise,  I  have  not  the  presumption  to  believe  that  the 
experience  of  men  and  of  business  has  taught  me  nothing ;  I 
have  the  confidence,  on  the  contrary,  of  having  learned  much,  and 
of  thus  being  more  apt  perhaps  to  appreciate  and  describe  the 
great  things  done  by  our  fathers  during  those  heroic  times. 

But  I  am  certain  that  experience  has  not  frozen  within  me 
the  generous  sentiments  of  my  youth  ;  I  am  certain  that  I  love, 
as  I  ever  did  love,  the  liberties  and  the  glory  of  France. 

I  now  resume  my  narrative  from  the  i8th  Brumaire,  year 
VIII.  (November  9,  1799). 

The  law  of  the  19th  of  Brumaire,  which  instituted  the  Pro- 
visional Consulate,  being  passed,  the  three  new  consuls,  Bona- 
parte, Sieyes,  and  Roger-Ducos,  left  St.  Cloud,  and  repaired  to 
Paris.  Sieyes  and  Roger-Ducos,  members  of  the  late  Directory, 
were  already  settled  in  the  palace  of  the  Luxembourg.  Bona- 
parte quitted  his  small  house  in  the  Rue  de  la  Victoire,  and, 
with  his  wife,  his  adopted  children,  and  his  aides-de-camp,  took 
up  his  residence  in  the  apartments  of  the  Petit-Luxembourg. 
There,  in  proximity  to  his  two  colleagues,  surrounded  by  the 
fragments  of  the  late  government  and  the  elements  of  the  new 
one,  he  fell  to  work  with  that  unerring  and  rapid  intelligence, 
and  with  that  extraordinary  activity,  which  had  always  marked 
his  operations  in  the  field. 

With  him  had  been  associated  two  colleagues,  Roger-Ducos 
and  Sieyes,  both  of  whom  had  belonged  to  the  Directory,  and 
both  been  busily  engaged  in  destroying  that  government  wliicli 
they  despised.  Sieyes,  in  particular,  had  been  placed  beside 
General  Bonaparte,  because  he  was  the  second  personage  of  the 
Republic.  Author  of  the  grandest  and  best  conceptions  of  the 
French  Revolution,  such  as  the  union  of  the  three  orders,  the 
division  of  France  into  departments,  the  institution  of  the 
National  Guard,  Sieyes,  destitute  of  elorpience,  had  rivalled 
Mirabeau  in  the  early  days  of  our  revolution,  when  oratory  con- 
ferred more  power  than  all  other  qualifications  ;  and  now  that 
universal  war  assigned  the  first  place  to  military  genius,  Sicvrs. 
who  had  never  worn  a  sword,  was  almost  the  ecjual  of  (ieneral 
Bonaparte;  so  great  is  power  of  mind,  even  unaccompanied  by 
the  talents  wliicli  render  it  useful  or  a])plicable.  But  now  that 
it  was  necessary  to  lend  a  hand  to  Imsiness.  Sieves,  who  was 
indolent,  peevish,  obstinate  in  his  ideas,  in-iiated  or  upset  by  the 


4  HISTORY  OF  THE  nov.  1799 

slightest  contradiction,  could  not  long-  vie  in  influence  with  his 
young  colleague,  who  was  capable  of  working  night  and  day, 
whom  no  contradiction  rufiled,  who  was  abrupt  but  not  testy, 
who  could  win  the  goodwill  of  men  when  he  pleased,  and 
who,  at  any  rate,  when  he  neglected  to  do  so,  had  always  the 
alternative  of  carrying  his  point  by  force. 

There  was,  however,  a  task  which  was  generally  assigned  to 
Sieycs — that  of  preparing  the  new  Constitution,  which  the  Pro- 
visional Consuls  were  charged  to  digest,  and  to  propose  to 
France  without  much  delay.  At  this  period  people  were  still 
somewhat  imbued  with  the  ideas  of  the  eighteenth  century ;  it 
was  less  generally  but  yet  too  much  believed,  that  human 
institutions  might  be  purely  a  work  of  mind,  and  that  the 
constitution  of  a  nation  might  spring  ready  made  from  the  brain 
of  a  legislator.  Assuredly,  if  the  French  Revolution  must  have 
had  a  Solon  or  a  Lycurgus,  M.  Sieyes  was  worthy  of  being  so ; 
but  there  is  only  one  real  legislator  in  modern  times, — that  is, 
experience.  This  idea  was  not  so  common  then  as  it  is  now-a- 
days,  and  it  was  universally  agreed  that  M.  Sieyes  should  be 
the  author  of  the  new  Constitution :  this  was  hoped,  this  was 
said ;  it  was  asserted  that  he  possessed  one,  which  was  the 
result  of  long  meditation ;  that  it  was  a  profound,  an  admirable 
production,  and  that,  being  now  rid  of  the  obstacles  which  the 
revolutionary  passions  threw  in  his  way,  he  could  bring  it  for- 
ward ;  that  he  would  be  the  legislator,  and  General  Bonaparte 
the  administrator  of  the  new  government,  and  that  between  them 
they  would  render  France  powerful  and  happy.  Every  period 
of  the  Revolution  had  had  its  illusions  :  the  present  period  is  not 
free  from  them ;  but  these,  it  is  true,  are  likely  to  be  the  last. 

It  was,  therefore,  agreed  by  common  consent  that  Sieyes 
should  prepare  the  Constitution,  and  that  General  Bonaparte 
should  govern.  It  was  urgent,  in  fact,  that  some  one  should 
govern ;  for  the  state  of  tlie  country  in  all  respects  was  deplor- 
able :  the  disorder,  moral  and  material,  was  at  its  height, 

The  staunch  revolutionists,  beaten  at  St.  Cloud,  still  had  par- 
tisans in  the  Society  of  the  Riding  House  (Manege),  as  it  was 
called,  and  in  similar  societies  in  different  parts  of  France. 
They  had  at  their  head  few  of  the  leading  men  of  the  two 
assemblies :  but  they  numbered  among  them  some  officers 
highly  esteemed  in  our  armies :  Bernadotte,  a  man  of  moderate 
abilities,  and  of  a  vain  and  ambitious  disposition ;  Augereau,  a 
brave  soldier,  supremely  unreasonable,  and  luckily  possessing 
but  little  influence ;  lastly,  Jourdan,  a  good  citizen  and  a  good 
general,  whose  military  miscarriages  had  soured  his  temper,  and 
thrown  him  into  an  exaggerated  opposition.  There  Avas  reason 
to  fear  that  the  fugitives  of  the  Council  of  Five  Hundred  would 
assemble  in  some  considerable  city, — form  there  a  sort  of  Legis- 


NOV.  1799       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  5 

lative  Body  and  Directory,  and  rally  round  them  the  men  who 
still  retained  all  the  ardour  of  the  revolutionary  sentiments, 
some  because  they  were  compromised  by  excesses,  or  were  in 
possession  of  national  domains ;  others  because  they  loved  the 
republican  system  for  its  own  sake,  and  were  afraid  lest  they 
should  see  it  overturned  by  the  hand  of  a  new  Cromwell.  Such 
an  attempt  would  have  occasioned  serious  embarrassment  in  a 
juncture  already  extremely  difficult,  and  apprehensions  were 
entertained  that  it  might  be  made  in  Paris  itself. 

In  regard  to  the  opposite  faction  also,  there  was  ground  for 
serious  fears ;  for  La  Vendee  was  again  in  a  flame.  M.  de 
Chatillon  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Loire,  M.  d'Autichamp  on 
the  left  bank,  Georges  Cadoudal  in  the  Morbihan,  M.  de  Bour- 
mont  in  Le  Maine,  M.  de  Frotte  on  the  coast  of  Normandy,  all 
excited  and  supported  by  the  English,  had  renewed  the  civil 
war.  The  law  respecting  hostages,  the  weakness  of  the  govern- 
ment, the  defeats  of  our  armies — such  were  the  motives  which 
had  induced  them  to  take  up  arms  again.  M.  de  Chatillon  had 
for  a  moment  occupied  Nantes ;  he  had  entered  the  city  but 
made  no  stay  in  it.  This  circumstance  had  been  sufficient  to 
induce  the  large  communes  in  the  insurgent  districts  to  throw 
up  hasty  entrenchments,  and  to  surround  themselves  with  pali- 
sades when  they  could  not  have  the  protection  of  walls.  Some, 
with  a  view  to  provide  for  their  own  defence,  retained  the  little 
money  which  the  insurgent  country  contributed  to  the  public 
exchequer,  alleging  that,  since  the  government  did  nothing  for 
their  protection,  it  was  right  that  they  should  take  care  of 
themselves. 

The  Directory,  though  resolved  to  shun  the  excesses  of  the 
Convention,  had  not  been  able  to  resist  all  the  violent  measures 
which  the  war  in  La  Vendee,  as  soon  as  it  broke  out  again,  led 
the  revolutionary  party  to  propose.  Hurried  along  by  the 
movement  of  the  popular  mind,  it  had  passed  the  law  of  the 
hostages,  by  virtue  of  which  all  relations  or  supposed  accom- 
plices of  the  Vendeans  were  to  be  confined  and  to  be  punished 
with  certain  penalties,  by  way  of  repressing  acts  committed  in 
the  localities  for  which  they  were  responsible  as  hostages.  This 
unjust  and  violent  law  had  but  inflamed  the  ]:)assions,  without 
disarming  a  single  hand  in  La  Vendee,  and  it  had  excited 
inexpressible  animosity  against  the  Directory. 

'Fhe  war  abroad  had  been  somewhat  less  disastrous  towards 
the  conclusion  of  the  last  cam]')aigns.  The  victDries  of  C enteral 
Massena  at  Zurich,  and  of  General  Brune  at  tlie  Texel,  had 
driven  back  the  eneiny  to  a  considerable  distaiict'  frt>m  our 
frontiers:  but  our  soldiers  were  in  a  state  of  absolute  desti- 
tution, "^.riiey  were  neither  ]ini(l.  clothed,  nor  fed.  The  army 
which   had    defeated    the   combined   Lnirlish    and   Ivussiaus   in 


6  HISTORY  OF  THE  nov.  1799 

Holland,  having  the  advantage  of  being  maintained  by  the 
Bat  avian  Eepublic,  was  better  off  than  the  others  ;  but  the  army 
of  the  llhine,  which  had  lost  the  battle  of  Stockach,  and  that 
of  Helvetia,  which  had  gained  the  battle  of  Zurich,  were  in  the 
utmost  want.  The  army  of  the  Rhine,  stationed  on  French 
ground,  practised  there,  without  mercy  and  without  benefit, 
the  system  of  requisitions ;  that  of  Helvetia  subsisted  by  means 
of  war  contributions  imposed  upon  Basle,  Zurich,  Berne — con- 
tributions badly  levied  and  badly  employed,  and  which,  quite 
insufficient  for  the  subsistence  of  the  soldiers,  revolted  the 
spirit  of  independence  and  economy  that  distinguishes  the 
Swiss.  The  army  of  Italy,  which,  since  the  disasters  of  Novi 
and  the  Trebbia,  had  fallen  back  upon  the  Apennines  into  a 
sterile  country  ravaged  by  the  war,  was  a  prey  to  disease  and 
the  most  distressing  privations.  Those  soldiers,  who  had  en- 
dured the  greatest  reverses  with  unshaken  constancy,  and  had 
shown  heroic  fortitude  in  ill  fortune,  covered  with  rags,  con- 
sumed by  fever  and  famine,  solicited  charity  on  the  roads  in 
the  Apennines,  having  nothing  to  eat  but  the  far  from  nutri- 
tious fruits  growing  in  the  arid  soil  of  those  parts.  Many  of 
them  deserted  or  joined  the  troops  of  banditti  that  infested 
the  high  roads  in  the  south  as  well  as  in  the  west  of  France. 
Whole  corps  were  seen  quitting  their  posts  without  orders  from 
their  generals,  and  occupying  others  where  they  hoped  to  live 
less  wretchedly.  The  sea,  scoured  by  the  English,  exhibited 
in  all  directions  none  but  an  enemy's  flag,  and  never  brought 
them  any  succour.  There  were  divisions  whose  pay  had  been 
withheld  for  eighteen  months.  Some  provisions  were  levied 
by  means  of  requisitions ;  but  as  for  muskets,  cannon,  and 
ammunition,  which  are  not  to  be  procured  by  rec(uisitions — 
the  want  of  these  our  soldiers  had  no  means  of  supplying.  The 
horses,  already  inadequate  to  the  services  of  the  artillery  and  of 
the  cavalry,  were  almost  all  swept  off  by  disease  and  famine. 

Such  were  the  results  of  a  weak,  ill-regulated  administration, 
and  more  especially  of  extreme  financial  embarrassment.  The 
armies  of  the  Republic  had,  for  several  years,  lived  iqion 
assignats  and  victory.  The  assignats  no  longer  existed ;  and 
Victory,  after  suddenly  forsaking  us,  had  scarcely  begun  to 
show  herself  again  to  our  legions,  and  had  not  yet  opened  to 
them  the  abundant  plains  of  Germany  and  Italy. 

It  is  necessary  to  give  here  an  idea  of  our  financial  situation 
— the  principal  cause  of  the  sufferings  of  our  armies.  This 
situation  outdid  all  that  had  ever  been  seen  at  former  periods. 
The  Constituent  Assembly  had  committed  two  faults,  which 
had  been  remedied,  to  a  certain  extent,  by  means  of  the  assig- 
nats, but  for  which,  since  the  discredit  of  that  paper  money, 
there  was  left  no  palliative.     These  two  faults  were,  firstly,  the 


NOV.  1799       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  7 

suppression  of  the  indirect  contributions  imposed  upon  liquors, 
salt,  and  articles  of  consumption  in  general ;  secondly,  the 
right  granted  to  the  municipal  administrations  to  make  them- 
selves the  assessments  of  the  land-tax  and  of  the  other  direct 
contributions. 

By  the  suppression  of  the  indirect  contributions  the  treasury 
had  lost,  without  compensation,  one-third  of  its  revenues.  The 
produce  of  the  domains  of  the  State  being  reduced  to  almost 
nothing  by  a  vicious  administration,  that  of  the  registration  by 
the  falling  off  of  private  transactions,  and  that  of  the  customs 
by  the  war,  the  direct  contributions  formed  almost  the  only 
resource  of  the  exchequer ;  but  these  contributions,  amounting 
to  about  300,000,ooof.  in  a  budget  of  500,ooo,OOOf .,  were  extra- 
ordinarily in  arrear.  There  were  outstanding  debits  for  the 
year  V.,  the  year  VI.,  and  the  year  VII.  The  assessments  for 
the  year  VI.  were  not  completed ;  for  the  year  VII.,  one-third 
yet  remained  to  be  made  out ;  and  for  the  current  year,  that 
is  to  say,  the  year  VIII. ,  they  were  scarcely  begun.  Owing  to 
this  delay  in  the  preparation  of  the  assessments,  the  current 
contributions  could  not  be  levied,  and  the  accumulation  of 
the  contributions  in  arrear  occasioned  new  difficulties  to  the 
collectors,  who  frequently  had  to  demand  payment  for  several 
years  at  once. 

This  state  of  things  proceeded  from  the  adoption  of  a  prin- 
ciple apparently  just,  but  in  reality  mischievous,  namely,  that 
of  leaving  the  local  administrations  to  tax  themselves,  in  some 
measure,  by  preparing  the  assessments  themselves.  The  de- 
partmental and  municipal  administrations  were  then  conjoined, 
as  every  one  knows.  Instead  of  prefects,  sub-prefects,  and 
maires,  who  were  instituted  at  a  later  period,  there  were 
attached  to  all  these  administrations  commissioners,  having  a 
consultative  voice,  and  whose  duty  it  was  to  originate  and 
urge  the  acceleration  of  the  administrative  operations,  but  not 
to  execute  these  themselves.  The  system  of  cantonal  muni- 
cipalities, uniting  the  44.000  communes  of  France  into  5000 
collective  communes,  had  increased  the  disorder.  All  local 
affairs  were  suspended  ;  but  what  was  a  still  greater  misfortune, 
the  two  grand  affairs  of  the  State,  the  recruiting  of  the  army 
and  the  collection  of  the  taxes,  were  completely  neglected. 
To  make  amends  for  this  default  of  administrative  action,  the 
5000  commissioners  attached  to  the  cantonal  municipalities 
were  charged  with  the  duty  of  accelerating  the  pre])aration 
of  the  assessments ;  but  they  had  not  the  only  power  which 
could  bo  efficacious,  that  of  acting  themselves ;  and  besides, 
engaged  in  a  tliousand  different  occupations,  they  paid  but 
little  attention  to  that  important  work,  the  preparation  of  the 
assessments.     The  indemnity  granted  to  them  for  this  sendee, 


8  HISTORY  OF  THE  nov.  1799 

being  much  more  expensive  than  it  has  been  since  the  institu- 
tion of  the  office  of  the  direct  contributions,  was  a  heavy  charge 
to  the  treasury,  and  without  any  corresponding  advantage. 

Thus  the  direct  contributions,  the  princij^al  branch  of  the 
revenue  of  the  State,  were  not  collected.  Besides  the  per- 
manent deficit  arising  from  the  default  of  receipts,  there  was 
another,  arising  from  the  amount  of  the  expenditure,  which  at 
that  time  far  exceeded  the  income.  The  ordinary  expenditure 
might  have  been  provided  for  by  means  of  a  revenue  of  about 
500.000,000  f. ;  but  the  war  had  raised  it  to  nearly  700,000,000  f. 
Nothing  was  left  to  meet  the  deficiency  but  the  national 
domains,  absorbed  for  the  greater  part,  and  which  it  was, 
moreover,  difficult  to  realise  to  advantage,  because  the  definite 
triumph  of  the  Revolution  was  still  a  matter  of  great  doubt. 

This  state  of  things  had  led  to  revolting  abuses  and  to  a 
situation  which  it  is  necessary  to  describe  for  the  instruction 
of  nations  and  governments. 

The  assignats,  as  we  have  just  observed,  had  long  ceased  to 
exist.  The  mandats  which  succeeded  them  had  disappeared 
also.  Paper  money  was,  therefore,  completely  abandoned  ;  and. 
great  as  the  void  might  be,  it  was  better  not  to  fill  it  up  at 
all  for  the  present,  than  to  fill  it,  as  had  before  been  done, 
with  a  forced  paper,  which  was  scarcely  taken  in  payments, 
though  forced,  and  which  uselessly  furnished  occasion  for  the 
exercise  of  all  the  rigours  of  the  law,  in  order  to  compel  its 
acceptance.  In  lieu  of  this  suppressed  paper  money  the  follow- 
ing system  was  introduced. 

In  the  first  place,  the  government  ceased  to  pay  the  civil 
functionaries,  even  in  paper,  so  that  in  Brumaire,  year  VIIL. 
they  had  received  nothing  for  ten  months.  It  was  necessary, 
however,  to  give  something  to  the  rentiers  and  to  the  pensioners 
of  the  State.  To  these  were  delivered  hons  dUtrrcragc,  the  sole 
value  of  which  consisted  in  their  being  taken  as  money  in 
payment  of  the  contributions.  The  pay  of  the  troops  was 
withheld;  but  what  the  armies  took  upon  the  spot  for  their 
subsistence  was  paid  for  by  means  of  hons  de  requisition,  like- 
wise receivable  in  discharge  of  the  taxes.  The  companies 
which  had  contracted  to  su]iply  some  of  the  wants  of  tlie 
soldier,  performing  that  service  ill,  and  sometimes  not  at  all. 
obtained,  instead  of  money,  orders  upon  the  first  receipts  of 
the  treasury ;  and  by  virtue  of  titles  of  this  sort,  granted  very 
arbitrarily,  they  laid  their  hands  upon  almost  all  the  cash  that 
found  its  way  into  the  public  excherpier.  Lastly,  resiyriptions 
on  the  national  domains,  receivable  in  payment  for  those 
domains,  were  another  sort  of  paper  money  added  to  all  those 
that  we  have  just  enumerated,  and  contributing  to  the  most 
friglitful  stock-jobbing. 


NOV.  1799       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  9 

These  papers,  in  fact,  had  not  a  forced  currency  like  the 
assignats ;  but,  thrown  into  circulation,  incessantly  bought  and 
sold  in  the  market  of  Paris,  rising  or  falling  on  the  slightest 
whisper  of  good  or  bad  news,  they  were  the  subject  of  a 
ruinous  speculation  for  the  State,  and  of  a  deplorable  demorali- 
sation for  the  public.  The  men  of  business,  depositaries  of  all 
the  ready  money,  could  procure  them  at  a  very  easy  rate.  They 
bought  them  u]3  from  the  rentiers,  the  contractors,  or  the  other 
holders,  at  the  lowest  price ;  then  sent  them  in  to  the  treasury 
in  payment  of  the  contributions,  passing  for  loO  francs  what 
had  cost  them  at  most  eighty,  and  sometimes  sixty  or  fifty. 
The  collectors  themselves  embarked  in  this  kind  of  speculation, 
and,  while  they  received  money  from  part  of  the  tax-payers, 
they  paid  into  the  coffers  of  the  State  at  par  the  paper  which 
they  had  bought  at  the  lowest  rate.  Thus  very  few  persons 
paid  their  contributions  in  cash ;  there  was  too  much  induce- 
ment to  discharge  them  in  paper.  In  this  manner,  the  trea- 
sury scarcely  ever  received  any  specie,  and  its  distress,  in 
consequence,  increased  every  day. 

As  the  irritation  against  the  Vendeans  had  produced  the  law 
of  the  hostages,  the  irritation  against  the  jobbers  had  led,  in 
like  manner,  to  the  measure  of  the  progressive  forced  loan, 
destined  to  reach  the  great  capitalists,  and  to  make  them  con- 
tribute to  the  expenses  of  the  war.  This  is  what  had  been 
called  in  France,  during  the  days  of  terror,  the  tax  upon  the 
rich  ;  it  is  what  in  England  was  denominated  the  income-tax — 
a  tax  to  which  Mr.  Pitt  had  at  this  time  recourse,  in  order  to 
carry  on  the  furious  war  which  he  was  waerinG"  against  France, 
^i'liis  tax,  proportioned  not  to  the  extent  of  immovable  pro- 
perty, which  constitutes  a  sure  basis,  but  to  the  supposed  wealth 
of  individuals,  was  feasible,  though  with  considerable  trouble, 
in  England,  where  order  prevailed,  and  the  fury  of  parties  did  not 
make  the  assessment  of  fortunes  a  medium  of  vengeance.  But 
it  was  not  feasible  in  France,  for  amidst  the  disorders  of  the 
times,  the  tax-jury  had  been  a  sort  of  revolutionary  committee, 
capriciously  attributing  wealth  or  poverty  at  the  dictates  of  its 
passions,  and  never  passing  for  just  even  wlien  it  was  just, 
which  is  almost  ecjuivalent  to  never  being  so.  The  government 
durst  not  bring  forward  this  measure,  as  formerly,  under  the 
mere  sim])le  form  of  a  tax ;  they  disguised  it  under  the  name 
of  a  forced  Inan,  repayable,  it  was  said,  in  national  ]iro]i('rty, 
and  divided,  according  to  the  su]iposed  faculties  ol'  each,  liy  an 
assessment  jury. 

Tims  this  measure  had  become  one  of  the  calamities  of  the 
moment.  Tluit  and  the  law  of  the  hostages  ft)niie(l  1lie  two 
grievances  most  frecjueiitly  alleged  against  the  Directory.  \\ 
was  not  the  cause,  as  it  was  asserted,  of  the  ])overly  of  the 


lo  HISTORY  OF  THE  nov.  1799 

treasury,  a  poverty  arising  from  a  complication  of  circumstances ; 
but  it  had  kept  aloof  the  rich  speculators,  whose  aid  was  indis- 
pensable to  the  government,  and  of  whom  it  was  under  the 
absolute  necessity  of  availing  itself,  if  but  for  a  moment,  that  it 
might  be  able  to  shift  without  them  afterwards. 

This  financial  situation  was,  as  we  have  said,  the  principal 
cause  of  the  destitution  and  the  reverses  of  our  armies.  Being 
well  known  to  the  foreign  powers,  it  inspired  them  with  confi- 
dence that  they  should  conquer  us  with  a  little  perseverance. 
The  two  victories  of  Zurich  and  the  Texel  had,  to  be  sure, 
removed  those  powers  somewhat  farther  from  the  object  which 
they  had  in  view,  but  not  diverted  them  from  the  pursuit. 
Austria,  proud  of  having  reconquered  Italy,  was  determined  to 
fight  to  the  last  extremity  rather  than  yield  again.  Her  bear- 
ing there  was  that  of  an  absolute  power.  Occupying  Piedmont, 
Tuscany,  the  Roman  States,  she  had  not  recalled  either  the 
King  of  Sardinia  to  Turin,  or  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany  to 
Florence,  or  the  pontifical  government  to  Rome.  The  defeat 
of  Korsakoff  and  SuwarofE  at  Zurich,  gave  her  less  concern  than 
might  have  been  expected.  It  was  in  her  eyes  a  check  for  the 
Russian  arms,  not  for  the  Austrian  ;  a  fault  of  Generals  Korsa- 
koff and  Suwaroff, — a  military  mishap  not  very  difficult  to  be 
retrieved,  and  of  no  great  consequence  unless  it  should  dis- 
gust the  Russians  with  the  war.  But  she  confidently  hoped, 
by  means  of  British  influence  and  subsidies,  to  bring  them  back 
into  the  field. 

As  for  England,  rich  from  the  income-tax,  which  already  pro- 
duced more  than  200,000,000  f .  a  year ;  blockading  Malta,  which 
she  expected  soon  to  take  by  famine ;  intercepting  all  succours 
sent  to  our  army  in  Egypt,  which  she  hoped  before  long  to 
reduce  by  privations  and  force,  England  was  fully  resolved  to 
pursue  all  the  objects  which  her  policy  flattered  itself  with  the 
prospect  of  attaining,  before  she  laid  down  her  arms.  Slie  cal- 
culated, moreover,  upon  a  sort  of  social  dissolution  in  France, 
which  would  soon  change  our  country  into  an  open  country, 
accessible  to  whomsoever  might  think  fit  to  enter  it. 

Prussia,  the  only  one  of  the  northern  powers  that  had  not 
taken  part  in  the  war,  maintained  a  reserve  full  of  coldness 
towards  the  French  government.  Spain,  obliged  by  the  treaty 
of  St.  Ildefonso  to  make  common  cause  with  us,  appeared  ex- 
tremely grieved  at  this  community  of  interests.  No  one,  in- 
deed, seemed  to  care  about  having  relations  with  a  government 
that  Avas  ready  to  fall.  The  victories  of  Zurich  and  the  Texel 
had  regained  it  an  outward  show  of  respect,  but  not  the  confidence 
of  the  cabinets  with  which  it  was  at  peace  or  in  alliance. 

Thus,  at  home,  La  Vendue  again  in  insurrection,  abroad,  tlie 
principal  powers  of  Europe  in  arms,  rendered  the  danger  of  the 


NOV.  1799       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  11 

war  doubly  pressing.  It  was  necessary,  by  the  adoption  of 
some  financial  measure,  to  supply  the  first  wants  of  the 
famished  armies  ;  it  was  necessary  to  reorganise  them,  to  move 
them  forward,  to  give  them  able  commanders,  to  add  new 
victories  to  those  which  had  been  gained  at  the  conclusion  of 
the  last  campaign  ;  it  was  necessary,  above  all,  to  cure  foreign 
cabinets  of  the  notion  of  an  approaching  social  dissolution  in 
France,  which  rendered  some  so  confident  in  the  result  of  the 
war,  others  so  shy  in  their  relations  with  us  ;  and  all  this  could 
only  be  accomplished  by  a  strong  government,  able  to  curb 
parties  and  to  enforce  unity  of  action,  without  which  there 
cannot  be,  in  the  exertions  that  it  makes  to  save  itself,  either 
harmony,  or  energy,  or  success. 

The  disease  had  arrived  at  that  height  which  is  frequently 
followed  by  a  favourable  turn,  on  one  condition  indeed,  that 
the  patient  has  suflficient  strength  left  to  get  over  the  crisis. 
Fortunately,  the  strength  of  France  was  still  great.  The 
Revolution,  though  decried  by  those  whom  it  had  jostled,  or 
whose  illusions  it  had  not  realised,  was,  after  all,  the  cause  of 
justice  and  of  reason,  and  it  still  excited  the  attachment  which 
a  great  cause  always  excites.  It  had,  moreover,  numerous  par- 
tisans, bound  to  its  fortunes,  in  all  those  who  had  acquired 
new  situations,  bought  the  possessions  of  emigrants,  or  acted 
a  part  by  which  they  had  compromised  themselves.  In 
short,  the  nation  was  not  so  exhausted,  morally  and  physically, 
as  to  submit  cjuietly  to  the  invasion  of  its  territory  by  the 
Austrians  and  Russians.  On  the  contrary,  it  felt  indignant  at 
this  idea  :  its  armies  swarmed  with  admirable  soldiers,  officers, 
generals,  who  needed  only  a  good  direction.  All  these  forces 
were  ready  to  unite  spontaneously  in  a  single  hand,  if  that 
hand  was  capable  of  directing  them.  Circumstances,  there- 
fore, favoured  the  man  of  genius  who  was  about  to  present 
himself,  for  genius  itself  has  need  of  circumstances. 

Had  young  Bonaparte,  for  example,  come  forward  in  1789. 
even  with  his  talents  and  his  glory,  to  preserve  French  society,  at 
that  time  tending  on  all  sides  to  dissolution,  because  its  ele- 
ments had  become  incompatible,  in  vain  would  he  have  propi^jed 
it  wil  h  his  mighty  arms  :  his  human  strength  would  have  availed 
nothing  against  the  powers  of  Nature.  At  this  period,  on  the 
contrary,  when  that  old  society,  broken  up,  as  it  was  rerpiisite 
that  it  should  be,  before  it  was  recast  in  a  new  mould,  pre- 
sented only  scattered  elements,  but  tending  of  themselves  to 
a])|u-oximate,  it  was  pre'pared  to  accommodate  itself  to  all  the 
elTorts  of  the  able  hand  tliat  kiiew  how  to  grapple  it.  (Jeneral 
Bonaparte,  therefore,  had  for  liim  both  his  own  genius  and  the 
favour  of  circumstances.  He  had  a  whole  society  to  organise, 
but  a  society  willing  to  be  ora-anised  and  by  him,   because  it 


12  ins  TOBY  OF  THE  xov.  1799 

had  immense  confidence  in  him,  inspired  by  his  unparalleled 
successes. 

The  law  which  decreed  the  Provisional  Consulship,  conferred 
extensive  powers  on  the  three  Consuls.  This  law  invested  them 
with  the  plenitude  of  the  "  directorial  power ;  "  it  specially 
charged  them  to  "restore  order  in  all  the  departments  of  the 
administration,"  to  "  restore  domestic  tranquillity,"  and  to 
"obtain  for  France  an  honourable  and  solid  peace."  It  associ- 
ated with  them  two  legislative  commissions  of  twenty-five  mem- 
bers each,  selected  from  the  Council  of  the  Ancients  and  that 
of  the  Five  Hundred,  to  supply  the  place  of  the  Legislative 
Body,  and  to  give  a  legal  character  to  the  acts  of  the  Consuls. 
It  authorised  these  two  commissions  to  decree  all  necessary 
measures,  on  the  proposition  of  the  executive  authority.  It 
confided  to  them,  moreover,  the  highly  important  duty  of  pre- 
paring the  new  Constitution.  And  yet,  as  such  powers  could 
not  be  conferred  on  them  for  an  unlimited  time,  the  same  law 
enacted  that,  on  the  ist  of  the  following  Ventose,  the  two 
Councils  of  the  Ancients  and  the  Five  Hundred  should  have 
full  right  to  assemble  again,  if,  in  the  interim,  a  new  Constitu- 
tion had  not  been  promulgated  and  accepted.  In  that  event 
the  members  of  the  then  Legislative  Body  would  retain  their 
]30wers,  excepting  sixty  of  them,  erased  from  the  list  of  the 
Councils  by  an  extraordinary  measure.  The  eventual  reassemb- 
ling being  fixed  for  the  1st  of  Ventose,  the  dictatorship  confided 
to  the  Provisional  Consuls  was  limited  to  three  months.  It  was, 
in  fact,  a  real  dictatorship  with  which  they  had  been  invested : 
for  these  commissions,  deliberating  with  closed  doors ;  divided 
into  different  sections,  of  finances,  legislation,  constitution ; 
meeting  together  only  to  legalise  what  the  government  had  to 
propose  to  them ;  were  the  surest  and  most  convenient  instru- 
ments for  acting  with  promptness.  For  the  rest,  there  was 
little  reason  to  fear  that  these  powers  would  be  abused ;  for, 
when  there  is  so  much  good  to  be  done,  and  so  short  a  space 
to  do  it  in,  men  do  not  waste  time  in  doing  evil. 

On  the  very  day  that  the  three  Provisional  Consuls  removed 
to  the  Luxembourg,  they  met  to  deliberate  on  the  most  urgent 
affairs  of  the  State.  It  was  the  nth  of  November  1799  (20th 
of  Brumaire).  It  was  necessary  to  choose  a  president ;  the  age 
and  position  of  M.  Sieyes  seemed  to  call  him  to  that  distinc- 
tion, but  Roger-Ducos,  though  his  friend,  as  if  carried  away  by 
the  feeling  of  the  moment,  said  to  General  Bonaparte.  "Take 
the  arm-chair,  and  let  us  deliberate."  Bonaparte  immediately 
complied.  The  official  acts  of  the  I^rovisional  Consuls,  how- 
ever, made  no  mention  of  a  ]iresident.  They  entered  into  a 
first  summary  examination  of  the  state  of  tlie  country.  Young 
Bonaparte  was  ignorant  of  many  things,  but  he  guessed  intui- 


NOV.  1799       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIBE.  13 

lively  those  which  he  was  uot  acquainted  with.  He  had  carried 
on  war,  provided  for  the  maintenance  of  numerous  armies, 
administered  conquered  provinces,  negotiated  with  Europe : 
he  could  not  have  served  a  better  apprenticeship  in  the  art  of 
governing.  For  superior  minds,  but  for  those  alone,  war  is  an 
excellent  school :  there  a  man  learns  to  command,  to  decide, 
but  above  all,  to  govern.  Thus  the  new  Consul  appeared  to 
have  on  all  subjects  either  an  opinion  ready  formed,  or  one  that 
was  formed  with  the  rapidity  of  lightning,  particularly  after  he 
had  heard  special  men,  the  only  men  to  whom  he  listened,  and 
solely  on  the  subject  of  their  special  pursuit. 

He  was  still  deficient  in  a  species  of  knowledge  most  service- 
able in  the  exercise  of  the  supreme  authority — the  knowledge 
not  of  men  generally,  but  of  individuals.  As  for  men  in  general, 
his  knowledge  of  them  was  profound ;  but,  having  always  lived 
with  the  armies,  he  was  a  stranger  to  the  individuals  who  had 
figured  in  the  Revolution.  To  supply  this  deficiency  he  had 
recourse  to  the  testimony  of  his  colleagues.  But,  gifted  with 
rapid  penetration  and  a  prodigious  memory,  he  very  soon  made 
himself  as  well  acquainted  with  the  personnel  of  the  government 
as  with  that  of  his  army. 

After  this  first  conference,  the  parts  were  taken  and  accepted. 
The  young  general,  without  waiting  for  the  opinion  of  his  col- 
leagues, gave  his  own  at  the  instant,  summed  up  and  settled 
every  affair  with  the  decision  of  an  acting  man.  It  was  evident 
that  the  impulsion  would  thenceforth  proceed  from  him  alone. 
They  separated,  after  agreeing  upon  the  things  most  urgent  to 
be  done ;  and  Sieyes,  with  a  resignation  which  does  honour  to 
his  reason  and  his  patriotism,  said  in  the  evening  to  Messrs. 
de  Talleyrand  and  Hoederer,  "  We  have  a  master  who  knows 
how  to  do  everything,  who  can  do  everything,  and  who  will  do 
everything."  He  thence  wisely  concluded  that  it  was  best  to 
let  him  act,  for,  at  that  moment,  personal  rivalries  would  have 
ruined  France.  It  was  anew  agreed,  by  a  sort  of  voluntary 
division  of  the  official  duties,  that,  during  this  dictatorship, 
which  it  was  necessary  to  render  brief  and  serviceable.  General 
Bonaparte  should  govern,  and  that  M.  Sieyes  should  under- 
take the  preparation  of  the  Constitution.  This,  as  we  have 
already  said,  was  a  task  which  public  opinion  adjudged  to  the 
latter,  and  in  the  accomplishment  of  which  his  colleague  was 
not  disposed  to  cross  him  miich,  a  single  point  excepted — the 
organisation  of  the  executive  power. 

The  most  urgent  matter  of  all  was  the  composition  of  the 
ministry.  In  a  monarchy,  it  is  tlie  first  men  in  a  conntiy 
who  are  called  to  it.  In  a  republic,  tliose  first  men  having 
become  tliemselves  the  heads  of  the  republic,  there  are  left  for 
the  ministry  onlv  second-rate  men,  mere  clerks,  without  anv 


14  HISTORY  OF  THE  nov.  1799 

responsibility,  because  the  real  responsibility  has  ascended  higher. 
When  such  persons  as  M.  Sieyes  and  General  Bonaparte  were 
Consuls,  highly  distinguished  men,  like  Messrs.  Fouche,  Camba- 
c^r6s,  Reinhart,  de  Talleyrand,  could  not  be  real  ministers.  The 
choice  of  them  had  no  other  importance  than  a  certain  political 
signification  and  the  due  despatch  of  business.  It  is  in  this 
respect  alone  that  their  selection  can  be  considered  as  of  any 
moment. 

The  lawyer  Cambaccres,  a  scholar  and  a  philosopher,  whom 
we  shall  notice  more  particularly  by-and-by,  was  retained,  with- 
out opposition,  as  minister  of  justice.  After  a  brisk  discussion 
among  the  Consuls,  M.  Foucho  was  continued  in  the  ministry  of 
the  police.  M.  Sieyes  would  have  rejected  him,  because,  he 
said,  he  was  not  to  be  depended  on,  and  a  creature  of  llarras', 
the  Director.  General  Bonaparte  supported  him,  and  caused 
him  to  be  confirmed  in  his  post.  He  considered  himself  bound 
to  this  course  by  the  services  which  Foucho  had  done  him 
during  the  events  of  the  1 8th  of  Brumaire.  Besides,  he  united 
to  a  very  shrewd  mind  a  profound  knowledge  of  the  men  and 
things  of  the  Revolution.  Public  opinion,  at  that  time,  had 
marked  him  out  for  the  minister  of  police,  as  M.  de  Talleyrand, 
from  his  familiarity  with  courts,  his  experience  in  business  of 
importance,  his  acute  understanding,  and  his  conciliatory  spirit, 
was  marked  out  for  the  minister  of  foreign  affairs.  M.  Fouche 
was  i-etained ;  but  such  was  the  animosity  of  the  revolutionists 
against  M.  de  Tallevrand,  either  on  account  of  his  constant 
connection  with  the  moderate  party,  or  in  consequence  of  the 
part  which  he  had  played  in  recent  events,  that  it  was  found 
expedient  to  defer  for  a  few  weeks  his  return  to  the  ministry  for 
foreign  affairs.  M.  de  lleinhart  was  kept  for  a  fortnight  longer 
in  that  post.  General  Berthier,  the  faithful  companion  of  the 
conqueror  of  Italy  and  Fgypt,  the  inseparable  chief  of  his  staff, 
who  could  so  thoroughly  comprehend  and  issue  his  orders, — 
General  Berthier  received  the  j^ortfolio  of  war,  in  the  place  of 
M.  Dubois-Crance,  who  was  considered  as  much  too  warm  in 
his  opinions.  M.  Quinette  was  superseded  in  the  ministry  of 
the  interior  by  an  illustrious  savant,  M.  de  La  Place.  This 
was  a  signal  and  just  homage  paid  to  science,  but  it  was  not  a 
service  rendered  to  the  administration.  His  superior  genius 
was  not  fitted  for  the  details  of  business.  M.  Forfait,  an  engi- 
neer and  naval  constructor  of  ability,  succeeded  M.  Bourdon 
(de  rOise)  in  the  ministry  of  the  marine. 

At  this  moment,  the  most  important  choice  to  be  made, 
perhaps,  was  that  for  minister  of  the  finances.  In  the  depart- 
ments already  specified,  the  Consuls  could  supply  the  place  of  the 
ministers,  especially  in  the  two  most  important  dejiartments — war 
and  foreign  affairs ;  General  Bonaparte,  in  fact,  could  perfectly 


NOV.  1799      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  15 

well  perform  all  the  duties  of  Messrs.  Berthier  and  de  Reinhart. 
But  that  was  not  the  case  with  the  finances.  This  is  a  subject 
upon  which  technical  knowledge  is  indispensable  ;  and  there  was 
not  in  the  ministry  that  went  out  with  the  Directory  any  man 
who  could  labour  effectively  at  a  reorganisation  of  the  finances, 
which  had  become  necessaiy  and  urgent.  There  was  a  person 
who  had  formerly  been  chief  clerk,  a  man  not  of  a  brilliant  but 
of  a  solid  understanding,  and  possessing  great  experience,  who 
had  rendered,  both  during  the  old  system  and  in  the  early  period 
of  the  Revolution,  those  obscure  but  valuable  administrative 
services  with  which  governments  cannot  dispense,  and  which 
they  ought  to  appreciate  highly.  The  first  clerk  to  whom  I 
allude  here  was  M.  Gaudin,  since  Duke  of  Gaete.  M.  Sieyes, 
well  qualified  to  judge  of  men,  though  not  to  control  them,  had 
discovered  M.  Gaudin,  and  had  been  desirous  to  commit  to 
his  hands  the  portfolio  of  the  finances  towards  the  end  of  the 
Directory.  M.  Gaudin,  a  good  financier,  but  a  timid  citizen,  had 
declined  the  offer  made  to  him  under  an  expiring  government, 
which  wanted  the  first  requisites  of  credit,  strength,  and  the 
appearance  of  stability.  But  when  power  seemed  to  fall  with- 
out opposition  into  able  and  firm  hands,  he  could  no  longer  feel 
the  same  repugnance.  General  Bonaparte,  having  a  decided 
partiality  for  practical  men,  joined  without  hesitation  in  the 
opinion  of  his  colleague,  Sieyes,  and  offered  to  M.  Gaudin  the 
administration  of  the  finances.  M.  Gaudin  accepted  this  post, 
in  which  he  never  ceased,  for  fifteen  years,  to  render  eminent 
services. 

All  the  departments  of  the  ministry  were  thus  filled.  Another 
appointment  was  added  to  the  preceding — that  of  M.  ]\Iaret, 
since  Duke  of  Bassano,  who  became  secretary  to  the  Consuls, 
with  the  title  of  secretary  of  state.  Charged  to  prepare  for 
the  Consuls  the  elements  of  their  labour,  frequently  to  draw 
up  their  resolutions,  and  to  communicate  them  to  the  heads 
of  different  departments,  to  keep  the  secrets  of  the  State,  he 
had  a  kind  of  ministry,  destined  sometimes  to  make  up  for, 
to  complete,  or  to  control  the  others.  A  cultivated  mind,  a 
certain  acquaintance  with  Europe,  with  which  he  had  already 
negotiated,  particularly  at  Lisle,  with  Lord  IMalmesbury,  a 
tenacious  memory,  a  fidelity  not  to  be  shaken,  caused  him 
to  become  one  of  the  most  serviceable,  and  most  constantly 
employed  fellow-labourers  about  General  Bonaparte.  In  those 
who  served  him,  the  general  preferred  exactness  and  intelli- 
gence to  brilliancy.  It  is  a  partiality  common  to  su])erior 
geniuses,  which  desire  to  be  comprehended  and  ol)eyed,  but 
want  no  substitute.  Such  was  the  secret  of  the  high  favour 
also  enjoyed  by  M.  Berthier  for  twenty  years.  ]\1.  jNIaret, 
though  far  from  ecjualling  him,  had,  in  civil  affairs,  some  of  the 


1 6  HISTORY  OF  THE  noy.  1799 

merits  displayed  by  the  illustiious  chief  of  the  staff  in  his 
military  career. 

General  Lefebvre  was  retained  in  the  command  o£  the  17th 
military  division.  It  will  be  recollected  that,  at  first,  in  the 
morning  of  the  i8th  of  Brumaire,  he  had  shown  some  hesi- 
tation, and  that  he  had  afterwards  blindly  thrown  himself 
into  the  arms  of  the  new  dictator.  He  was  rewarded  for  it  by 
the  I7tli  military  division  and  the  command  of  Paris.  Thence- 
forward his  fidelity  might  be  depended  upon. 

Members  of  the  two  Councils,  who  had  distinguished  them- 
selves by  their  co-operation  in  the  i8th  of  Brumaire,  were 
sent  into  the  provinces  to  explain  and  justify  that  event,  and, 
if  necessary,  to  supersede  such  of  the  agents  of  authority  as 
might  prove  either  refractory  or  inadequate  to  their  functions. 
The  result  of  the  i8th  of  Brumaire  was  everywhere  hailed  with 
joy  :  the  revolutionary  party  had,  nevertheless,  in  the  men 
compromised  by  their  excesses,  adherents  who  might  have 
become  dangerous,  especially  towards  the  provinces  of  the 
South.  Where  they  did  show  themselves,  the  f/ilded  youth,  as 
they  were  called,  were  quite  ready  to  come  to  blows  with  them. 
The  defeat  or  the  victory  of  either  might  have  produced  serious 
inconveniences. 

Some  changes  were  made  in  the  distribution  of  the  great 
military  commands.  General  Moreau,  deeply  irritated  against 
the  Directory,  which  had  so  ill  rewarded  his  patriotic  devoted- 
ness  during  the  campaign  of  1799,  had  consented  to  become 
the  lieutenant  of  General  Bonaparte,  to  assist  him  in  consum- 
mating the  Revolution  of  the  1 8th  of  ]>rumaire.  At  the  head 
of  300  men,  he  had  condescended  to  act  the  part  of  keeper 
of  the  Ijuxembourg,  the  palace  in  which  the  Directors  found 
themselves  prisoners  while  their  deposition  was  determined  on 
at  St.  Cloud.  General  Bonaparte,  who,  by  skilfully  feeding 
the  pride  and  the  resentments  of  Moreau,  had  induced  him  to 
accept  that  singular  post,  owed  him  some  comj^ensation.  He 
united  the  two  armies  of  the  Rhine  and  of  Helvetia  into  one, 
and  gave  him  the  command  of  it.  This  was  the  most  numerous, 
the  finest  army  of  the  Republic,  and  it  could  not  have  been  put 
into  better  hands.  General  Moreau  had  gained  but  little  glory 
during  the  last  campaign.  His  services,  though  substantial, 
especially  when,  with  a  handful  of  men,  he  stopped  the  trium- 
phant career  of  Suwaroff,  were  nevertheless  no  victories,  and 
were  not  appreciated  at  their  proper  value.  At  this  period  the 
battle  of  Zurich  had  eclipsed  everything.  Besides,  the  political 
conduct  of  Moreau  on  the  iSth  of  Fructidor,  when  he  denounced 
Pichegru  either  too  soon  or  too  late,  had  injured  him  in  public 
opinion,  and  caused  him  to  be  considered  as  a  weak  character, 
wholly  beneatli  himself  when   he  was  not  upon   the  field    of 


NOV.  1799       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  17 

battle.  General  Bonaparte,  therefore,  raised  him  considerably 
by  conferring  on  him  so  extensive  a  command ;  and  he  came 
to  another  very  wise  determination.  The  legions  of  the  Rhine 
and  of  Helvetia  comprehended  the  most  ardent  republicans  of 
the  army,  and  many  who  were  envious  of  the  glory  acquired 
in  Italy  and  in  Egypt.  Massena  commanded  them,  and  he 
had  but  little  affection  for  General  ]^onaparte,  though  subju- 
gated by  his  genius.  In  regard  to  him,  he  passed  alternately 
from  admiration  to  ill-humour.  There  was  reason  to  fear,  on 
his  part,  some  unpleasant  deirionstration  on  account  of  the  i8th 
of  lirumaire.  The  choice  of  Moreau  cut  short  all  possible 
manifestations,  by  removing  an  ill-dis]:)Osed  general  from  a 
discontented  army.  This  choice  was  likewise  a  good  one  in 
a  niilitary  point  of  view  ;  for  this  army  of  the  Rhine  and  of 
Helvetia  was  destined,  in  case  the  war  were  renewed,  to  operate 
in  Germany,  and  no  one  had  so  thoroughly  studied  this  part 
of  the  theatre  of  war  as  Moreau. 

Massena  was  sent  to  the  army  of  Italy,  to  places  and  amoug 
soldiers  that  he  was  perfectly  acquainted  with.  It  was  honour- 
able for  him  to  be  selected  for  the  repairer  of  the  faults  com- 
mitted in  1799,  and  the  continuator  of  the  exploits  of  General 
Bonaparte  in  1796.  Separated  from  tlie  army  amidst  which 
he  had  just  won  a  victory  and  made  himself  supporters,  he 
was  to  be  transferred  to  a  new  army,  to  which  the  Directory 
was  odious,  and  where  lie  would  find  none  but  approvers  of 
the  1 8th  of  I>rumaire.  This  choice,  like  the  preceding,  was 
highly  judicious  in  a  military  point  of  view.  It  was  the 
Apennines  that  lhe  French  would  have  to  dispute  with  the 
Austrians  ;  and,  for  a  war  of  this  kind,  on  this  theatre  of 
operations,  Massena  had  not  his  equal. 

After  they  had  decided  upon  these  indispensable  appoint- 
ments, the  Consuls  had  to  direct  their  attention  to  an  affair  not 
less  urgent,  namely,  that  of  tlie  finances.  Before  they  could 
obtain  money  from  the  capitalists,  it  was  requisite  that  they 
should  give  them  tlie  satisfaction  of  suppressing  tlie  progressive 
forced  loan,  whicli,  like  the  law  of  the  hostages,  had  incurred 
universal  reprobation.  The  forced  loan,  as  well  as  the  law  of 
the  hostages,  was  far  from  having  produced  all  the  evils  that 
were  attributed  to  it.  \\\\\  these  two  measures,  truly  j'jaltry  in 
regard  to  utility.  wen>  vicious  in  a  moral  point  of  view,  inas- 
much as  they  revived  tlie  most  odious  recollections  of  tlu^  Reign 
of  '^I'error.  All.  therefore,  agreed  in  condemning  them.  'Y\\i^ 
rcn'olutionists  themsehcs.  who,  in  tluir  ])ati'iotic  ai'dour,  had 
demanded  these  measures  of  the  Dii'ectorv.  l)v  a  I'eaction  very 
common  in  ])arties,  lind  suddenly  declared  1liemsel\es  hostile  to 
them  as  soon  as  they  pei'ceived  their  failure  and  un]vi])ulni-ity. 

Xo  sooiuM-  was  Gaudin   installed   minister  than,  ly  order  of 

VOL.    I.  I! 


1 8  HISTORY  OF  THE  nov.  1799 

the  Consuls,  he  submitted  to  the  legislative  commissious  a 
resolution,  the  object  of  which  was  the  suppression  of  the 
progressive  forced  loan.  This  suppression  took  place  amidst 
universal  applause.  In  lieu  of  the  forced  loan  there  was  sub- 
stituted a  war-supply,  consisting  of  an  addition  of  25  per  cent, 
to  the  principal  of  the  land-tax,  the  tax  on  movable  property, 
and  the  personal  tax.  This  supply  was  payable,  like  the  other 
taxes,  in  money  or  State  paper  of  any  kind ;  but,  owing  to  the 
urgency  of  the  case,  it  was  required  that  half  the  amount 
should  be  paid  in  cash. 

The  war-supply,  which  had  thus  superseded  the  progressive 
forced  loan,  could  not  furnish  immediate  relief,  for  it  was  only 
to  be  levied  upon  the  assessments  of  the  direct  contributions, 
and  at  the  same  time  as  those  contributions,  of  which  it  was 
in  reality  but  an  augmentation,  in  the  proportion  of  one-fourth. 
It  was  requisite  for  the  current  service,  and  more  particularly 
for  the  ti-oops,  that  the  treasury  should  be  immediately  re- 
plenished. Si.  Gaudin,  on  the  strength  of  this  new  measure, 
destined  more  especially  to  please  the  great  capitalists,  appealed 
to  the  principal  bankers  of  the  capital,  and  applied  to  them 
for  assistance,  the  urgency  of  which  was  felt  by  all.  General 
Bonaparte  entered  into  direct  communication  with  them,  and 
the  sum  of  1 2,000,000  f.  in  cash  was  immediately  lent  to  the 
government.  It  was  to  be  repaid  out  of  the  first  receipts  of 
the  war  contribution. 

This  accommodation  was  a  great  boon,  and  reflected  honour 
on  the  public  spirit  of  the  bankers  of  the  capital.     But  it  was  a 
supply  for  a  few  days  only.     More  durable  supplies  were  needed. 
We  have  seen,  at  the  beginning  of  this  book,  how  the  sup- 
pression of  the  indirect  contributions,  decreed  at  the  very  out- 
set of  the  Revolution,  had  reduced  the  treasury  to  the  mere 
produce  of  the   direct    contributions ;    how    this    revenue    had 
itself  been  almost  annulled  by  the   delay  in  the  preparation 
of   the  assessments ;    lastly,   how  the    assignats,   the  ordinary 
medium  for  supplying  all  deficits,  having  totally  disappeared, 
recourse  was  had  to  papers  of  various  kinds,  which,  not  having 
the  forced  currency  of  coin,  were  no  longer  a  clog,  as  before, 
to  private  transactions,  but  left  the   government  without  re- 
sources, and  gave  rise  to  the  most  hideous  stock -jobbing.     It 
was  necessary  to  put   an  end  to  this   state  of  things,   and  to 
reorganise  the   collection,  if  the   government  wished  to   open 
ao-ain  the  sources  of  tlie  public  revenue,  and,  with  the  sources 
of  the  public  revenue,  those  of  credit. 

In  every  country  where  there  exist  taxes  on  property  and 
person,  which  we  term  in  France  direct  contributions,  it  is 
requisite  to  have  a  return  of  that  property,  witli  an  estimate 
of  its  produce,   and  a   list  of  the  names  of  persons,  with  an 


NOV.  1799       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  19 

estimate  of  their  pecuniary  means ;  it  is  requisite  that  these 
returns  be  modified  every  year,  according  to  the  transfer  of 
property  from  hand  to  hand,  according  to  the  birth,  death,  or 
removal  of  persons ;  it  is  then  requisite  to  apportion  every  year 
among  the  properties  and  the  persons  the  amount  of  taxes  that 
has  been  decreed ;  lastly,  there  must  be  a  collection,  at  once 
exact  and  prudent :  exact,  to  ensure  the  receipts ;  prudent, 
not  to  harass  the  payers.  Nothing  of  this  kind  existed  in  the 
year  VIIT.  (1799). 

The  register  of  real  property  (cadastre),  a  work  which  has 
occupied  the  last  forty  years,*  was  not  yet  begun.  There  were 
ancient  terriers  in  some  communes,  and  a  general  return  of 
properties  undertaken  in  the  time  of  the  Constituent  Assembly. 
These  data,  though  by  no  means  accurate,  were  turned  to 
account.  But  the  operations  which  consist  in  revising  the 
lists  of  properties  and  persons,  according  to  their  iiicessant 
changes,  and  in  apportioning  annually  among  them  the  amount 
of  taxes  decreed — these  operations,  which  properly  constitute 
what  is  called  the  preparation  of  the  assessments,  were  left  to 
the  municipal  administrations,  to  whose  disorganisation  and 
carelessness  we  have  already  adverted. 

The  collection  was  in  not  less  disorder.  It  was  given  to  the 
lowest  bidder:  that  is,  to  those  who  undertook  the  duty  at  the 
cheapest  rate.  These  collectors  paid  over  the  funds  levied  by 
them  to  receivers,  who  acted  as  intermediates  (agents)  between 
them  and  the  receiver-general.  Both  the  one  and  the  other 
were  in  arrear.  The  disorder  prevailing  in  every  department 
did  not  permit  a  strict  eye  to  be  kept  upon  them.  Besides, 
the  non-preparation  of  the  assessments  always  furnished  them 
with  a  plausible  pretext  for  deferring  the  payments,  and  stock- 
jobbing with  the  means  of  making  those  payments  in  depre- 
ciated paper.     In  short,  they  received  little,  and  paid  in  less. 

On  the  recommendation  of  ]\I.  Gaudin,  the  Consuls  were  not 
afraid  to  revert  to  certain  practices  of  the  old  government, 
whicli  experience  had  proved  to  be  sound  and  useful.  Upon  the 
improved  model  of  tlie  ancient  administration  of  the  finijtiemc.-^, 
there  was  instituted  the  agency  of  direct  contributions,  hitherto 
constantly  rejected,  from  the  mischievous  idea  of  leaving  the 
local  administrations  to  tax  themselves.  A  director  and  an 
inspector  in  each  department,  and  840  comptrollers,  distributed 
in  greater  or  less  number  in  the  arrondissements,  were  them- 
selves to  perform  the  duty  of  preparing  the  assessments ;  that 
is  to  say,  to  draw  u])  the  list  of  properties  and  persons,  to  ascer- 
tain the  changes  which  had  taken  place  during  the  year,  and 
to  charge  tlu-ni  with  their  fair  ])ro])()rtion  of  tlie  tax.     Thus, 

*  The  rc;i<lir  will  jiei'ct'ivc  that  this  portion  of  tlii'  work  was  written  some 
years  ai^o.  —  Trannlaior. 


20  HISTORY  OF  THE  not.  1799 

instead  of  the  5000  cantonal  commissioners,  who  could  do  no 
more  than  urge  the  communes  to  the  preparation  of  the  assess- 
ments, there  were  to  be  99  directors,  99  inspectors,  and  840 
comptrollers,  performing  the  duty  themselves,  at  an  expense  to 
the  State  of  three  millions  instead  of  five.  It  was  hoped  that 
in  six  weeks  this  administration  would  be  completely  organised, 
and  that  in  two  or  three  months  it  would  have  finished  the 
third  yet  remaining  to  be  made  of  the  assessments  of  the  year 
VII.  (the  last  year),  all  those  of  the  year  A'lII.  (the  current 
year),  lastly,  all  those  of  the  year  IX.  (the  next  year). 

Courage  was  required  to  overcome  some  prejudices,  but 
General  Bonaparte  was  not  the  man  to  let  prejudices  stop 
him.  The  legislative  commissions,  debating  with  closed  doors, 
adopted  the  proposed  plan  after  some  observations.  Guarantees 
were  granted  to  such  persons  liable  to  the  contribution  as  had 
claims  to  make — guarantees  which  have  since  been  rendered  more 
secure  by  means  of  the  institution  of  the  councils  of  prefecture. 
The  basis  of  all  regular  contribution  was  thus  re-established. 

This  done,  it  was  requisite  to  organise  the  collection  and  the 
payment  of  the  funds  into  the  treasury. 

At  the  present  day,  in  consequence  of  the  perfect  order 
which  the  Empire  and  the  subsequent  governments  have  suc- 
cessively introduced  into  our  finances,  the  levy  of  the  funds  of 
the  treasury  is  executed  with  a  facility  and  a  regularity  that 
leave  nothing  to  be  desired.  Collectors  receive,  month  by 
month,  the  direct  contributions,  that  is  to  say,  the  taxes  imposed 
upon  land,  buildings,  and  persons,  which  they  pay  over  to  the 
particular  receiver  stationed  in  the  principal  place  of  every 
arrondissement,  and  the  latter  to  the  receiver-general  resident 
in  the  chief  town  of  the  department.  The  receivers  of  the  in- 
direct contributions,  consisting  of  customs  levied  on  the  frontiers 
upon  foreign  merchandise,  duties  of  registration  chargeable  on 
transfers  of  property  and  on  judicial  acts  ;  lastly,  duties  imposed 
upon  articles  of  consumption  of  various  kinds,  such  as  liquors, 
tobacco,  salt,  &c. ;  the  receivers  of  these  contributions  pay  over 
the  proceeds  as  they  receive  them  to  the  particular  receiver, 
and  the  latter  again  to  the  receiver-general,  the  real  banker 
of  the  State,  whose  duty  it  is  to  amass  the  funds,  and  to  dispose 
of  them  agreeably  to  the  orders  transmitted  to  him  by  the 
administration  of  the  treasury. 

The  equal  distribution  of  the  public  burdens  and  the  general 
prosperity  have  rendered  the  payment  of  taxes  so  easy  at  the 
present  day ;  moreover,  the  periodical  returns,  which  contain  a 
summary  of  all  the  operations  connected  with  the  receipts  and 
expenditure,  have  become  so  clear ;  that  the  taxes  are  paid  on 
the  day  specified — frequently  before — and  that  the  precise  date 
of  their  receipt  and  appropriation  is  also  known.     Thus  govern- 


NOV.  1799       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIBE.  21 

ment  has  found  means  to  establish  a  system  grounded  on  the 
truth  itself  of  facts,  according  as  they  take  place.  It  is,  there- 
fore, in  the  nature  of  the  direct  contributions  levied  upon  pro- 
perty and  persons  (and  thus  a  species  of  rent),  to  be  capable 
of  being  fixed  beforehand,  both  as  to  the  amount  and  as  to  the 
term  of  payment.  They  are  demanded,  therefore,  a  twelfth  at 
a  time,  and  monthly.  The  receivers  are  debited  with  them,  that 
is  to  say,  constituted  debtors  for  their  amount,  every  month. 
But  it  is  presumed  that  they  have  not  received  them  till  two 
or  three  months  after  each  twelfth  or  instalment  is  due,  in  order 
to  leave  them  the  means  of  exercising  forbearance  towards  the 
payers,  and,  at  the  same  time,  to  create  in  themselves  a  motive 
for  getting  in  the  tax ;  for,  if  they  receive  it  before  the  time 
at  which  they  have  to  pay  it  in,  they  derive  a  profit,  by  interest, 
proportionate  to  the  despatch  of  the  collection.  It  is,  on  the 
contrary,  in  the  nature  of  the  indirect  contributions  (which  are 
levied  only  upon  the  importations  of  foreign  goods  into  France, 
upon  the  transfers  of  property,  or  upon  the  consumption  of 
articles  of  different  sorts),  to  be  received  but  irregularly,  and 
according  to  the  extent  of  the  transactions  in  the  articles  upon 
which  they  are  laid.  The  receivers  are  therefore  debited,  that 
is  to  say,  constituted  debtors,  for  them,  at  the  very  moment 
when  they  come  into  their  hands,  and  not  by  twelfths  and 
monthly,  as  is  the  practice  for  the  direct  contributions.  Every 
ten  days  the  receiver-general  is  constituted  debtor  for  what  has 
come  in  during  the  past  ten. 

As  soon  as  he  is  debited,  no  matter  for  what  kind  of  contribu- 
tion, the  receiver-general  pays  interest  upon  the  sums  with 
which  h(^  is  debited,  till  the  day  that  he  ]5avs  them  away  for 
account  of  the  puljlic  services.  On  the  other  hand,  from  the 
day  that  he  pays  any  sum  whatever  on  account  of  the  State, 
before  he  is  in  debt  to  it,  the  State,  in  its  turn,  gives  him  credit 
for  the  interest.  A  balance  is  afterwards  struck  between  the 
interest  owing  by  the  receiver-general  upon  the  sums  that  have 
remained  in  his  hands  b(n'ond  tlie  time  prescribi^d,  and  the 
interest  dno  by  the  treasury  u])on  the  sums  that  have  b^en 
advanced  to  it;  so  that  not  a  single  day's  interest  is  lost  either 
by  the  one  or  the  other;  and  llie  receiver-general  becomes  a 
real  banker,  having  a  running  account  with  t]i(>  treasury, 
obliged  io  hold  constantly  at  the  disposal  of  the  government 
the  funds  wliicli  the  wants  of  the  service  may  recpiire,  no 
matter  to  what  extent. 

Such  is  th(^  system  wliicli  experience  on  tlie  one  liand,  and 
the  improved  circumstances  of  the  tax-]iavers  on  th(^  other, 
liave  gradually  introduced  in  tlie  collection  oi"  tlie  funds  of 
the  tri'asuiy. 

liut  at  the  period  the  history  of  which  we  are  recording,  the 


22  HISTORY  OF  THE  nov.  1799 

taxes  came  in  irregularly,  and  the  system  of  accounts  was  con- 
fused. The  collector  who  was  in  arrear  might  allege  the  delay 
in  the  preparation  of  the  assessments,  or  the  distress  of  those 
from  whom  they  were  to  be  levied ;  he  could,  moreover,  conceal 
the  amount  of  his  receipts,  owing  to  the  want  of  clearness  in  the 
returns  of  the  operations.  The  government  knew  not,  as  at  pre- 
sent, what  was  passing  every  day  in  the  several  thousand  coffers, 
great  and  small,  composing  the  general  exchequer  of  the  State. 

M.  Gaudin  proposed,  and  prevailed  on  General  Bonaparte  to 
adopt,  a  system  borrowed  in  a  great  measure  from  the  old 
government,  an  ingenious  system,  which  has  gradually  led  us  to 
the  organisation  at  present  established.  This  system  was  that 
of  bills  of  the  receivers-general.  These  receivers,  real  bankers 
of  the  treasury,  as  we  have  called  them,  w^ere  to  give  bills, 
falling  due  from  month  to  month,  for  the  total  amount  of  the 
direct  contributions,  that  is  to  say,  for  300,000,000  f.  of  the 
500,000,000  f.  then  composing  the  budget  of  the  State.  These 
bills,  when  due,  were  made  payable  at  the  office  of  the  receiver- 
general.  To  compensate  for  the  delay  afforded  to  the  contri- 
butor in  paying  his  tax,  it  was  assumed  that  each  twelfth  was 
discharged  about  four  months  after  the  period  when  it  was  due. 
Thus  the  bills  for  the  twelfth,  payable  on  the  3 1  st  of  January, 
were  to  be  drawn  so  as  to  fall  due  on  the  3 1  st  of  May ;  by 
which  means  the  receiver-general,  having  before  him  a  term  of 
four  months,  was  at  once  enabled  to  grant  indulgence  to  the 
payer  of  the  tax,  and  stimulated  to  obtain  payment  earlier ; 
for,  if  he  could  get  it  in  before  the  expiration  of  two  months 
instead  of  four,  he  gained  two  months'  interest. 

This  combination,  besides  possessing  the  advantage  of  sparing 
the  payer  of  the  tax  and  interesting  the  collector  in  getting  it 
in,  had  the  merit  of  preventing  the  receivers-general  from  de- 
laying payment ;  for  the  treasury  had  bills  of  exchange  upon 
them  at  a  fixed  date,  which  they  were  obliged  to  pay,  upon  pain 
of  their  being  protested.  Such  a  combination,  it  is  true,  was 
not  possible  till  after  the  preparation  of  the  assessments,  and 
the  collection  had  been  ensured ;  the  receivers-general  being 
unable  to  pay  punctually  unless  they  were  supplied  punctually. 
But,  this  being  accomplished  by  the  means  which  we  have 
stated,  it  was  easy  to  establish  the  system  of  bills ;  and  inde- 
pendently of  the  advantages  enumerated,  it  was  attended  with 
this,  that,  on  the  first  day  of  the  year,  it  placed  at  the  disposal 
of  the  treasury  the  300,000,000  f.  of  direct  contributions,  in 
bills  of  exchange,  which  could  be  surely  and  easily  discounted. 

To  give  credit  to  this  paper,  destined  to  answer  the  purpose 
which  the  royal  hons  fulfil  at  this  day  in  France,  and  the 
exchequer  bills  in  England,  the  caisse  cV amortissement  (sinking- 
fund)  was  devised.     This  institution,  which  we  shall  see,  ere 


NOV.  1799       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  23 

long,  entrusted  with  the  management  of  the  entire  public  debt, 
had  at  first  no  other  object  than  to  support  the  bills  of  the 
receiver-general.  The  manner  in  which  this  was  managed  was 
as  follows.  The  collectors  of  the  public  money,  as  a  guarantee 
for  their  operations,  gave  at  that  time  a  security  in  immovable 
property  only.  This  kind  of  security,  exposing  the  State  to  the 
difficulties  of  a  forced  ejectment,  when  it  was  obliged  to  proceed 
against  the  granter,  did  not  sufficiently  answer  the  object  of 
its  institution.  It  was  therefore  determined  to  require  of  the 
receivers  a  security  in  money.  They  were  then  making  such 
large  profits,  by  jobbing  with  the  produce  of  the  tax  itself,  as  to 
submit  cheerfully  to  this  condition  rather  than  resign  their  posts. 

These  securities,  paid  into  the  caisse  d'aoiiortisscmcnt,  were 
destined  to  serve  as  a  guarantee  to  the  bills.  Every  bill,  when 
due,  was  to  be  paid  at  the  office  of  the  receiver-general,  or,  in 
default,  at  that  of  the  caisse  cT amortissement,  which  was  to  dis- 
charge it  on  presentation,  if  protested,  out  of  the  security  of  the 
granter.  The  bill,  in  consequence,  immediately  equalled  in 
character  the  best  commercial  paper.  Nor  was  this  the  only 
advantage  of  that  combination,  i^-obably  a  small  portion  of  the 
securities  might  suffice  to  uphold  the  credit  of  the  bills,  for  few 
of  the  receivers-general  would  be  tempted  to  suffer  their  paper 
to  be  protested :  the  surplus  would  then  be  left  at  the  disposal 
of  the  treasury,  which  might  settle  for  it  with  the  caisse,  by 
ceding  to  it  immovable  property  or  rentes. 

The  government  had,  therefore,  by  means  of  this  institution, 
the  advantage  of  giving  assured  currency  to  the  bills,  and  of 
procuring  for  itself  a  certain  sum  in  cash,  that  might  be  made 
forthwith  available — a  resource  which,  just  then,  came  most 
seasonably. 

Such  was  the  system  of  collection  and  of  payment,  which  in 
a  short  time  placed  the  treasury  at  its  ease.  It  consisted,  as 
we  have  seen,  in  making  up  the  assessments  of  the  contri- 
butions, and  in  putting  them  in  a  train  to  be  collected  with 
punctuality  and  despatch  ;  in  then  drawing  bills  on  the  prin- 
cipal receivers  for  the  total  amount  of  the  tax — bills  readily 
discounted,  owing  to  the  ineans  devised  to  enable  the  receivei's- 
general  to  discharge  theii*  obligations  themselves,  or  whicli  llie 
caisse  (V amort Issoncnt  could  discharge  for  them. 

We  have  adverted  to  the  direct  contributions  only.  As  for 
the  indirect  contributions,  which  did  not  come  in  regularly  or 
by  twelfths,  the  receivers-general  were,  after  thf>  recei])t  of 
them,  but  not  till  then,  to  transmit  to  the  treasury  hilU  at  su/Iit 
on  their  chest ;  so  that  these  were  not  available  till  after  the 
drawer  had  received  the  amount.  This  ])art  of  tlie  sei'vice. 
which  k'ft  too  great  an  enjoyment  ct'  funds  to  the  receivers- 
general,  was  subsefjuently  iinproNcd. 


24  HISTORY  OF  THE  nov.  1799 

At  the  moment  of  the  iatroduction  of  every  new  system, 
there  are  inconveniences  of  transition,  arising  from  the  difficulty 
of  adjusting  the  present  state  of  things  with  that  which  one 
purposes  to  create  in  its  stead.  Thus  the  tons  d'arrirages 
dehvered  to  the  re7itiers,  the  hons  de  requisition  delivered  to  the 
farmers,  whose  commodities  had  been  taken  on  the  spot,  lastly, 
the  delegations  on  funds  to  be  paid  into  the  chests,  delivered 
with  a  culpable  licence  to  certain  contractors,  were  liable  to 
derange  all  the  calculations.  Different  methods  were  adopted 
to  remedy  the  inconveniences  which  resulted  from  the  presence 
of  all  these  papers  in  the  circulation.  The  hmis  d'arrerages, 
given  to  the  rentiers,  had  exclusively  the  favour  of  being  still 
received  in  payment  of  taxes ;  but  the  amount  of  tliem  for  the 
current  year  was  known,  and  by  so  much  the  sum  of  the  obligations 
which  the  receivers-general  were  to  subscribe  was  diminished. 

As  for  the  hons  de  requisition  and  the  delegations,  papers  of 
suspicious  origin,  and  the  amount  of  which  was  unknown,  they 
were  subjected  to  a  particular  liquidation.  They  were  dis- 
charged at  a  later  period,  partly  with  national  property,  partly 
with  paper  of  different  kinds,  and  with  due  regard  to  ecjuity. 

By  paying  the  rentiers  in  money,  as  it  was  proposed  soon  to 
do,  whenever  the  due  receipt  of  the  contributions  should  b(^ 
secured  ;  by  providing  for  the  armies,  and  relieving  them  from 
the  necessity  of  recurring  to  the  system  of  requisitions  ;  by  ob- 
stinately refusing  to  the  contractors  the  irregular  deJajations, 
which  had  before  been  granted  to  them  on  the  receipts  of  tlie 
treasury ;  the  government  could  not  fail  to  dry  up  the  source 
of  the  paper  circulation,  and  to  re-establish  everywhere  the 
collection  of  taxes  in  cash. 

With  these  means,  devised  for  ensuring  the  revenues  of  the 
State,  were  combined  measures,  some  of  them  quite  legitimate 
at  any  time,  others  still  having  the  character  of  expedients  and 
the  excuse  of  necessity.  The  purchasers  of  national  domains, 
doing  as  everybody  then  did,  that  is  to  say,  disregarding  the 
laws,  withheld  the  price  of  the  immovable  property  which  they 
had  bought.  They  were  required  to  pay  it  within  four  months, 
upon  ])ain  of  forfeiture.  This  obligation  could  not  but  bring- 
in  a  great  part  of  the  paper  in  circulation,  which  was  specially 
receivable  in  payment  for  national  domains.  Certain  classes 
of  purchasers  were  to  pay  a  portion  of  the  price  in  cash.  For 
this  portion  they  were  obliged  to  sign  negotiable  engagements. 
These  papers  were  safe  and  easy  to  be  disposed  of ;  for  those 
who  had  signed  them  were  threatened  with  the  loss  of  tlieir 
purchases,  if  they  suffered  their  engagements  to  be  protested. 

National  domains  to  the  value  of  300,000,000  or  400,000, ooof. 
still  remained  unsold.  This  value,  entirely  hypotlietical,  founded 
on  the  estimates  of  1 790,  miglit,  if  lietter  times  were  waited  for. 


NOV.  1799      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  25 

be  worth  double,  treble,  and  even  more.  The  best  course  would 
have  been  not  to  dispose  of  them.  Urgent  necessity,  however, 
caused  recourse  to  be  had  to  a  new  alienation.  It  was  decided 
that  rescriptions,  representative  of  the  price  of  the  domains 
proposed  to  be  sold,  should  be  negotiated  to  speculators,  to  the 
amount  of  1 50,000,000  f.  Luckily,  a  very  small  part  only  of 
this  sum  was  issued. 

Lastly,  a  scheme  was  adopted  for  representing  by  paper  of 
the  same  kind  the  capital  of  certain  ground-rents  belonging  to 
the  State,  and  which  anterior  laws  had  permitted  the  debtors  to 
redeem.  This  produced  well-nigh  40,000,000  f.  The  parties 
who  owed  these  rents  had  ceased  to  pay  them,  without 
having,  however,  effected  their  redemption.  Paper,  destined  to 
represent  this  capital  of  40,ooO;OOof.,  and  negotiable,  like  the 
rescriptions  on  the  national  domains,  through  the  medium  of 
stockbrokers,  was  issued. 

These  emissions  of  artificial  securities  were  the  last  concessions 
made  to  pressing  wants.  Disposed  of  to  speculators,  they  were 
destined  to  procure  some  resources  till  the  re-establishment 
of  the  finances,  which  there  was  reason  to  expect  from  the 
punctual  preparation  of  the  assessments,  and  the  system  of 
the  bills  of  the  receivers-general.  For  the  rest,  these  papers,  as 
we  shall  see  by-and-by,  were  issued  with  great  reserve,  and  had 
not  their  usual  inconveniences,  namely,  the  depreciation  and  the 
alienation  at  a  low  price  of  the  resources  of  tlie  State. 

The  solidity  of  these  various  schemes,  undoubtedly  good  in 
themselves,  depended  entirely  on  the  solidity  of  the  government 
itself.  Founded  on  the  supposed  return  of  order,  they  would 
yield  the  results  wliich  were  lioped  from  them,  if  order  were 
actually  restored  ;  if  the  executive  power  displayed  vigour  and 
perseverance  in  the  execution  of  its  plans;  it"  it  organised  well 
and  speedily  the  new  administration  of  the  direct  contribu- 
tions; if  it  took  constant  care  to  re((uire  that  the  assessments 
should  be  mad(^  out,  and  put  in  train  to  be  collected  within  the 
time  ])rescribed  ;  that  the  bills  of  tlie  receivers-general  should 
be  subscribed  and  paid  wlien  due;  that  the  securities  should  be 
prom]itly  furnished  and  de^iositi'd  in  the  cai^se  (Pa nwrfixsc/Dunt 
in  suflicient  amount  to  U])h()ld  tlu'  credit  of  the  bills;  if.  finally, 
it  abandoned  for  ever  those  ruinous  expedients,  such  as  lian^i 
(Varrera(/es,  hons  dc  rdqiiisUiou,  and  dch'(jaiion>i.  which  it  had 
]iromised  itself  to  renounc(\  If  all  this  were  (.'ifected.  it  was 
certain  lo  oljtaiu  the  Ijeneficial  results  which  weri^  exjieefed  from 
1h(>  new  linaiicial  svsteni.  There  was  reason  to  h()])e  t'nr  it  too 
from  the  inlelligcnce  and  the  firmness  of  (ieiu'ral  iJonapai'te. 
All  these  ])lans  he  had  himself  discussed,  a]")pi'ovi'(l.  nay,  fre- 
f(uently  modified  and  im]ir()ved  ;  h(»  a]')])r(>ciated  their  importance 
and  their  m(>i'it.  and  he  was  lirmlv  i'esol\"ed  to  see  thai  Ihev  were 


26  HISTORY  OF  THE  not.  1799 

strictly  executed.  No  sooner  were  they  decided  upon  than  they 
were  sent  to  the  legislative  commissions,  which  converted  them 
into  laws,  without  the  loss  of  a  moment.  Twenty  days  sufficed 
for  conceiving,  for  digesting,  for  clothing  them  with  a  legal 
character,  and  for  carrying  them  partly  into  effect.  General 
Bonaparte  was  at  work  several  times  a  week  with  the  minister 
of  the  finances,  and  he  thus  took  the  best  method  of  putting 
an  end  to  those  pernicious  delegations,  which  were  frequently 
granted  on  the  solicitation  or  through  the  corrupting  influence 
of  the  contractors.  Every  week,  he  made  the  ministers  bring 
him  a  statement  of  their  necessary  expenses ;  he  compared  it 
with  the  statement  of  the  probable  receipts  furnished  by  the 
treasury,  and  divided  among  them  the  real  resources,  in  pro- 
portion to  the  wants  of  each.  He  disposed,  therefore,  of  that 
only  which  was  certain  to  be  collected  ;  and,  in  consequence  of 
this  firmness,  the  principal  abuse,  that  of  the  delegations,  was 
fated  very  soon  to  disappear. 

In  the  meantime,  till  the  assessments  were  completed,  and 
put  in  a  train  to  be  collected,  and  till  the  bills  of  the  receivers- 
general  were  transmitted  to  the  treasury  and  discounted,  the 
government  had  for  its  present  wants,  besides  the  1 2,000,000  f. 
lent  by  some  of  the  bankers,  the  sums  lodged  by  the  receivers- 
general  in  the  caisse  d'cimortissement,  whatever  amount  could  be 
raised,  through  stockbrokers,  upon  the  newly  created  securities, 
and,  lastly,  the  current  income  or  receipts,  with  which,  most 
imperfect  as  it  was,  a  shift  had  hitherto  been  made.  The 
confidence  inspired  by  the  Provisional  Consuls  had  a  good 
effect  upon  the  brokers ;  means  were  found  to  negotiate  the 
new  securities  with  them,  though  not  a  creature  would  have 
taken  them  a  few  days  before. 

It  was  by  these  united  means  that  the  government  was 
enabled  to  relieve  the  naked  and  famished  armies,  and  to  pro- 
cure for  them  a  first  su]:>ply,  of  which  they  were  in  such  urgent 
want.  So  great  was  the  disorder  that,  even  at  the  office  of  the 
minister  of  war,  there  were  no  returns  of  the  troops,  their  number, 
and  their  quarters.  The  office  of  the  artillery  was  the  only  one 
which  possessed  returns  of  this  kind  for  the  troops  of  that 
arm.  ijut,  as  the  army  was  neither  fed  nor  clothed,  as  the 
battalions  of  conscripts,  raised  in  the  departments  and  equipped 
with  the  hons  elefouniitnrc,  had  been  most  frequently  organised 
without  the  intervention  of  the  central  authority,  the  latter  knew 
scarcely  anything  concerning  them.  General  Bonaparte  was 
obliged  to  send  officers  of  the  staff  to  the  armies  themselves 
to  procure  such  documents  as  he  wanted.  lie  transmitted  at 
the  same  time,  to  the  different  corps,  some  supplies,  but  very 
inadequate  to  the  extent  of  their  necessities.  Addressing  them, 
by  proclamation,  in  tliat  language  which   lie   could  render  so 


NOV.  1799       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  27 

impressive  for  soldiers,  he  conjured  them  to  have  jjatience  a  few 
days  longer,  and  to  display  under  hardships  the  same  courage 
which  they  had  oft  displayed  in  battle. 

"Soldiers,"  said  he,  "your  wants  are  great:  all  possible 
measures  are  taken  to  supply  them.  The  first  quality  of  a 
soldier  is  constancy  in  enduring  fatigue  and  privation  ;  valour 
is  but  the  second.  Several  corps  have  quitted  their  positions ; 
they  have  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  the  voice  of  their  officers.  The 
17th  Light  is  of  this  number.  Are  they  all  dead  then — those 
heroes  who  fought  at  Castiglione,  at  Rivoli,  and  at  Neumarck  ? 
They  would  have  perished  rather  than  abandon  their  colours, 
and  they  would  have  recalled  their  young  comrades  to  honour 
and  to  their  duty.  Soldiers,  your  rations  have  not  been  regu- 
larly distributed,  you  say.  What  would  you  have  done,  if,  like 
the  4th  and  22nd  Light,  and  the  i8th  and  32nd  of  the  line,  you 
had  found  yourselves  in  the  midst  of  a  desert,  without  bread  or 
water,  feeding  on  horses'  and  mules'  flesh  ?  '  Victory  will  give 
us  bread,'  said  they — and  you  quit  your  colours! 

"  Soldiers  of  Italy,  a  new  general  commands  you :  he  was 
always  in  the  advanced  guard  in  the  most  brilliant  days  of  your 
glory.  Surround  him  with  your  confidence ;  he  will  restore 
victoiy  to  your  ranks. 

"I  shall  have  a  daily  account  sent  me  of  the  conduct  of  each 
coi^ps,  and  especially  of  that  of  the  17th  Light,  and  of  the  63rd  of 
the  line:  they  will  recollect  the  confidence  that  I  had  in  them." 

The  administration  of  the  finances,  and  that  of  the  armies, 
were  not  the  only  departments  of  the  government  which  claimed, 
in  a  pressing  manner,  the  attention  of  the  new  Consuls.  It  was 
necessary,  at  the  same  time,  to  revoke  those  rigours,  unworthy 
of  a  wise  and  humane  government,  which  the  violence  of  the 
parties  had  wrung  from  the  weakness  of  the  expiring  Directory ; 
it  was  necessary  to  maintain  order,  threatened  here  by  the 
Vendeans  in  arms,  yonder  by  the  revolutionists,  exasperated  at 
the  events  of  the  i8th  of  Brumaire. 

The  first  political  measure  of  the  new  Consuls  was  relative  to 
the  law  of  the  hostages.  This  law,  which  made  the  relations  of 
the  Vendeans  and  Chouans  responsible  for  acts  committed  in 
the  revolted  provinces,  punished  some  with  imjirisonmi'nt,  others 
with  transportation.  It  shared  with  tlie  law  of  the  progressive 
forced  loan,  and,  witli  much  better  reason,  the  public  animad- 
version. It  was.  in  fact,  only  under  the  influence  of  the  blind 
passions  of  this  time,  that  men  durst  render  the  relations  c)f  the 
insurgents  res])onsible  for  acts  whicli  they  had  not  committed, 
even  though  they  wislied  them  success.  '^I'lic  Consuls  dealt  with 
this  law  as  they  liad  done  with  the  law  of  the  ])i'0giTssive  forced 
k)an  :  they  ]U'0])osed  its  repeal  to  the  legislative  couiiuissions,  l)y 
which    it   was   iiumediatelv  decreed,      (u-nei-al    Uoiiaiiarte   went 


28  HISTORY  OF  THE  Nov.  1799 

himself  to  the  prison  of  the  Temple,  where  many  of  these  hos- 
tages were  confined,  to  break  their  fetters  with  his  glorious  hands, 
and  to  receive  those  numerous  benedictions,  which  the  reparative 
acts  of  the  Consulate  so  invariably  and  so  justly  called  forth. 

To  this  measure  were  added  others  of  a  like  kind,  which 
stamped  the  policy  of  the  Provisional  Consuls  with  a  precisely 
similar  character.  Many  priests,  though  they  had  taken  that 
oath  as  to  the  civil  constitution  of  the  clergy  which  became  the 
origin  of  the  schism,  had  nevertheless  been  persecuted.  These 
priests,  who  were  distinguished  by  the  epithet  asscrmente's 
(sworn),  were  some  of  them  concealed  or  fugitives ;  others 
imprisoned  in  the  isles  of  Re  and  Oleron.  The  Consuls  issued 
orders  for  the  release  of  all  who  were  still  in  confinement. 
This  measure  had  the  effect  of  drawing  from  their  retreats,  or 
bringing  back  to  France,  all  the  priests  of  the  same  class,  who 
had  sought  their  safety  in  flight  or  concealment. 

Several  emigrants,  shipwrecked  off  Calais,  had  been  for  some 
time  a  subject  of  deep  interest  to  the  public  mind.  These 
unfortunate  persons,  placed  between  the  horrors  of  shipwreck 
and  the  rigour  of  the  laws  against  emigration,  had  not  hesitated 
to  throw  themselves  on  the  shore  of  France,  not  imagining  that 
their  country  could  be  as  pitiless  to  them  as  the  tempest.  The 
partisans  of  measures  of  severity  alleged,  and  the  thing  was 
nearly  certain,  that  these  emigrants  were  going  to  La  Vendee, 
to  take  part  in  the  renewal  of  the  civil  war ;  and  they  thence 
concluded  that  it  was  right  to  apply  to  them  the  terrible  laws 
of  the  time  against  emigration.  But  public  humanity,  luckily 
awakened,  was  adverse  to  this  mode  of  reasoning.  The  ques- 
tion had  been  several  times  resolved  in  a  contrary  s]:>irit.  At 
the  instigation  of  the  new  Consuls  it  was  finally  decided  that 
these  emigrants  should  be  liberated,  but  transported  out  of  the 
territories  of  the  Republic.  Among  them  were  several  members 
of  the  highest  families  in  France,  and,  in  particular,  that  Duke 
de  Choiseul,  whom  we  have  since  found  invariably  among  the 
steady  friends  of  a  discreet  liberty,  the  only  liberty  that  honest 
men  can  love  and  defend. 

The  acts  which  we  have  just  recorded  gave  irniversal  satis- 
faction. Admire  the  difference  that  can  exist  between  one 
government  and  another !  Had  these  acts  emanated  from  the 
Directory,  they  would  have  been  termed  unworthy  concessions 
made  to  the  emigrant  party :  emanating  from  the  new  consular 
government,  at  the  head  of  which  figured  an  illustrious  geiiei'al, 
whose  presence,  wherever  he  might  happen  to  be,  instan- 
taneously suggested  the  idea  of  strength,  these  acts  were 
regarded  as  signs  of  a  vigorous  but  moderate  policy.  So  true 
it  is,  that  to  be  moderate  with  honour  and  with  benefit,  one 
must  needs  be  powerful ! 


NOV.  1799      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIEE.  29 

In  this  first  moment,  it  was  only  in  regard  to  the  revolu- 
tionary party  that  the  policy  of  the  Provisional  Consuls  was 
deficient  in  moderation.  It  was  with  this  party  that  the  recent 
struggle  had  been  on  the  i8th  and  19th  of  Brumaire.  Some 
irritation  and  distrust  were  naturally  felt  towards  it;  and, 
among  these  acts  of  a  conciliatory  and  reparative  policy, 
severity  was  exercised  against  it  alone.  The  news  of  the  i8th 
of  Brumaire  had  produced  a  strong  sensation  among  the  patriots 
of  the  vSouth.  The  societies  afiiliated  to  the  parent  society  of 
the  Riding  House,  formed  in  Paris,  manifested  redoubled 
indignation.  It  was  reported  that  the  deputies,  deprived  by 
the  law  of  the  I9tli  of  Brumaire  of  their  quality  of  members 
of  the  Legislative  Body,  were  about  to  assemble  at  Toulouse,  for 
the  purpose  of  installing  there  a  sort  of  Directory.  General 
Bonaparte,  now  that  he  had  in  his  hands  the  government  and 
the  army,  was  afraid  of  nothing.  He  had  shown,  on  the  13th 
of  Vendemiaire,  that  he  well  knew  how  to  quell  insurrections, 
and  he  felt  no  uneasiness  about  what  a  few  hot-headed  patriots, 
without  soldiers,  were  able  to  do.  But  his  colleagues,  Sieyes 
and  llosrer-Ducos,  had  not  the  like  confidence.  Several  of  the 
ministers  joined  them,  and  they  persuaded  him  that  it  was 
necessary  to  take  precautions.  Inclined  himself,  from  dis- 
position, to  energetic  measures,  though  disposed  to  modera- 
tion from  policy,  he  consented  to  doom  tldrty-eight  members  of 
the  revolutionary  party  to  transportation,  and  eighteen  others 
to  confinement  at  La  Eoclielle.  Among  the  number  were 
wretches,  and  one,  in  particular,  who  boasted  of  having 
murdered  the  Princess  de  Lamballe ;  but  there  were  also 
honourable  men,  members  of  the  two  Councils,  and  one  dis- 
tinguished and  respectable  personage,  General  Jourdan.  His 
public  opposition  to  the  i8th  of  Brumaire  had  at  the  moment 
excited  some  apprehensions.  To  inscribe  the  name  of  such  a 
man  in  such  a  list  was  a  fault  upon  a  fault. 

Public  opinion,  though  unfavourably  disposed  towards  tlie 
revolutionists,  treated  this  measure  with  coldness  and  almost 
with  censure.  Such  was  the  aversion  to  severity,  to  reactions, 
that  they  were  disapproved,  even  when  exercised  against  those 
who  had  themselves  stuck  at  nothing  of  the  kind.  Kemon- 
strances  poured  in  from  all  quarters,  and  some  of  them  from 
very  high  ones,  in  favour  of  certain  names  included  in  this  lisl 
of  ])roscription.  "^^Fhe  Court  of  Cassation  presented  a  memorial 
in  behalf  of  one  of  its  members.  Xavier  Audouin.  who  had  not 
deserved  tliat  so  mucli  trouble  should  br  taken  on  liis  account. 
M.  de  Talleyraiul.  always  mild  from  dis]M)sition.  always  adroit 
in  his  proceedings,  whom  the  revolutionary  pai'ty  cout  ril)uted 
by  its  aversion  to  kc*])  out  of  tin'  ministi'v  of  foi'cign  atfairs. 
had  the  good  feeling  to  inter])ose  in  i"av(-)ur  of  one  Jori'v.  who 


30  HISTORY  OF  THE  nov.  1799 

had  publicly  insulted  him.  He  did  so,  he  said,  for  fear  the 
insertion  of  this  vulgar  offender's  name  in  the  list  of  the  new 
proscripts  might  be  attributed  to  revenge  on  his  part.  His 
published  letter  did  him  honour,  and  saved  tht^  person  for 
whom  he  pleaded.  In  compliance  with  a  public  demand,  as 
it  were,  General  Jourdan's  name  was  also  erased.  Most  fortu- 
nately, the  speedy  and  favourable  turn  taken  by  events  allowed 
the  abrogation  of  this  act,  which  was  only  an  accidental  devia- 
tion from  a  course  otherwise  firm  and  straightforward. 

General  Bonapai-te  had  sent  his  devoted  lieutenant,  General 
Lannes,  to  Toulouse.  On  the  mere  appearance  of  this  officer  all 
]-)reparations  for  resistance  ceased.  Tranquillity  was  restored 
in  the  city  of  Toulouse;  the  societies  auxiliary  to  that  of  the 
Riding  House  were  shut  up  in  all  the  cities  of  the  South.  The 
hot-headed  revolutionists  soon  saw  that  public  opinion,  reacting 
against  them,  had  ceased  to  be  in  their  favour,  and  they  per- 
ceived at  the  head  of  the  government  a  man  whom  nobody  could 
hope  to  be  able  to  resist.  Besides,  the  most  rational  of  them 
could  not  forget  that  it  was  this  same  man  who,  on  the  13th  of 
Vendemiaire,  had  dispersed  the  royalist  bands  of  the  sections  of 
l^aris,  which  had  risen  against  the  Convention,  and  who,  under 
the  Directory,  by  lending  a  hand  to  the  government,  had 
furnished  it  with  the  means  of  bringing  about  the  1 8th  of 
Fructidor.  They  submitted,  therefore  :  the  most  violent  utter- 
inof  some  cries  of  raofe  which  were  soon  stifled :  the  others 
hoping  at  least  that  under  the  military  government  of  the  new 
Cromwell,  as  they  then  called  him,  the  Revolution  and  France 
would  not  be  conquered  for  the  advantage  of  the  Bourbons,  the 
English,  the  Austrians,  and  the  Russians. 

A  sino-le  act  of  resistance,  not  bv  force,  but  by  legal  means, 
was  offered  to  the  i8th  of  Brumaire.  The  president  of  the 
criminal  tribunal  of  the  Yonne,  named  Barnabe,  following  the 
example  of  the  ancient  parliaments,  refused  to  register  the  law 
of  the  19th  of  Brumaire.  constituting  the  provisional  govern- 
ment. This  magistrate,  denounced  to  the  legislative  commis- 
sions, was  charged  with  having  refused  to  perform  his  duties, 
suspended,  and  removed  from  his  seat.  He  submitted  to  his 
fate  with  resignation  and  dignity. 

The  speedy  defeat  of  these  atteni]-»ts  at  resistance  allowed  the 
government  to  rescind  a  measure  which  was  in  contradiction  with 
its  prudent  policy.  On  a  re]oort  from  Cambaceros,  minister  of 
justice,  stating  that  order  was  re-established  in  tlu'  departments, 
and  that  the  laws  were  everywhere  executed  without  impediment, 
the  transportation  decreed  against  the  thirty-eight  individuals, 
and  the  confinement  at  Rochelle  of  eighteen  others,  were  com- 
muted into  mere  siirixillancc,  and  this,  too,  was  soon  discontinued. 

This   measure  was   soon   eclipsed   by  the   series  of  sensible. 


NOV.  1799       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EM PIItE.  31 

judicious,  and  vigorous  acts  which  marked  the  new  government. 
La  Vendee  had,  in  its  turn,  created  some  uneasiness.  A  recent 
rising  had  been  attempted  towards  the  end  of  the  Directory. 
But  the  accession  of  General  Bonaparte  completely  changed 
the  face  of  things,  and  the  views  entertained  in  all  parts  of  the 
Republic.  The  leaders  of  the  new  royalist  insurrection  had  been 
excited  to  take  up  arms  as  much  by  tlie  late  severities  of  the 
Directory,  as  by  the  hope  of  the  speedy  overthrow  of  that 
government.  But,  on  the  one  hand,  the  repeal  of  the  law  of  the 
hostages,  the  liberation  of  the  priests,  the  grant  of  life  to  the 
shipwrecked  emigrants,  had  a  conciliatory  effect ;  while,  on  the 
other,  the  attainment  of  General  Bonaparte  to  power  put  an  end 
to  all  hope  of  witnessing  the  dissolution  of  the  order  of  things 
which  had  sprung  from  the  Revolution.  The  i8th  of  Brumaire 
had  been  productive  of  a  change  of  sentiment  in  La  Vendee,  as 
in  other  quarters,  and  given  birth  to  feelings  altogether  new. 

The  royalist  chiefs,  some  of  whom  were  fighting  in  the  fields 
of  La  Vendee,  while  others  were  in  Paris  engaged  in  political 
intrigues,  worked  up,  like  eveiy  party  which  seeks  to  overturn  a 
government,  to  a  continual  activity  of  mind,  and  incessantly  in 
quest  of  new  combinations  for  rendering  their  cause  triumphant, 
conceived  that  there  might  perhaps  be  some  way  of  coming  to 
an  understanding  with  General  Bonaparte.  They  thought  that 
so  eminent  a  personage  could  not  be  very  desirous  of  figuring 
for  a  few  days  on  the  shifting  stage  of  the  French  Revolution, 
only  to  disappear  like  his  predecessors,  in  the  abyss  opened  be- 
neath their  feet ;  and  that  he  would  much  ratlier  occupy  a  ])lace 
in  a  peaceable  and  regularly  constituted  monarchy,  of  which  he 
would  be  the  ornament  and  support.  They  were,  in  short,  so 
credulous  as  to  hope  that  the  part  of  Monk  would  suit  a  man  who 
considered  even  that  of  Cromwell  as  not  great  enough  for  him. 
They  availed  themselves  of  the  medium  of  one  of  tliose  foreign 
diplomatic  agents,  who,  under  the  pretext  of  studying  the 
country  to  wliich  they  are  accredited,  dabble  in  all  tlie  under- 
hand intrigues  of  parties,  and  obtained  an  introduction  to 
General  Bonaparte.  Messrs.  Hyde  de  Neuville  and  d'Andigne 
were  the  royalists  who  ventured  to  take  tliis  step. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  demonstrate  how  very  erroneous  the 
judgment  which  tliey  had  formed  of  General  Bona]iarte  must 
have  been.  This  extraordinary  man,  now  sensible  of  liis 
strength  and  his  greatness,  would  not  be  the  servant  of  anv 
])arty.  It"  lie  was  not  fond  of  disorder,  lie  was  fond  of  the 
Revolution:  if  he  did  not  l)elieve  in  tlie  full  exteiit  of  liberty 
which  it  had  ])roniised,  lie  desired  that  total  social  reform,  wliich 
it  was  its  object  to  accomplish.  Jle  desired.  therefoi-(\  the 
1i-ium])li  of  that  Revolution;  he  desired  the  glory  of  (ei'?iiiii;vtine- 
it.  and  making  it  lead  to  a  peaceful  and  regular  state  of  thinu-s; 


32  HISTORY  OF  THE  nov.  1799 

he  desired  to  remain  its  head,  with  no  matter  what  title,  under 
no  matter  what  form  of  government :  but  as  for  being  the 
instrument  of  any  other  power  than  that  of  Providence,  he  liad 
already  too  much  glory,  and  consciousness  of  his  strength,  to 
consent  to  that. 

He  gave  audience  to  Messrs.  Hyde  de  Neuville  and  d'Andigne, 
listened  to  their  insinuations,  more  or  less  plain,  and  frankly 
declared  his  intentions,  which  w^ere  to  put  an  end  to  persecu- 
tions, to  reconcile  all  the  parties  with  the  government ;  but  to 
let  none  of  them  triumph,  excepting  that  of  the  Revolution 
itself — of  the  Revolution,  understood  in  its  better  signification. 
He  expressed  his  fixed  determination  to  treat  with  the  Vendean 
insurcfents  on  reasonable  conditions,  or  to  exterminate  them  to 

o  ... 

the  last  man.  This  interview,  then,  led  to  nothing,  and  only  served 
to  make  the  royalist  ])arty  better  acquainted  with  the  general. 

While  these  negotiations  were  taking  place  in  Paris  between 
General  Bonaparte  and  some  friends  of  the  Bourbons,  others 
were  carried  on  in  La  Vendee  itself,  between  the  leaders  of 
the  insurrection  and  the  generals  of  the  Republic.  Towards 
the  end  of  the  Directory,  when  nobody  knew  whom  to  obey,  a 
sort  of  laxity,  nearly  approaching  to  disloyalty,  had  crept  into 
the  army  which  guarded  La  A^endee ;  and  more  than  one  re- 
publican officer,  doubting  the  existence  of  the  Republic  much 
longer,  had  turned  their  eyes  towards  the  royalist  party.  Every- 
thing having  changed  with  the  accession  of  Bonaparte,  these  com- 
munications, which  had  well-nigh  become  dangerous,  became, 
on  the  contrary,  useful,  and  the  parleys  took  a  new  direction. 
The  royalist  leaders,  who  drew  to  them  the  officers  of  the 
republican  army,  were  drawn  in  their  turn,  by  those  same 
officers,  towards  the  government  of  the  Republic.  It  was 
pointed  out  to  them  how  little  chance  there  was  of  conquering 
the  conqueror  of  Italy  and  Egypt,  and  what  hopes  they  might 
indulge  of  obtaining  from  him  a  mild  and  reparative  system, 
which  w^ould  render  the  condition  of  all  parties  peaceable  and 
agreeable.  This  language  was  not  without  success.  At  this 
moment  there  was  at  the  head  of.  the  army  of  the  West  a 
discreet,  conciliatory,  and  trusty  officer,  who  had  been  much 
employed  by  General  Heche  at  the  time  of  the  first  pacifi- 
cation of  La  A'endee :  this  was  General  Hedouville.  He  made 
himself  master  of  all  that  was  going  forward,  and  offered 
to  communicate  his  information  to  the  new  Consul. 

The  latter  at  once  availed  himself  of  it,  and  ordered  General 
Hedouville  to  treat  with  the  Vendean  cliiefs.  These  chiefs, 
intimidated  by  the  presence  of  General  Bona]:»arte  in  power, 
manifested  a  disposition  to  come  to  terms.  There  were  diffi- 
culties in  the  way  of  signing  a  capitulation  forthwith,  and  of 
agreeing   upon  the  articles  of  that  capitulation ;   but  a    sus- 


NOV.  1799      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  33 

pension  of  arms  was  not  attended  with  the  same  difficulties. 
The  chiefs  offered  to  sign  one  immediately.  The  offer  was 
accepted  on  behalf  of  the  government,  and,  in  a  few  days, 
Messrs.  de  Chatillon,  d'Autichamp,  and  de  Bourmont  signed  a 
suspension  of  arms  for  La  Vendee  and  part  of  Bretagne.  It 
was  agreed  that  they  should  address  themselves  to  Georges 
Cadoudal  and  to  M.  de  Frotte,  and  propose  to  them  to  adopt 
the  like  course  in  the  Morbihan  and  Normandy. 

This  act  of  the  new  government  was  not  long  in  hand, 
for  it  was  accomplished  at  the  beginning  of  Frimaire,  about 
twenty  days  after  the  installation  of  the  Provisional  Consuls. 
It  afforded  general  satisfaction,  and  led  to  surmises  that  the 
pacification  of  La  Vendee  was  nearer  than  it  could  possibly  be. 

Some  rumours  of  the  like  kind  respecting  foreign  powers  like- 
wise led  people  to  hope,  from  the  lucky  star  of  General  Bonaparte, 
for  a  speedy  re-establisbment  of  the  peace  of  Europe. 

As  we  have  said  at  the  beginning  of  this  book,  Prussia  and 
Spain  alone  were  at  peace  with  France,  the  former  always 
showing  coldness,  the  latter  always  embarrassed  by  her  com- 
munity of  interests  with  us.  Eussia,  Austria,  England,  and  all 
the  lesser  powers  in  their  train,  both  in  Italy  and  in  Germany, 
kept  up  an  obstinate  conflict  with  the  French  Republic.  Eng- 
land, with  whom  the  war  was  a  mere  question  of  finance,  had 
resolved  this  question  for  herself  by  establishing  the  income- 
tax,  which  already  yielded  an  abundant  revenue.  She  decided, 
therefore,  to  continue  hostilities,  that  she  might  have  time  to 
take  Malta,  which  she  was  then  blockading,  and  reduce  the 
French  army  in  Egypt  by  blockading  tliat  country  too.  Austria, 
in  possession  of  all  Italy,  was  determined  to  risk  everything 
rather  than  restore  that  conquest.  But  the  chivalrous  Paul  I., 
who  had  rushed  into  the  war  from  an  ins])iration  of  his  wild 
enthusiasm,  had  just  seen  his  arms  humbled  at  Zurich,  and 
had,  on  this  account,  conceived  a  keen  resentment  against  every- 
body, but  especially  against  Austria.  He  had  been  persuaded 
that  the  latter  was  the  sole  cause  of  this  mischance  ;  for  her 
soldiers,  bound,  in  terms  of  a  concerted  movement,  to  advance 
on  the  Rhine,  and  to  relinquisli  Switzerland  to  the  Russians, 
had,  by  quitting  tlie  position  of  Zurich  too  soon,  left  Korsakoff 
exposed  alone  to  the  attack  of  ^Nlassuna,  who,  liaving  vancjuished 
Korsakoff,  had  afterwards  made  short  work  of  Suwarow.  l*aul  I. 
considered  this  as  the  act  of  a  bad  ally,  perhaps  an  act  of  trea- 
chery. Mistrust  once  excited,  everything  a])peared  to  him  in 
an  uiq)l('asant  light.  He  had  taken  up  arms,  he  said,  only  to 
protect  the  weak  against  the  o])])r('ssion  of  the  strong,  and  to 
replace  on  their  thi'ones  the  ])i-inces  whom  the  I'l-eiicli  Re- 
])ublic  had  hurled  from  them.  Now,  Austi'ia  liad  everywhere 
hoisted  her  ting  in  Italy,  and   had   not  recalled  to  tliat  country 

vol..  1,  c 


34  HISTORY  OF  THE  Nov.  1799 

any  of  the  dethroned  princes.  He  began  to  say  to  himself 
that,  acting  from  pure  generosity,  he  was  the  dupe  of  allies 
who  acted  solely  from  interest.  Fickle  to  excess,  he  gave  him- 
self up  to  these  new  sentiments  as  violently  as  he  had  before 
abandoned  himself  to  the  contrary  sentiments.  One  other  cir- 
cumstance had  exasperated  him  in  the  highest  degree ;  the 
Russian  flag  had  been  struck  at  Ancona,  and  the  Austrian 
hoisted  in  its  stead.  This  was  but  a  wrong  done  by  an  inferior 
officer,  but  a  wrong,  of  whatever  kind  it  might  be,  that  touched 
him  to  the  quick. 

The  sentiments  of  absolute  princes,  in  spite  of  their  preten- 
sions to  secrecy,  break  forth  as  speedily  as  the  sentiments  of 
free  nations :  the  former,  in  fact,  will  not  be  repressed  any 
more  than  the  latter.  This  new  result  of  the  battle  of  Zurich 
began  to  be  known  all  over  Europe,  and  this  was  not  the  less 
fortunate  for  us. 

On  this  news,  Austria  and  England  redoubled  their  atten- 
tions to  Paul  I.  Suwarow,  the  invincible  Suwarow  (as  he  was 
called  before  he  encountered  Masseua)  had  been  loaded  with 
distinctions  of  all  sorts.  But  the  chagrin  of  the  Russian 
general  was  no  more  soothed  than  the  resentment  of  the  Czar. 
A  quite  new  manifestation,  on  the  part  of  Paul  I.,  served  more 
especially  to  excite  apprehensions  that  he  would  soon  abandon 
the  coalition. 

In  the  first  heat  of  his  zeal  for  the  coalition,  he  had  declared 
war  against  Spain,  because  she  made  common  cause  with 
France,  and  he  had  well-nigh  issued  a  similar  declaration 
against  Sweden,  Denmark,  and  Prussia,  because  those  powers 
determined  to  remain  neuter.  With  Prussia  his  relations  had 
entirely  ceased.  Since  the  late  events,  he  appeared  to  be  in 
much  better  humour  with  the  courts  against  which  he  had 
before  been  so  inimically  disposed,  and  sent,  in  particular, 
to  Berlin,  a  diplomatist  who  possessed  his  confidence,  M.  de 
Krudener,  who  was  directed  to  proceed  thither  as  a  mere 
traveller,  but  with  the  secret  commission  to  re-establish  rela- 
tions between  the  two  courts  of  Prussia  and  Russia. 

We  had  then  at  Berlin  a  prudent  and  able  agent,  M.  Otto, 
whose  name  was  afterwards  associated  with  the  most  important 
events  of  that  period.  He  had  apprised  the  government  of  the 
new  state  of  things.  It  was  evident,  in  fact,  that  if  we  were 
inclined  to  peace  rather  than  war,  the  key  of  the  situation  was 
in  Berlin.  Spain,  thrown  to  the  extremity  of  Europe  by  her 
geographical  position,  and  of  politics  by  the  weakness  of  her 
government — Spain  could  be  of  no  utility.  But  Prussia,  placed 
in  the  midst  of  the  belligerent  powers,  having  reniained  neuter 
in  spite  of  their  strong  solicitations,  ill  thought  of  at  first  by  all 
the  cabinets,  in  the  first  heat  of  tlie  coalition  ;  afterwards  more 


NOV.  1799      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  35 

favourably  judged,  since  they  had  grown  more  calm — Prussia 
became  the  centre  of  influence,  especially  since  Russia  appeared 
to  court  her.  What  had  been  called  pusillanimity  in  her,  now 
began  to  pass  for  wisdom.  This  court,  if  it  were  to  take  up 
energetically  the  part  that  seemed  to  be  assigned  to  it  by  events, 
might  serve  for  a  link  between  France  and  Europe,  might  even 
impose  its  mediation,  that  method,  so  much  employed  since 
and  with  such  profit,  of  interfering  seasonably  between  weary 
adversaries,  and  of  reaping  all  the  fruits  both  of  the  war,  which 
one  has  not  waged,  and  of  the  peace  which  one  has  dictated. 
Had  Prussia  dared  to  do  this,  she  would  not  have  played  a 
grander  part  since  the  days  of  the  great  Frederick. 

At  this  period,  there  was  on  the  throne  of  Prussia  a  young 
king,  honest,  full  of  good  intentions,  passionately  fond  of  peace, 
and  who  never  ceased  to  deplore  the  fault  committed  by  his 
father,  in  throwing  away,  upon  a  mad  war  against  the  French 
Republic,  the  military  glory  and  the  treasure  accumulated  by 
the  great  Frederick.  Now,  replaced  in  pacific  relations  with  the 
French  Republic,  he  availed  himself  of  them  to  retrieve  by  his 
economy  the  treasure  left  by  his  great-uncle,  and  wasted  by  his 
father.  In  his  Council  he  had  an  able,  intellectual  minister, 
M.  d'Haugwitz,  gifted  in  the  highest  degree  with  the  talent 
of  eluding  difficulties ;  a  partisan,  like  his  master,  of  a  pacific 
policy,  but  more  ambitious  than  he,  and  believing  that  from  a 
well-directed  neutrality  more  extensive  aggrandisements  might 
be  derived  for  J^russia  than  from  war  itself.  At  that  time, 
indeed,  this  might  be  true.  He  tliereforo  urged  his  sovereign 
to  assume  actively  the  part  of  mediator  and  j^acificator  of  the 
Continent.  The  part,  no  doubt,  was  a  very  great  one  for  the 
young  and  timid  Frederick  William ;  but  this  prince  was  able 
to  fill  it  to  a  greater  or  less  extent,  and  to  take  upon  himself 
a  ])ortion,  if  not  the  whole. 

General  Bonaparte,  having  perceived  all  this,  immediately 
began  diligently  to  caress  the  court  of  Prussia.  It  had  at  one 
time  been  very  convenient  for  him  to  be  a  member  of  the  Insti- 
tute, that  he  might  figure  by  that  title  only  at  certain  solem- 
nities, especially  at  the  festival  held  on  the  2 1st  of  January,  at 
which  he  did  not  choose  to  ap]n'ar  in  a  political  character;  it 
was  now  convenient  for  him  to  be  a  general  and  to  liave  aides- 
de-camp  to  send  off  whithersoever  he  thought  fit.  The  idea 
occurred  to  him  to  follow  the  example  of  sovereigns  who,  on 
ascending  the  tlirone,  despatch  high  dignitaries  to  announce 
tlieir  accession,  lie  did,  in  fact,  tht^  same  thing  with  less 
show,  by  sending  to  Berlin  one  of  his  aides-de-cnuip.  which  an 
entirely  military  head  of  a  State  luight  assurediv  venture  to 
do,  without  a])pearing  to  go  ])eyond  his  ])art.  Among  those 
who  ser\t'(l    him    in   lliat   capacity   was  one.   ])rudent,   discreet. 


36  HIS  TOBY  OF  TEE  dec.  1799 

intelligent,  combining  highly  polished  manners  with  a  pleasing 
person :  this  was  Duroc,  who  had  returned  from  Egypt  with 
his  general,  and  bore  on  his  brow  some  reflection  of  the  glory 
of  the  Pyramids.  The  new  Consul  ordered  him  to  proceed 
forthwith  to  Berlin,  to  compliment  the  King  and  Queen  of 
Prussia,  to  present  himself  there  as  charged  with  a  mission  of 
courtesy  and  respect ;  but  to  take  advantage  of  any  occasion 
that  might  offer,  to  explain  the  last  revolution  which  had  just 
been  effected  in  France,  to  represent  it  as  a  return  to  order, 
to  sound  traditions,  and,  above  all,  to  pacific  sentiments. 

Duroc  was  to  flatter  the  young  king,  and  to  hint  that  the 
French  government  would  be  glad  to  make  him,  if  he  pleased, 
the  arbiter  of  the  future  peace.  The  Republic,  sti'engthened  by 
the  victories  of  the  Texel  and  of  Zurich,  and  by  others,  for 
which  the  name  of  General  Bonaparte  was  a  pledge  in  future, 
could,  without  fear  for  her  dignity,  present  herself  with  the 
olive  branch  of  peace  in  her  hand. 

While  he  was  despatching  Duroc  to  Berlin,  General  Bona- 
parte performed,  in  the  name  of  the  Provisional  Consuls,  several 
acts  designed  to  produce  a  similar  impression  abroad.  In  the 
first  place,  after  having  for  some  time  deferred  the  entry  of  M. 
de  Talleyrand  upon  the  ministry  of  foreign  affairs,  he  at  length 
called  him  to  it.  The  post  could  not  have  been  conferred  on  a 
personage  more  conciliatory,  more  fitted  to  treat  with  Europe, 
more  capable  of  pleasing,  nay,  even  flattering  it,  without  lower- 
ing the  French  cabinet  from  its  elevated  position.  We  shall 
have  other  occasions  for  portraying  this  singular  and  remark- 
able character.  Suffice  it  here  to  observe,  that  the  choice  of 
this  personage  clearly  proved  that,  without  passing  from  energy 
to  weakness,  the  French  government  was  abandoning  the  policy 
of  passions  for  the  policy  of  calculation.  There  was  nothing, 
even  to  that  exquisite  elegance  of  manners  peculiar  to  M.  de 
Talleyrand,  that  was  not  an  advantage  for  the  new  position  which 
government  sought  to  assume  towards  foreign  powers. 

General  Bonaparte  made  some  other  diplomatic  appoint- 
ments, conceived  in  the  same  spirit.  Though  M.  Otto,  charge 
d'affaires  at  Berlin,  since  M.  Sieyes  quitted  that  post,  was  an 
excellent  agent,  still  he  was  but  a  mere  charge  cVafaircs. 
Another  destination,  in  which  he  soon  made  himself  very 
useful,  was  assigned  to  him,  and  the  appointment  of  minister 
at  Berlin  was  given  to  General  Beurnonville,  an  old  friend  of 
Lafayette's,  long  the  prisoner  of  Austria,  and  one  of  those 
members  of  the  minority  of  the  French  noblesse,  who  had,  in 
1789,  sincerely  embraced  the  cause  of  the  Revolution.  General 
Beurnonville  was  a  straightforward  soldier ;  open,  sincere, 
moderate  in  opinion,  and  perfectly  qualified  for  a  fit  repre- 
sentative of  the  new  government.     Austria,  whose  prisoner  he 


DEC.  1799      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  37 

had  long  been,  inspired  him  with  a  hatred,  which  was  a  sort  of 
passport  in  Berlin,  where  nearly  the  same  sentiments  prevailed 
in  regard  to  that  power  as  in  the  time  of  the  great  Frederick. 

For  our  representative  at  Madrid  we  had  one  of  the  dema- 
gogues of  former  years,  a  man  without  any  sort  of  influence, 
who  has  left  no  name  in  the  diplomatic  world,  into  which  events 
had  accidentally  thrown  him.  He  was  superseded  by  a  Con- 
stituent, a  discreet,  clever,  well-informed  man,  who  figured  with 
honour  in  the  diplomatic  events  of  that  time :  this  was  M. 
Alquier.  Lastly,  in  the  place  of  a  creature  of  the  Directory's, 
named  Grouvelle,  M.  Bourgoing  was  sent  to  Copenhagen,  where 
the  principles  of  maritime  neutrality,  so  flagrantly  violated  by 
England,  were  likely  to  produce  sentiments  favourable  to  us. 
All  these  appointments  were  excellent,  and  well  calculated  to 
indicate  the  spirit  of  prudence  and  moderation,  which  began  to 
prevail  in  the  relations  of  France  with  foreign  powers. 

To  the  selection  of  these  persons  the  Consuls  were  solicitous 
to  add  certain  acts,  which  might  serve  for  answer  to  a  charge 
generally  circulated  in  the  courts  of  Europe,  alleging  that  the 
French  Republic  was  incessantly  violating  the  law  of  nations, 
or  the  treaties  concluded  with  her.  Assuredly  she  had  not 
violated  the  law  of  nations  and  treaties  so  much  as  Austria, 
England,  and  all  the  courts  at  war  with  us ;  but  it  was  the 
practice  to  assert  that  it  was  impossible  to  have  relations  with 
an  unstable,  passionate  government,  represented  by  new  men, 
who  never  considered  themselves  bound  by  their  engagements, 
or  by  the  traditions  of  European  public  law.  This  reproach 
might  be  flung  back,  with  greater  justice,  upon  the  cabinets  of 
Europe,  who  had  done  worse  without  having  the  excuse  either 
of  revolutionary  passions  or  of  continual  changes  of  government. 
To  convey  a  better  idea  of  the  policy  of  the  Consuls,  General 
Bonaparte  performed  an  act  of  justice  towards  the  unfortu- 
nate Knights  of  Malta,  who,  when  possession  was  taken  of  the 
island,  had  been  promised  that  such  of  them  as  belonged  to  the 
French  tovguc  should  not  be  treated  in  France  as  emigrants. 
Hitherto  they  had  not  been  able  to  benefit  by  this  condition  of 
their  capitulation,  either  in  regard  to  their  persons,  or  in  regard 
to  their  possessions.  General  Bonaparte  caused  them  to  be 
put  into  the  complete  enjoyment  of  tlie  advantage  granted  in 
that  capitulation. 

^-  In  respect  to  Denmark,  he  adopted  a  measure,  excellent  in 
its  effect,  and  benevolently  equitable.  Thcn^  wore  in  the  ports 
of  France  many  Danish  vessels,  detained  by  tlio  Directory,  by 
way  of  reprisals  in  regard  to  neutrals.  They  were  accused  of 
neglecting  to  upliold  the  rights  of  maritime  neutrality,  of  sub- 
mitting to  be  searched  by  tlie  J'higlish,  and  allowing  French 
property,  with  which  they  were  loaded,  to  be  seized  on  board  of 


38  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1799 

them.  The  Directory  had  declared  that  it  would  order  them  to 
be  subjected  to  precisely  the  same  acts  of  violence  as  they 
endured  on  the  part  of  the  English,  to  compel  them  to  defend 
with  more  energy  the  principles  of  the  law  of  nations,  in  virtue 
of  which  they  navigated.  This  would  certainly  have  been  but 
justice,  if,  having  the  power  to  enforce  respect,  they  had  not 
chosen  to  employ  it ;  but  the  unfortunate  Danes  did  the  best 
they  could,  and  it  was  harsh  to  punish  them  for  the  violence 
of  others  by  the  violence  of  ourselves.  In  pursuance  of  this 
system,  many  of  their  merchantmen  had  been  detained. 
General  Bonaparte  ordered  them  all  to  be  released,  in  token 
of  a  more  equitable  and  more  moderate  policy. 

Duroc,  who  was  sent  to  Berlin,  speedily  arrived  tliere, 
and  was  presented  by  M.  Otto,  who  was  still  in  that  capital. 
According  to  the  strict  rules  of  etiquette,  Duroc,  a  mere  aide- 
de-camp,  could  not  be  placed  in  direct  communication  with  the 
court.  All  these  rules  were  set  aside  for  an  officer  attached 
to  the  person  of  General  Bonaparte.  He  was  received  by 
the  king,  by  the  queen,  and  incessantly  invited  to  Potsdam. 
Curiosity  had  as  great  a  share  as  policy  in  these  attentions  ; 
for  glory,  in  addition  to  its  lustre,  has  material  advantages  in 
public  affairs.  To  see,  to  hear,  the  aide-de-camp,  J3uroc,  was  like 
approaching,  though  distantly,  the  extraordinary  man  whom  the 
whole  world  was  talking  of.  Duroc  had  borne  a  part  in  tlie 
battles  of  the  Pyramids,  Mount  Tabor,  and  Aboukir.  He  was 
asked  a  thousand  questions,  and  he  answered  them  simply, 
truly,  and  without  exaggeration.  He  appeared  mild,  polite, 
modest,  deeply  submissive  to  his  general,  and  fnrnislied  a  most 
advantageous  idea  of  the  kind  of  behaviour  which  that  general 
imposed  upon  all  about  him.  The  success  of  Duroc  in  Berlin 
was  complete.  The  queen  manifested  the  greatest  kindness 
for  him,  and  in  all  quarters  people  began  to  talk  of  the  French 
Republic  in  more  favourable  terms.  Duroc  found  the  young- 
king  highly  pleased  to  see  a  strong  aiid  moderate  government 
at  length  established  in  Paris,  and,  above  all,  flattered  "at  being- 
courted  at  one  and  the  same  time  by  Russia  and  France, 
earnestly  desiring  to  play  the  part  of  mediator,  but  having  more 
desire  than  ability;  showing,  nevertheless,  great  zeal  and  ardour 
for  performing  it. 

The  success  of  this  mission  engaged  the  courts  of  Europe,  and 
re-echoed  as  far  as  Paris  itself.  The  idea  of  a  speedy  peace 
soon  began  to  gain  ground.  A  very  specious  circumstance,  but 
in  itself  of  little  consequence,  contributed  singularly  to  the  pro- 
pagation of  tliis  idea.  The  French  and  Austrian  armies  were  in 
presence  of  each  other  along  the  Rhine,  and  on  the  crests  of  the 
Alps  and  the  Apennines.  On  the  Rhine  they  were  stopped  by 
an  obstacle  sufficient  to  prevent  any  serious  operation ;  for  the 


DEC.  1799       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  39 

passage  of  the  Rhine  by  either  was  too  great  an  enterprise  to  be 
undertaken,  unless  with  the  determination  to  open  the  campaign. 
It  was  now  the  month  of  Friraaire,  that  is,  December ;  that  was, 
therefore,  not  to  be  thought  of.  Skirmishes  on  the  banks  of 
the  river  became,  under  these  circumstances,  a  useless  effusion 
of  blood.  An  armistice  was  agreed  upon  for  this  frontier.  As 
for  that  of  the  Alps  and  the  Apennines,  the  case  was  different. 
In  that  country,  abounding  in  such  div^ersity  of  situations,  a  well 
combined  operation  in  this  or  that  valley  might  procure  an 
enviable  position  for  the  resumption  of  operations.  The  parties, 
therefore,  would  not  tie  their  hands  in  that  quarter,  and  no 
armistice  took  place  there.  But  attention  was  paid  only  to  that 
which  had  been  just  signed  upon  the  Rhine ;  and  among  the 
happy  changes  which  people  pleased  themselves  with  expecting 
from  the  new  government,  was  classed  the  possibility,  nay,  the 
probability  of  a  speedy  peace. 

In  public  evils  there  are  always  a  real  evil  and  an  imaginary 
evil,  the  one  contributing  to  render  the  other  insupportable.  It 
is  a  great  point  gained  to  do  away  with  the  imaginary  evil ;  for 
you  diminish  the  sense  of  the  real  evil  and  inspire  him  who 
has  to  endure  it  with  the  patience  to  await  the  cure,  and  above 
all  a  disposition  to  submit  to  the  proposed  remedy.  Under  the 
Directory  people  had  made  up  their  minds  not  to  expect  any- 
thing from  a  weak,  disrespected  government,  which,  in  order  to 
repress  faction,  proceeded  to  violence,  without  obtaining  any  of 
the  effects  of  strength.  Everything  that  it  did  was  taken  in 
bad  part ;  people  would  not  expect  from  it  any  good,  neither 
would  they  even  believe  it,  when,  by  accident,  it  accomplished 
some  little.  Victory,  which  had  seemed  to  return  to  that  govern- 
ment in  the  last  days  of  its  existence, — victory,  which  would  have 
brought  glory  to  others,  had  not  even  served  to  gain  it  honour. 

The  accession  of  General  Bonaparte,  of  whom  the  public  was 
in  the  habit  of  expecting  everything,  in  point  of  success,  had 
changed  this  disposition.  The  imaginary  evil  was  cured  ;  people 
had  confidence  ;  they  took  everything  in  good  part.  His  acts 
were  certainly  good  in  themselves ;  for  it  was  good  to  release 
the  hostages,  to  liberate  the  priests,  to  manifest  pacific  dis- 
positions to  Europe ;  but  above  all  the  public  was  disposed  to 
consider  them  as  such.  A  symptom  of  approach  such  as  the 
welcome  given  to  an  aide-de-camp,  an  armistice  of  no  conse- 
quence, like  that  wliich  had  just  been  signed  on  the  Rhine, 
were  already  regarded  as  pledges  of  peace.  Such  is  the  spell  of 
confidence  !  It  is  everything  for  a  government  at  its  outset ; 
and  for  that  of  tlie  Consuls  it  was  immense.  Accordingly, 
money  flowed  into  tlie  treasury,  from  the  treasury  to  tlie  armies, 
whicl),  content  with  these  first  supplies,  waited  witli  ]iatience 
for  those  that  were  promised  them  IjN'-and-ln".      Overawed  l)y  a 


40  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1799 

power  reputed  to  be  superior  to  all  resistance,  the  parties  sub- 
mitted :  the  oppressing  parties  without  claiming  a  right  to 
oppress  any  more ;  the  ojD^^ressed  parties  with  the  confidence 
that  they  should  no  longer  be  oppressed.  The  good  accom- 
plished, therefore,  was  no  doubt  great ;  but  all  that  time  had 
not  yet  permitted  to  be  done  was  added  by  hope. 

One  thing  was  already  circulated  in  all  quarters,  on  the  daily 
report  of  those  who  had  transacted  business  with  the  young 
Consul ;  it  was  said  that  this  soldier,  above  whom  was  placed  no 
general  of  the  present  time,  and  scarcely  any  of  past  times,  was, 
moreover,  a  consummate  administrator,  a  profound  politician. 
All  the  special  men  with  whom  he  had  surrounded  himself,  to 
whom  he  had  listened  with  attention,  whom  he  had  even 
enlightened  by  the  justness  and  the  promptness  of  his  views, 
whom  he  had  besides  protected  against  oppositions  of  every 
kind,  had  not  left  him  without  being  subjugated,  and  filled 
with  admiration.  This  they  admitted  the  more  cheerfully,  since 
it  had  become  all  at  once  the  fashion  to  think  and  to  say  so. 
Sometimes  we  do  see  false  merit  succeed  for  a  season  in  capti- 
vating the  popular  mind,  and  commanding  extravagant  admira- 
tion ;  but  sometimes  also  it  happens  that  genuine  merit,  that 
genius  itself,  inspires  this  sort  of  caprice,  which  then  becomes 
a  passion.  It  was  but  a  month  since  Bonaparte  had  seized  the 
direction  of  affairs,  and  the  impression  already  produced  around 
him  by  his  powerful  mind  was  general  and  profound.  The  good- 
natured  Roger-Ducos  could  talk  of  nothing  else  ;  the  humorist 
Sieyes,  little  disposed  to  give  way  to  mere  fashion,  especially 
when  he  was  not  the  favourite  of  it,  acknowledged  the  superiority, 
the  universality  of  that  genius  for  government,  and  paid  the 
purest  of  homage  by  leaving  it  to  act.  The  panegyrists  from 
conviction  were  joined  by  those  who  praised  from  interest,  and 
who,  seeing  in  General  Bonaparte  the  evident  chief  of  the  new 
Republic,  set  no  bounds  to  the  expression  of  their  enthusiasm. 
General  Bonaparte  had  among  his  admirers,  and,  by-the-by, 
very  sincere  ones,  Messrs.  de  Talleyrand,  Regnault  de  St.  Jean 
d'Angely,  Roederer,  Boulay  (de  la  jNleurthe),  Defermon,  Real, 
Dufresne,  &c.,  who  everywhere  repeated  that  never  were  seen 
such  promptness,  such  decision,  such  a  grasp  of  mind,  or  such 
prodigious  activity ;  and  it  is  very  true  that  what  he  had 
already  accomplished  in  one  month  in  all  the  departments  of  the 
government  was  immense,  and,  what  is  rarely  the  case,  that,  in 
this  instance,  the  reality  equalled  all  the  inventions  of  flattery. 

In  all  quarters  he  was  considered  as  the  man  to  whom  the  new 
Constitution  would  attribute  the  greatest  share  of  the  executive 
power.  People  desired  not  a  Cromwell ;  this  must  be  admitted 
to  the  honour  of  the  men  of  that  day ;  and  the  friends  of  the 
general  said  aloud  that  the  parts  of  Caesar  and  Cromwell  were 


DEC.  1799      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  41 

ivorn  out,  and  unworthy  of  the  genius  and  the  virtues  of  the 
young  saviour  of  France.  What  they  wished  was,  that  a  suffi- 
cient concentration  of  the  supreme  authority  in  his  hands,  with 
certain  guarantees  for  liberty,  should  allow  him  to  govern  the 
Republic  prosperously  and  gloriously.  Such  was  the  wish  of  the 
moderate  revolutionists,  then  the  most  numerous.  The  enthu- 
siastic revolutionists,  persisting  in  viewing  the  young  general  as 
a  Cromwell  or  a  Ca3sar,  desired,  nevertheless,  in  order  that  they 
might  secure  their  heads,  or  their  national  domains,  that  he 
should  have  time  to  keep  off  the  Bourbons  and  the  Austrians. 
The  royalists  begged  him  to  save  them  from  the  revolutionists 
and  to  reconstitute  the  supreme  power,  with  some  vague  hope 
that  he  would  restore  it  to  them  after  he  had  reconstituted  it ; 
and  they  were  disposed,  in  that  event,  to  pay  him  for  the 
restitution,  were  it  even  with  the  dignity  of  constable  of  Louis 
XVIII. ,  if  it  must  be  so. 

Thus  all  awarded  to  him  the  supreme  power,  more  or  less 
completely,  for  a  longer  or  shorter  period,  but  with  different 
views.  The  new  legislator,  Sieyes,  had  therefore  to  make  a 
place  for  him  in  the  new  Constitution  which  he  was  preparing. 
But  M.  Sieyes  was  a  dogmatic  legislator,  labouring  for  the 
nature  of  things,  at  least,  so  he  conceived,  and  not  for  circum- 
stances, still  less  for  one  man,  whoever  he  might  be.  The 
reader  may  judge  of  this  from  what  follows. 

While  his  indefatigable  colleague  was  governing,  M.  Sieyes 
had  at  length  applied  himself  to  the  task  that  was  assigned 
to  him.  To  give  a  Constitution  to  France,  not  one  of  those 
ephemeral  Constitutions,  the  ridiculous  offspring  of  ignorance 
and  the  passions  of  parties,  but  a  scientific  Constitution,  founded 
on  the  observation  of  societies  and  the  lessons  of  experience, 
had  been  the  day-dream  of  his  life.  In  his  solitary  and  morose 
meditations  he  was  incessantly  engaged  upon  it.  He  had  pon- 
dered over  it  amidst  the  sincere  but  inconsiderate  proceedings 
of  the  Constituent  Assembly,  amidst  the  gloomy  frenzy  of  the 
Convention,  amidst  the  weaknesses  of  the  Directory.  At  each 
epoch  he  had  remodelled  his  work ;  he  had  at  length  made 
up  his  mind,  and,  his  mind  once  made  up,  he  would  not  alter 
any  part  of  his  plan.  He  would  not  sacrifice  a  whit  of  it  to  the 
circumstances  of  the  times,  not  even  to  the  principal  character 
of  the  day,  to  General  Bonaparte,  for  whom,  however,  it  was 
absolutely  necessary  to  pre]iare  a  ]ilace  adai^ted  to  the  genius 
and  the  character  of  him  who  was  to  occupy  it. 

Tliis  singular  legislator,  always  meditating,  but  seldom  writing 
any  more  than  acting,  had  never  yet  committed  his  Constitution 
to  paper.  It  was  in  his  head,  from  whicli  it  was  now  requisite 
that  he  should  draw  it  forth.  This  was  no  easy  matter  for  him, 
whatever  desire  he  mio-]it  feel  to  see  it  l)r()U[rht   forward,  and 


42  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1799 

converted  into  law.  He  was  urgently  pressed  to  make  it 
known,  and  at  length  decided  to  communicate  his  ideas  to 
one  of  his  friends,  M.  Boulay  de  la  Meurtlie,  who  undertook  to 
write  it  down  from  the  conversations  which  they  should  have 
together.  In  this  manner  that  remarkable  conception  was 
gradually  collected  with  accuracy,  and  j^reserved  for  posterity, 
of  which  it  is  worthy. 

M.  Sieyes  had  made  a  powerful  effort  of  mind  to  reconcile 
the  Republic  and  the  monarchy ;  he  had  borrowed  freely  from 
each  such  points  as  were  useful  and  necessary ;  but,  while 
borrowing  from  them,  he  had  violently  distrusted  both.  He 
had  taken  infinite  precautions  against  the  demagogue  spirit,  on 
the  one  hand,  and  against  the  royal  power  on  the  other.  He 
had  thus  produced  a  scientific  and  complicated  work,  but  in 
which  everything  was  so  nicely  balanced  that  if  it  were  a 
scientific  and  complicated  work,  compact  enough  as  a  whole, 
but  which,  if  modified  for  and  by  General  Bonaparte,  or  deprived 
of  one  of  its  counterpoises,  might,  contrary  to  the  intention  of 
its  author,  lead  to  nothing  short  of  despotism. 

The  first  care  of  M.  Sieyes  in  his  combinations  had  been  to 
guard  against  demagogue  passions.  Without  stripping  the 
nation  completely  of  that  immense  participation  in  public 
affairs,  which  it  had  enjoyed  so  unfortunately  for  itself,  he 
wished  to  leave  to  it  a  power  which  it  could  not  abuse.  An 
expression,  which  for  the  first  time,  perhaps,  was  in  every 
mouth,  that  of  rcijrcscntativc  government,  conveys  an  accurate 
idea  of  the  feeling  afloat  at  this  period.  It  was  understood  by 
this  expression  that  the  nation  was  to  take  part  in  its  govern- 
ment only  by  intermediate  persons,  that  is  to  say,  that  it  was 
to  be  re^jresenteel ;  and,  as  we  shall  soon  see,  it  was  but  very 
indirectly  that  it  was  intended  to  be  so. 

The  elections  under  the  Directory  had  brought  in  by  turns 
the  royalists  at  one  period,  the  Jacobins  at  another,  and  it  bad 
been  found  expedient  to  exclude  by  violence  the  former  on  the 
1 8th  of  Fructidor,  the  latter  on  the  22nd  of  Floreal.  Thus  the 
system  of  elections,  and  especially  of  direct  elections,  had  become 
highly  suspicious  to  everybody.  Perhaps,  if  the  government 
had  ventured  to  reduce  the  total  number  of  the  electors  to  one 
hundred  and  fifty  or  two  hundred  thousand,  it  might  have  tried 
to  brave  once  more  the  electoral  agitations.  But  an  electoral 
body,  reduced  to  about  the  proportions  of  ours,  would  have 
given  offence  but  not  security  to  the  public.  Two  hundred 
thousand  electors  granted  to  a  nation,  which  had  recently 
enjoyed  universal  suffrage,  would  have  appeared  an  aristocracy ; 
and  at  the  same  time  electors,  how  small  soever  their  number, 
choosing  directly  their  rejiresentatives,  with  liberty  to  give 
way  to  all  the  passions  of  the  moment,  would  have  appeared  a 


DEC.  1799      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  43 

renewal  of  the  continual  reactions  which  had  been  witnessed 
under  the  Directory.  A  direct  but  restricted  mode  of  election, 
such  as  now  exists  among  us,  was,  therefore,  out  of  the  question. 
M.  Sieyes,  with  his  habitual  dogmatism,  had  made  a  maxim  for 
himself.  "Confidence,"  said  he,  "must  come  from  below,  and 
power  from  above."  To  realise  this  maxim,  he  had  accordingly 
devised  the  system  of  national  representation  which  we  are 
about  to  describe. 

Every  person  of  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  having  the 
quality  of  Frenchman,  was  to  be  obliged,  if  he  wished  to  enjoy 
his  rights,  to  get  his  name  entered  in  a  list  called  the  Civic 
Register.  This  might  give  a  total  of  five  or  six  million  citizens 
admitted  to  the  exercise  of  their  political  rights.  They  were  to 
meet  by  arrondissements  (this  circumscription,  which  did  not 
then  exist,  was  to  be  proposed),  and  to  choose  one-tenth  of  their 
number.  This  designation  of  one-tenth  would  produce  a  first 
list  of  five  or  six  hundred  thousand  persons.  These  five  or  six 
hundred  thousand  persons,  meeting,  in  their  turn,  by  depart- 
ments, and  again  choosing  one-tenth  from  among  themselves, 
were  called  to  form  a  second  list,  comprehending  fifty  or  sixty 
thousand  citizens.  These  proceeded  to  a  third  selection,  and 
reducing  themselves  again  to  one-tenth,  formed  the  last  list, 
which  was  limited  to  five  or  six  thousand  candidates.  These 
three  lists  were  called  lists  of  notability. 

The  first,  of  five  or  six  hundred  thousand  persons,  was  called 
the  list  of  the  communal  notability ;  from  it  were  to  be  taken 
the  members  of  the  municipal  administrations,  those  of  the 
councils  of  arrondissement,  and  other  administrators  on  a  par 
with  them,  such  as  the  maires,  the  functionaries  whom  we  now 
call  sub-prefects,  the  judges  of  first  instance,  &c.  The  second 
list,  of  fifty  or  sixty  thousand  persons,  was  called  the  list  of  the 
departmental  notability,  and  from  this  were  to  be  chosen  the 
members  of  the  departmental  councils,  the  functionaries  since 
called  ]:>refects,  the  judges  of  appeal;  in  short,  all  the  function- 
aries of  that  order.  The  last  and  third  list,  of  five  or  six  thou- 
sand persons,  constituted  the  list  of  the  national  notability  ;  and 
from  this  were  to  be  taken,  obligatorily,  all  the  members  of  the 
Legislative  Body,  all  the  functionaries  of  tlie  higher  order, 
councillors  of  State,  ministers,  judges  of  the  Court  of  Cassation. 
&c.,  &c.  ]\r.  Sieyes,  borrowing  a  figure  from  geometry,  to  afford 
an  idea  of  this  national  representation — broad  at  the  base, 
narrow  at  the  top — called  it  a  pyramid. 

Thus  we  see  that,  without  attributing  to  the  nation  the  right 
of  choosing  itself  the  delegates  charged  to  represent  it.  or  the 
functionaries  charged  to  govern  it,  M.  Sieyes  confined  his 
ingenuity  to  the  formation  of  a  list  of  candidates,  from  which 
were  to  be  selected    both    the   representatives   of   the  country 


44  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1799 

and  the  agents  of  the  Executive.  Every  year  the  mass  of  the 
citizens  were  to  assemble  for  the  purpose  of  erasing  from  these 
lists  those  names  that  were  not  worthy  to  appear  there,  and  to 
replace  them  by  others.  It  is  to  be  remarked  that  if,  on  the 
one  hand,  this  power  of  designation  was  extremely  indirect; 
on  the  other,  it  comprehended  not  only  the  members  of  the 
deliberative  assemblies,  but  the  executive  functionaries  them- 
selves. This  is  less  and  more  than  what  is  usually  to  be  found 
in  the  monarchical  representative  system.  However,  the  agents 
called  to  perform  functions  purely  special,  and  not  implying  any 
political  confidence,  such,  for  instance,  as  those  belonging  to 
the  financial  department,  or  agents  called  to  perform  functions 
so  difficult  that  merit,  when  it  is  met  with,  ought  to  be  taken 
wherever  it  may  be  found,  such  as  generals  and  ambassadors — 
these  agents  were  not  to  be  chosen  obligatorily  from  the  lists 
of  the  notability. 

We  have  shown  how  M.  Sieyes,  carrying  out  his  maxim, 
made  "  confidence  come  from  below : "  let  us  now  explain  how 
he  made  "power  descend  from  above." 

Under  the  influence  of  the  impressions  of  the  day,  he  dreaded 
election,  because  he  had  recently  seen  passionate  electors  choose 
representatives  as  passionate  as  they  were  themselves.  He 
renounced  it,  therefore,  and  intended  that,  in  these  lists  of 
notability  formed  by  the  public  confidence,  the  legislative  power, 
and  the  executive  power,  should  be  authorised  to  designate 
their  own  members,  and  thus  constitute  themselves.  He 
imposed  on  them  no  other  limit  than  that  of  selecting  from 
the  lists  of  notability.  But,  before  we  explain  the  mode  of  for- 
mation of  the  powers,  we  must  describe  their  organisation. 

The  legislative  power  was  to  be  organised  as  follows  :  firstly, 
the  Legislative  Body,  properly  so  called,  placed  between  two 
opposite  bodies,  the  Tribunate  and  the  Council  of  State ; 
secondly,  apart  and  above,  the  Conservative  Senate. 

The  Legislative  Body  was  to  be  composed  of  three  hundred 
members,  who  were  to  hear  the  laws  discussed,  not  themselves 
to  discuss  them,  and  to  vote  silently.  How,  and  between  whom 
the  discussion  took  place,  is  now  to  be  shown. 

A  body  of  one  hundred  members,  called  the  Tribunate,  charged 
to  represent  in  this  Constitution  the  liberal,  innovating  spirit  of 
inquiry,  received  communication  of  the  laws,  discussed  them  in 
public,  and  voted,  merely  to  decide  whether  it  should  advocate 
their  adoption  or  rejection  before  the  Legislative  Body.  It  was 
then  to  appoint  three  of  its  members,  to  supjoort  before  the  Legis- 
lative Body  the  opinion  which  had  prevailed  in  its  own  bosom. 

A  Council  of  State,  the  origin  of  that  which  now  exists,  but 
superior  in  importance  and  in  attributions,  was  attached  to  the 
government,  to  draw  up  the  proposed  laws ;  it  presented  them 


DEC.  1799      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  45 

to  the  Legislative  Body,  and  sent  three  of  its  members  to  dis- 
cuss them  in  opposition  to  the  orators  of  the  Tribunate.  Thus 
the  Council  of  State  pleading /o?',  the  Tribunate  against  (that  is 
to  say,  if  the  latter  had  disapproved  the  law),  the  Legislative 
Body  voted  in  silence  the  adoption  or  rejection.  Its  vote  alone 
gave  the  character  of  law  to  the  propositions  of  the  govern- 
ment. The  Council  of  State  was  moreover  to  complete  the  laws 
by  appending  the  regulations  necessary  for  their  execution. 

Lastly  came  the  Senate.  This  body,  composed  of  one  hun- 
dred members,  took  no  part  in  these  legislative  labours.  It 
was  charged,  spontaneously,  or  on  the  denunciation  of  the 
Tribunate,  to  annul  any  law  or  any  act  of  government  which 
should  appear  to  it  to  be  tainted  with  unconstitutionality.  For 
this  reason  it  was  called  Conservative  Senate.  It  was  to  be 
composed  of  men  who  had  attained  mature  age,  excluded,  by 
the  mere  fact  of  their  belonging  to  the  Senate,  from  all  active 
functions,  being  consequently  confined  exclusively  to  their  part 
of  conservators,  and  having  a  considerable  interest  in  perform- 
ing it  well,  for  M.  Sieves  intended  that  a  handsome  salary 
should  be  attached  to  it. 

Such  were  the  attributions  of  the  deliberative  powers.  Here 
follows  their  mode  of  formation. 

The  Senate  composed  itself  by  electing  its  own  members  out 
of  the  list  of  the  national  notability.  It  nominated  also  the 
members  of  the  Legislative  Body,  of  the  Tribunate,  and  of  the 
Court  of  Cassation,  choosing  them  by  ballot  out  of  that  same 
list  of  the  national  notability. 

The  executive  power  was  likewise  the  author  of  its  own  for- 
mation, by  choosing  all  its  agents  out  of  whichever  of  the 
three  lists  of  notability  corresponded  with  the  offices  that  were 
to  be  filled  up.  It  took  the  ministers,  the  councillors  of  State, 
in  short,  the  superior  agents,  from  the  list  of  the  national  nota- 
bility. From  the  list  of  the  departmental  notability  it  took,  in 
the  first  place,  the  councillors  of  department,  who,  like  the 
councillors  of  State,  were  considered  as  purely  administrative 
authorities ;  it  also  took  from  it  the  prefects  and  the  function- 
aries of  each  department;  and  lastly,  from  the  list  of  the  com- 
munal notability,  it  selected  the  municipal  councils,  the  maires, 
and  all  the  functionaries  of  the  like  order. 

Thus,  as  M.  Sieves  designed,  '"confidence  came  from  below, 
power  came  from  above." 

But  as,  above  the  legislative  power  there  was  a  supreme 
creator,  namely,  the  Senate,  so  there  was  rec|uired,  above  the 
executive  ])ower,  a  supn-me  creator,  that  should  a])])oint  thr 
ministers,  who  were  then  to  a])point  the  functionaries,  down  lo 
the  lowest  step  of  the  liicM'archy.  At  the  head  of  this  executive 
power,  then,  there  was  to  be  a  generative  ])owit.     M.  Sieves  hail 


46  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1799 

given  its  possessor  a  name  analogous  to  his  function ;  he  had 
called  him  the  Grand  Elector.  This  supreme  magistrate  was 
confined  exclusively  to  one  act :  he  was  to  choose  two  superior 
agents,  the  only  ones  of  their  rank  and  kind,  called,  the  one 
Consul  of  peace,  the  other  Consul  of  war.  These  then  nominated 
the  ministers,  who,  under  their  personal  responsibility,  selected 
all  the  agents  of  power  from  the  lists  of  notability,  governed, 
administered,  in  short,  managed  the  affairs  of  the  State. 

A  magnificent  existence  was  destined  for  this  Grand  Elector. 
He  was  the  generative  principle  of  the  government,  and  he  was 
likewise  the  outward  representative  of  it.  That  inaction  to 
which  M.  Siey^s  purposed  to  confine  the  Senators,  to  ensure 
their  impartiality,  and  to  which  he  had  attached  a  yearly 
revenue  of  100,000  livres  in  national  domains — that  inaction, 
imposed  upon  the  Grand  Elector  from  a  similar  motive,  was  to 
be  accompanied  with  a  much  more  splendid  income  than  that 
of  the  Senators,  for  his  vocation  was  to  represent  the  entire 
Republic.  M.  Sieyes  was  for  assigning  him  a  salary  of  six 
millions  (^^240,000),  magnificent  residences,  such  as  the  Tuileries 
in  Paris,  and  Versailles  in  the  country,  besides  a  guard  of  3000 
men.  It  was  in  his  name  that  justice  was  to  be  administered, 
that  the  laws  were  to  be  promulgated,  and  the  acts  of  govern- 
ment executed.  It  was  to  him  that  the  foreign  ministers  were 
to  be  accredited,  and  with  his  signature  that  the  treaties  with 
foreign  powers  were  to  be  provided.  In  short,  he  united  with 
the  important  function  of  choosing  the  two  active  heads  of  the 
government  the  splendour,  call  it  vain,  if  you  please,  of  out- 
ward state  :  in  him  was  to  glitter  all  the  luxury  of  a  polished, 
eleffJint,  and  mao;nificent  nation. 

This  Grand  Elector  himself  must  be  supplied  either  by  elec- 
tion or  by  hereditary  succession.  In  the  latter  case,  he  would 
be  a  king,  and  monarchy  would  be  re-established  in  Erance. 
But  this  M.  Sieyes,  whether  he  wished  it  or  not,  would  not  have 
ventured  openly  to  propose.  lie  therefore  assigned  to  the  most 
impartial  of  the  bodies  of  the  State,  the  Senate,  the  election  of 
this  supreme  magistrate,  who  himself  was  placed  so  higli  solely 
that  he  might  be  as  impartial  as  possible  in  his  two  selections. 

A  last  formidable  clause  com]ileted  this  complex  machine. 

The  Senate,  which  had  the  power  to  annul  any  unconstitu- 
tional act,  law,  or  measure  of  the  government,  was  endowed 
moreover  with  the  faculty  of  removing  the  Grand  Elector  from 
his  functions  by  nominating  him  Senator  against  his  will.  This 
was  what  M.  Sieyes  called  absorhmg.  The  Senate  might  pursue 
the  same  course  in  regard  to  any  citizen,  whose  importance  or 
whose  talents  gave  umbrage  to  the  Republic.  Thus  there  were 
given  to  the  citizen  doomed  to  compulsory  inaction  by  absorp- 
tion into  the   Senate, — there  were   given   to   him,  bv   way  of 


DEC.  1799       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  47 

indemnification,  the  importance,  the  well-paid  idleness,  of  the 
members  of  a  body  which  could  not  act  of  itself,  but  which  could, 
by  its  veto,  prevent  all  action  whatsoever. 

In  this  singular  but  profound  conception,  who  can  fail  to 
discover  an  image,  faint,  indistinct,  perhaps  designed  to  be  so,  of 
representative  monarchy  ?  This  Legislative  Body,  this  Senate, 
this  Grand  Elector,  were  virtually  a  lower  house,  an  upper  house, 
a  king,  the  whole  resting  upon  a  sort  of  universal  suffrage,  but 
with  such  precautions  that  democracy,  aristocracy,  royalty, 
admitted  into  this  Constitution,  were  no  sooner  admitted  than 
nullified  by  it.  Those  lists  of  notability,  from  which  the  de- 
liberative bodies  and  the  executive  functionaries  were  alike  to  be 
selected,  what  were  they  but  universal  suffrage, — universal,  but 
null  ?  for  they  formed  so  vast  a  circle  of  candidateship,  that  the 
obligation  to  choose  from  this  circle  was  an  absolute  power  of 
election  granted  to  the  government  and  to  the  Senate.  That 
mute  Legislative  Body,  listening  to  the  discussion  of  the  law, 
but  taking  no  part  itself  in  that  discussion,  having  at  its  side 
the  Tribunate,  and  whose  mission  it  was  to  oppose  in  debate 
the  Council  of  State,  was  but  a  sort  of  House  of  Commons  cut 
in  two,  one  half  having  the  right  of  voting,  the  other  that  of 
speaking,  and  both  nullified  by  this  very  separation  ;  for  the 
first  was  liable  to  fall  asleep  in  the  silence,  the  second  to  exhaust 
itself  in  barren  debates.  That  Senate,  nominating  itself  and  all 
the  deliberative  bodies,  nominating  the  head  of  the  executive 
power,  and,  if  need  were,  absorbing  him  into  its  bosom  ;  that 
Senate,  possessing  all  this  power,  but  deprived  of  active  func- 
tions, taking  no  part  in  new  laws,  but  merely  authorised  to 
annul  any  that  were  unconstitutional ;  that  Senate,  reduced  to 
a  sort  of  inaction,  that  it  might  be  the  more  disinterested,  and 
animated  solely  by  the  sentiment  of  conservation ;  that  Senate 
was  an  ingenious  but  exaggerated  imitation  of  a  titled  aristo- 
cracy, taking  little  part  in  the  movement  of  affairs,  sometimes 
checking  it  by  its  veto,  and  receiving  into  its  bosom  the  men 
who,  after  a  stormy  career,  gladly  seek  repose  amidst  a  grave, 
influential,  and  honoured  body.  Lastly,  that  (Jrand  Elector  was 
nothing  but  royalty,  confined  to  tlu^  nearly  iiiactive  yet  impor- 
tant part  of  choosing  the  acting  chiefs  of  the  governrntMit ;  it 
was  royalty,  but  with  infinite  precautions  against  its  origin  and 
its  duration,  for  it  issued  from  the  urn  of  the  Senate,  and  might. 
u]wn  occasion,  be  fiujig  back  into  it  again.  In  sliort.  that 
universal  suffrage,  that  Legislative  Body,  that  Tribunate,  tliat 
Senate,  tliat  (jraiul  I'llector.  thus  constituted,  weakened,  lUMiti'al- 
ised,  the  onii  l)y  the  other,  attested  a  prodigious  effort  of  the 
liuman  mind,  in  oixler  to  combine  all  the  known  forms  of  govern- 
ment in  one  Constitution,  but  for  the  [)urpose  of  afterwards 
annulling  the-m  by  diul  of  precautions. 


48  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1799 

Representative  monarchy,  it  must  be  confessed,  has,  with  less 
trouble  and  effort,  by  trusting  more  to  human  nature,  procured, 
for  two  centuries  past,  an  animated  but  not  subversive  liberty, 
for  one  of  the  first  nations  of  the  world.  Simple  and  natural 
in  its  means,  the  British  Constitution  admits  of  royalty,  aristo- 
cracy, and  democracy;  then,  after  admitting  them,  it  suffers 
them  to  act  freely,  imposing  upon  them  no  other  condition  but 
to  govern  by  common  consent.  It  does  not  limit  the  king  to 
this  or  that  act ;  it  does  not  draw  him  forth  by  election,  to 
plunge  him  back  aftei'wards ;  it  does  not  debar  the  peers  from 
active  functions ;  it  does  not  deprive  the  elective  assembly  of 
speech ;  it  does  not  grant  universal  suffrage,  to  render  it  null 
afterwards  by  rendering  it  indirect ;  it  allows  royalty  and  aristo- 
cracy to  spring  from  their  natural  source,  hereditary  succession  ; 
it  admits  of  a  king,  of  hereditary  peers,  but,  on  the  other  hand, 
it  leaves  the  nation  to  choose  directly,  according  to  its  tastes  or 
its  passions  of  the  day,  an  assembly  which,  empowered  to  grant 
or  to  refuse  to  royalty  the  means  of  governing,  thus  obliges  it 
to  take  for  directing  chiefs  of  the  government  those  men  who 
have  contrived  to  gain  the  public  confidence.  All  that  Sieyes, 
the  legislator,  was  in  search  of,  was  here  accomplished  almost 
infallibly.  Royalty,  aristocracy,  act  no  more  than  he  wished ; 
they  merely  moderate  too  rapid  an  impulsion :  the  elective 
chamber,  full  of  the  passions  of  the  country,  but  checked  by  two 
other  powers,  chooses,  in  fact,  the  real  leaders  of  the  State, 
raises  them  to  the  government,  upholds  them  in  it,  or  over- 
throws them,  if  they  have  ceased  to  correspond  with  its  senti- 
ments. Here  is  a  simple,  a  true  constitution,  because  it  is 
the  production  of  nature  and  of  time,  and  not,  like  that  of  M. 
Sieyes,  the  scientific  but  artificial  work  of  a  mind  disgusted 
with  monarchy  by  the  reign  of  the  last  Bourbons,  and  filled 
with  dread  of  a  republic  by  ten  years  of  storms. 

Now,  let  us  suppose  the  times  more  calm  ;  let  us  suppose 
this  Constitution  of  M.  Sieyes  put  peaceably  in  practice,  at  a 
period  when  the  need  of  a  powerful  hand,  like  that  of  General 
Bonaparte,  would  not  have  over-ruled  all  other  considerations ; 
let  us  suppose  that  vast  notability  established,  that  Senate  freely 
drawing  from  its  own  bosom  the  bodies  of  the  State,  and  the 
head  of  the  government,  what  would  have  happened  ?  Ere  long 
the  nation  would  have  ceased  to  take  any  interest  in  the  re- 
newal of  the  lists,  which  would  be  but  an  impotent  medium  for 
expressing  its  sentiments ;  these  lists  would  have  become  almost 
permanent ;  the  Senate  would  have  selected  from  them,  at  its 
pleasure,  the  bodies  of  the  State  and  the  Grand  Elector ;  and, 
nominating  the  head  of  the  executive  power,  having  authority  to 
remove  him  at  any  moment,  holding  him  in  absolute  dependence, 
it  would  have  been  nearly  everything ;  it  would  have  been — 


DEC.  1799       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  49 

what  ? — the  Venetian  aristocracy,  with  its  golden  book,  with  its 
pompous  and  impotent  doge,  charged  every  year  to  marry  the 
Adriatic  Sea — a  curious  spectacle,  and  worthy  of  contemplation  ! 
M.  Sieyes,  a  man  of  profound  and  elevated  mind,  sincerely  at- 
tached to  the  liberty  of  his  country,  had,  in  ten  years,  run  round 
that  circle  of  agitations,  terrors,  and  disgusts,  which  had  led 
most  of  the  republics  of  the  middle  ages,  and  the  most  celebrated 
of  them,  that  of  Venice,  to  the  golden  book  and  a  nominal 
chief.  He  had  arrived  at  last  at  the  Venetian  aristocracy,  con- 
stituted for  the  benefit  of  the  men  of  the  Revolution,  since  it 
attributed,  for  ten  years,  to  those  who  had  exercised  functions 
since  1789,  the  privilege  of  figuring  by  right  in  the  lists  of 
notability  ;  and  he  purposed,  moreover,  to  reserve  for  himself 
and  for  three  or  four  principal  personages  of  the  day  the  faculty 
of  composing,  for  the  first  time,  all  the  bodies  of  the  State. 

But  aristocracy  is  not  to  be  created  off-hand ;  despotism  alone 
is.  That  harassed  society  could  not  find  repose  but  in  the 
arms  of  a  powerful  chief.  In  this  extraordinaiy  Constitution 
everything  was  admired,  everything  admitted,  everything  ex- 
cepting the  Grand  Elector,  with  his  magnificent  income,  and 
apparently  nothing  to  do.  In  his  stead  was  substituted  an 
energetic  and  active  chief.  General  Bonaparte  ;  and,  by  the 
change  of  a  single  spring,  this  Constitution  was  destined,  with- 
out any  participation  of  its  author,  to  lead  to  the  imperial 
despotism,  which,  with  a  Conservative  Senate,  with  a  mute 
Legislative  Body,  we  have  seen  governing  France  for  fifteen 
years,  in  a  glorious  but  arbitrary  manner. 

When  M.  Sieyes  had,  with  great  effort,  contrived  to  draw 
forth  all  these  combinations  from  the  recesses  of  his  mind, 
where  the}'  had  long  been,  as  it  were,  buried,  he  laid  them 
before  his  friend,  M.  Boulay  de  la  Meurthe,  who  committed 
them  to  paper,  and  before  various  members  of  the  two  legis- 
lative commissions,  by  whom  they  were  communicated  to  those 
around  them.  The  two  legislative  commissions  had  divided  into 
sections,  and  in  each  of  the  two  was  a  section  of  the  Constitu- 
tion. To  these  two  united  sections  M.  Sieyes,  when  he  could 
make  himself  master  of  his  ideas,  explained  his  system.  That 
system  struck  and  astonished  every  one  by  the  novelty,  the 
singularity,  and  the  infinite  ai-t  of  the  combinations. 

In  the  first  place,  the  interests  of  the  auditors  of  jNI.  Sieyes 
were  not  overlooked  ;  for  h(^  had,  as  we  liave  observed,  adojited 
a  transitoiy  disposition,  which  was  absolutely  necessary.  AVith 
a  view  to  save  the  Jvevolution,  by  keeping  in  power  the  men 
who  had  been  actors  in  it,  lie  pro]wsed  a  rrsnlutiou  n(\irly 
resembling  that  by  which  the  Convention  had  perpctuat.>d  itself 
in  the  two  Councils  of  the  Ancients  and  the  Five  ILundred. 
He  proposed  tliat  all  the  men   who,  since    17S9.   had  (>xerci?ed 

VOL.    I.  0 


50  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1799 

public  functions,  who  had  been  members  of  the  different  as- 
semblies, legislative,  departmental,  or  municipal,  should  have  a 
right  to  be  entered  in  the  lists  of  notability,  and  that  these  lists 
should  not  be  made  up  afresh  for  ten  years.  Moreover,  Messrs. 
Sieyes,  Roger-Ducos,  and  General  Bonaparte  were  to  appoint, 
for  the  first  time,  the  members  of  the  bodies  of  the  State, 
in  virtue  of  the  right  which  they  attributed  to  themselves  of 
framing  the  new  Constitution.  This  disposition  was  bold,  but 
indispensable ;  for,  it  is  to  be  observed,  that  all  the  new  men 
who  came  in  by  means  of  the  elections,  animated  with  a  spirit 
of  reaction  then  general,  indulging,  moreover,  the  ordinary 
propensity  to  censure  what  one  has  not  done,  openly  expressed 
a  detestation  of  the  acts  and  the  men  of  the  Revolution,  even 
when  they  held  its  principles.  M.  Sieyes  had,  therefore,  taken 
his  precautions  against  the  necessity  for  a  new  1 8th  of  Fructidor, 
by  ensuring  for  ten  years  the  putting  in  practice  his  Constitu- 
tion by  hands  of  which  he  was  sure.  The  ideas  of  M.  Sieyes 
were  suited  to  all  interests.  Every  one  already  thought  that  he 
was  certain  of  being  a  senator,  legislator,  councillor  of  State,  or 
tribune ;  and  to  these  charges  liberal  salaries  were  attached. 

But,  setting  interest  aside,  the  combinations  seemed  equally 
new  and  skilful.  Men  are  easily  filled  with  enthusiasm  for 
military  genius ;  but  they  as  readily  conceive  an  enthusiasm  for 
what  has  the  appearance  of  depth  of  mind.  Sieyes  the  legis- 
lator had  his  enthusiasts,  as  well  as  General  Bonaparte  had  his. 
The  lists  of  notability  appeared  the  happiest  of  combinations, 
especially  in  the  state  of  discredit  into  wJiich  the  elective  system 
had  fallen,  since  the  elections  which  returned  tlie  Clichyans, 
excluded  by  the  revolution  of  Fructidor,  and  the  Jacobins,  ex- 
cluded by  means  of  the  scissions.  The  idea  of  a  Council  of  State 
and  a  Tribunate  maintaining  opposite  sides  of  each  question, 
before  a  mute  Legislative  Body,  pleased  persons  weary  of  dis- 
cussions, and  urgently  demanding  repose.  The  Senate,  placed 
so  high,  and  moreover  so  useful  for  preser-vdng  harmony,  had 
the  power  to  get  rid  of  eminent  and  dangerous  citizens  by 
ostracism :  all  this  found  numerous  admirers. 

The  Grand  Elector  alone  a]:)peared  a  singularity  to  men  who. 
having  not  yet  reflected  much  on  the  hhio-lish  Constitution,  did 
not  comprehend  a  magistracy,  limited  to  the  sole  duty  of  choos- 
ing the  superior  agents  of  the  government.  They  thought  that 
there  was  too  little  power  for  a  king,  and  too  much  state  and 
pomp  for  the  mere  president  of  a  re])ublic.  In  short,  everybody 
agreed  that  the  place  was  not  adapted  to  him  who  was  to  fill 
it,  namely.  General  Bonaparte.  This  place  had  too  much  shadow, 
and  too  little  real  power ;  too  much  shadow,  because  it  was 
necessary  to  avoid  alarming  the  public,  by  making  the  return 
to  monarchy  too  manifest ;    too  little  real  power,  because  an 


DEC.  1799      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  51 

almost  unlimited  authority  was  needed  by  the  man  who  was 
charged  to  reorganise  France.  Certain  minds,  incapable  of 
comprehending  the  disinterestedness  of  a  profound  thinker,  who 
had  studied  only  to  make  his  conceptions  harmonise  together, 
and  not  to  combine  the  springs  of  his  Constitution  in  a  per- 
sonal interest,  these  persons  affirmed  that  the  Grand  Elector 
could  not  have  been  invented  for  so  active  a  character  as  General 
Bonaparte  ;  that,  of  course,  M.  Sieyes  could  have  devised  it  only 
for  himself ;  that  he  reserved  for  himself  this  place,  and  destined 
that  of  Consul  of  war  for  his  young  colleague.  This  was  a 
paltry  and  malicious  conjecture.  With  great  power  of  thought, 
M.  Sieyes  combined  remarkable  shrewdness  of  observation,  and 
he  had  too  just  a  conception  of  his  own  personal  position,  and 
that  of  the  conqueror  of  Italy,  to  imagine  that  he  himself  could 
be  that  kind  of  elective  king,  and  General  Bonaparte  merely  his 
minister.  In  this  he  had  obeyed  solely  the  spirit  of  system. 
Other  inteq^reters,  less  malevolent,  believed,  in  their  turn,  that 
M.  Sieyes  did  actually  destine  the  post  of  Grand  Elector  for 
General  Bonaparte,  but  with  a  view  to  tie  his  hands,  and,  above 
all,  to  cause  him  to  be  speedily  absorbed  by  the  Conservative 
Senate.  The  friends  of  liberty  were  not  displeased  with  him 
for  it.  The  partisans  of  General  Bonaparte  could  not  speak  of 
this  device  of  the  Grand  Elector  without  inveighing  against  it ; 
and  among  them  Lucien  Bonaparte,  who  alternately  crossed  or 
served  the  head  of  his  family,  but  always  capriciously,  without 
consistency  or  discretion  ;  sometimes  acting  the  -pari:,  of  a  brother, 
])assionately  promoting  the  greatness  of  his  brother;  at  others, 
tlie  citizen  hostile  to  despotism,  Lucien  J^onaparte  declaimed 
with  violence  against  the  plan  of  M.  Sieyes.  He  loudly  declared 
that  they  needed  a  president  of  the  Republic,  a  Council  of  State, 
and  very  little  more  ;  that  the  country  was  tired  of  babblers,  and 
wanted  only  men  of  action.  These  inconsiderate  speeches  were  of 
a  nature  to  produce  the  most  mischievous  effect ;  but,  fortunately, 
no  great  importance  was  attached  to  the  words  of  Lucien. 

Amidst  his  incessant  occupations,  General  Bonaparte  had 
heard  the  rumours  circulated  around  him  respecting  the  plan  of 
M.  Sieyes.  He  left  his  colleague  to  ]iroceed,  in  accordance  with 
a  sort  of  di\-ision  of  attributions  agreed  upon  between  them  ; 
and  he  declined  meddling  with  1h(^  Constitution  till  the  \\mo 
should  arrive  for  digesting  it  definitively,  promising  himself,  no 
doubt,  to  accommodate  to  his  liking  the  place  that  was  destined 
for  bim.  The  re])orts,  however,  which  reached  him  from  all 
quarters,  at  last  irritated  him,  and  he  ex]u'essed  his  displeasure 
with  his  usual  warmth  of  language — a  warmth  wliich  was  to  be 
regretted,  and  which  he  was  not  always  master  of. 

The  disa])|)robation  wliich  he  expressed  res]')ecting  some  of 
the  ideas  of  th(^  ])lau  of  the  Constitution  reached  the  author. 


52  mSTOBY  OF  THE  t)EC.  1799 

M.  Sieyes  was  deeply  pained  by  it.  He  was,  in  fact,  afraid 
that,  having  lost,  from  the  ignorance  and  violence  of  preceding 
times,  the  opportunity  of  becoming  the  legislator  of  France,  he 
should  lose  it  once  more  through  the  despotic  humour  of  the 
colleague  he  had  given  himself  in  effecting  the  i8th  of  Brumaire. 
Though  a  stranger  to  intrigue,  and  destitute  of  activity,  he 
bestirred  himself  more  than  ever  to  gain,  one  by  one,  the 
members  of  the  two  legislative  sections. 

Meanwhile,  his  friend,  M.  Boulay  de  la  Meurthe,  and  two 
intimate  friends  of  General  Bonaparte's,  Messrs.  lioederer  and 
de  Talleyrand,  anxious  to  preserve  harmony  between  two  so 
important  personages,  actively  exerted  themselves  to  reconcile 
them.  M.  Boulay  de  la  Meurthe  had  accepted  the  commission 
to  transcribe  the  ideas  of  M.  Sieyes,  and  had  thus  become  the 
confidant  of  his  plan.  M.  Rcederer  was  an  old  Constituent, 
a  clever  man,  a  genuine  politician  after  the  fashion  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  very  fond  of  reasoning  about  the  origin  and 
organisation  of  societies,  and  framing  plans  of  constitutions, 
adding  to  this  very  decided  monarchical  predilections.  M.  de 
Talleyrand,  capable  of  comprehending  and  appreciating  minds, 
even  the  most  contrary  to  his  own,  was  alike  touched  by  the 
acting  genius  of  young  Bonaparte,  and  the  speculative  genius  of 
Sieyes,  the  philosopher;  he  had  a  bias  for  both.  He  thought, 
besides,  that  these  two  men  had  need  of  one  another,  and 
earnestly  strove  to  promote  the  success  of  the  affairs  of  the 
new  government.  Messrs.  Boulay  de  la  Meurthe,  Rccderer,  and 
de  Talleyrand,  therefore,  exerted  themselves  to  reconcile  the 
general  and  the  legislator.  An  interview  was  prepared ;  it  was 
to  take  place  at  General  Bonaparte's,  in  presence  of  JMessrs. 
Rcederer  and  de  Talleyrand.  It  contributed  but  very  little  to 
mend  the  matter.  General  Bonaparte  was  under  the  impression 
of  the  reports  made  to  him  concerning  the  Grand  Elector, 
inactive,  and  liable  to  be  absorbed  by  the  Senate  ;  M.  Sieyes  was 
soured  by  the  condemnatory  expressions  which  were  attributed 
to  the  general,  and  which  had  been,  no  doubt,  exaggerated. 
They  met  in  the  worst  humour,  did  nothing  but  disagree,  and 
used  the  bitterest  language  to  one  another.  M.  Sieyes,  who 
needed  composure  for  explaining  his  ideas,  did  not  develop 
them,  on  this  occasion,  with  sufficient  clearness  and  coherence. 
General  Bonaparte,  on  his  part,  was  abrupt  and  inijiatient. 
They  inveighed  against  each  other,  and  parted  almost  at  enmity. 

The  mediators,  in  alarm,  renewed  their  efforts  to  repair  the 
ill  effect  of  this  interview.  They  told  M.  Sieyes  that  he  ought 
to  discuss  with  patience,  to  take  pains  to  convince  the  general, 
and,  above  all,  to  concede  some  points ;  they  said  to  the  general 
that,  in  this  case,  more  forbearance  than  he  exercised  was 
required ;    that,   without   the    support   of   M.   Sieyes,   and   his 


DEC.  1799       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  53 

authority  over  the  Council  of  the  Ancients,  General  Bonaparte 
would  never  have  been  able  to  obtain,  on  the  i8th  of  Brumaire, 
the  decree  which  had  put  power  into  his  hand :  that  M.  Sieyes, 
as  a  political  personage,  had  immense  influence  with  the  public ; 
and  that,  in  case  of  a  conflict  between  the  legislator  and  the 
general,  many  would  declare  in  favour  of  the  legislator,  as  the 
representative  of  the  Revolution  and  of  liberty,  oppressed  by  a 
soldier.  The  first  moment  was  not  favourable  for  attempting 
a  reconciliation ;  it  was  necessary  to  wait  a  while.  Messrs. 
Boulay  de  la  Meurthe  and  Koederer  devised  fresh  models  of 
executive  power,  which  should  remove  the  two  difficulties  on 
which  General  Bonaparte  appeared  inflexible — the  inaction  of 
the  Grand  Illector,  and  the  threat  of  ostracism  suspended  over 
his  head.  They  first  thought  of  a  Consul  with  two  colleagues 
to  assist  him ;  then  of  a  G-rand  Elector,  as  M.  Sieyes  had  pro- 
jected, who  should  nominate  the  two  Consuls  of  peace  and  of 
war,  but  also  attend  their  deliberations,  and  decide  between 
them.  This  was  not  enough  to  satisfy  General  Bonaparte,  and 
it  was  a  great  deal  too  much  for  M.  Sieyes,  whose  plan  was  thus 
overthrown.  Whenever  it  was  proposed  to  M.  Sieyes  to  make 
the  head  of  the  executive  power  participate  in  the  government, 
"It  is  a  bit  of  the  ancient  monarchy,"  he  would  say,  "that  you 
want  to  giv'O  me.  I  won't  have  it."  In  fact,  he  would  hear 
nothing  but  the  royalty  of  England,  minus  the  title  of  king, 
irremovability,  and  hereditary  succession.  This  was  still  very 
far  from  the  mark,  and  M.  Sieyes,  with  that  promptness 
of  discouragement  incident  to  speculative  minds,  when  they 
find  obstacles  thrown  in  their  way  by  the  nature  of  things,  M. 
Sieyes  said  that  he  would  have  nothing  further  to  do  with  the 
matter ;  that  he  would  quit  Paris,  retire  to  the  country,  and  leave 
young  Bonaparte  alone,  with  his  nascent  despotism  revealed  to 
every  eye.  "He  means  to  go?"  said  tlie  general;  "let  him. 
I  will  get  a  Constitution  drawn  up  by  Roederer,  propose  it  to 
the  two  legislative  sections,  and  satisfy  public  opinion,  which 
requires  the  affair  to  be  settled."  He  deceived  himself  when  he 
talked  in  that  manner,  for  it  was  still  too  early  to  show  France 
his  sword  cjuite  unsheathed  ;  he  would  have  met  with  unexpected 
resistance  in  more  tpiarters  than  one. 

Nevertheless,  these  two  men,  who,  in  spite  of  their  instinctive 
dislike,  had  managed  to  agree  for  a  moment  to  consummate  the 
iStli  of  Brumaire.  were  destined  to  come  to  an  understanding 
once  more  to  make  a  Constitution.  '^^I'lie  re]iorts  which  were 
circulated  had  roused  the  legislative  commissions ;  they  knew 
what  language  Lucien  Bona])arte  held;  how  decided  a  tone 
the  general  took  iqxjii  the  subject;  what  a  disposition  to  relin- 
fjuisli  evei'ything  was  manifested  bv  ^1.  Sieyes.  They  said  to 
themselves,  and   \-erv  jii^tlv.  that,  after  all.  it   wa^   dii    tliciii    the 


54  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1799 

task  of  framing  a  Constitution  properly  devolved;  that  they 
ought  to  do  their  duty,  draw  up  a  plan,  present  it  to  the 
Consuls,  and  force  them  to  agree,  after  effecting  a  reasonable 
compromise  between  them. 

They  accordingly  fell  to  work  ;  and,  as  the  ideas  of  M.  Siey^s 
had  been  communicated  to  some  of  the  members  of  the  com- 
mission, and  had  been  approved  by  these,  they  adopted  his  plan 
as  the  basis  of  theirs.  To  a  systematic  mind,  the  adoption  of 
all  its  ideas  save  one  causes  it  almost  as  much  vexation  as  the 
rejection  of  the  whole.  To  take  the  plan  of  M.  Sieyes  for  the 
basis  of  the  new  Constitution,  was,  nevertheless,  an  important 
concession.  He  began,  at  length,  to  grow  somewhat  calmer;  and 
General  Bonaparte,  seeing  the  commissions  apply  themselves  to 
their  task,  and  prosecute  it  resolutely,  became  himself  a  great 
deal  milder.  This  moment  was  seized  for  a  new  attempt  at  re- 
conciliation. A  second  interview  took  place  between  M.  Sieyes 
and  the  general,  at  which  Messrs.  Boulay  de  la  Meurthe, 
Roederer,  and  de  Talleyrand  were  present.  This  time  the  two 
principal  interlocutors  were  more  calm,  and  more  disposed  to 
agree.  Instead  of  jostling  one  another  as  before,  by  dwelling, 
in  preference,  on  the  points  upon  which  they  disagreed,  they 
strove,  on  the  contrary,  to  arrive  at  a  better  understanding,  by 
introducing  those  topics  only  upon  which  their  opinions  chimed. 
M.  Sieyes  was  moderate  and  full  of  tact ;  the  general  displayed 
his  usual  good  sense  and  originality  of  mind.  The  subject  of 
their  conversation  was  the  state  of  France,  the  vices  of  the  pre- 
ceding Constitutions,  and  the  precautions  to  be  taken  in  a  new 
Constitution  to  prevent  the  past  disorders.  On  all  this  they 
could  not  fail  to  agree.  They  separated,  therefore,  pleased  with 
one  another;  and  they  promised,  as  soon  as  the  sections  had 
finished  their  work,  to  call  them  together  for  the  purpose  of 
adopting  or  modifying  their  propositions,  and,  at  length,  relin- 
quishing the  provisional  system,  which  began  to  displease  every- 
body. M.  Sieyes  had  thenceforward  the  certainty  that,  excepting 
his  Grand  Elector,  and  some  attributions  of  the  Conservative 
Senate,  he  should  carry  the  adoption  of  his  entire  Constitution. 

In  the  first  ten  days  of  Frimaire  (from  the  20tli  of  November 
to  the  1st  of  December)  the  sections  had  completed  their  plan. 
General  Bonaparte  summoned  them  to  his  I'esidence,  to  meet- 
ings at  which  the  Consuls  were  to  be  present.  Some  members 
of  the  sections  thought  this  convocation  not  very  consistent 
with  their  dignity ;  and  yet,  having  made  \\\)  their  minds  to 
pass  over  many  difficulties,  to  concede  much  to  the  man  who 
was  so  necessary,  they  com])lied  with  the  summons. 

The  sittings  commenced  immediately.  At  the  first,  M.  Sieyes 
was  charged  to  communicate  his  plan,  since  that  ])]an  was  the 
very  foundation  of  the  work  of  llic  coinuiissions.     '^Fhis  he  did 


DEC.  1799      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  55 

with  a  force  of  thought  and  language  which  produced  the 
strongest  impression  on  his  hearers.  "All  this  is  fine  and  pro- 
found," said  the  general;  "yet  there  are  several  points  which 
desei-ve  serious  discussion.  But  let  us  proceed  regularly ;  let 
us  consider  consecutively  the  different  parts  of  the  plan,  and 
choose  a  secretary.  Citizen  Daunou,  take  the  pen."  Thus  it 
was  that  M.  Daunou  became  the  compiler  of  the  new  Constitu- 
tion. This  labour  occupied  several  sittings,  and  the  following 
resolutions  were  agreed  upon. 

The  lists  of  the  communal,  departmental,  and  national  nota- 
bility were  successively  adopted.  They  were  too  well  calculated 
to  neutralise  the  popular  action,  by  rendering  it  indirect,  not 
to  suit  the  apprehensions  of  the  moment,  and  the  notions  of 
General  BonajDarte.  Two  accessory  provisions,  the  one  con- 
formable, the  other  contrary,  to  the  ideas  of  M.  Sieyes,  were 
adopted.  It  was  decided  that  the  functionaries  of  every  kind 
should  not  be  obligatorily  chosen  from  the  lists  of  notability, 
unless  when  the  Constitution  should  have  designated  them  by 
name.  No  objection,  indeed,  was  made  to  the  selection  of  the 
members  of  the  deliberative  bodies,  the  consuls,  the  ministers, 
the  judges,  the  administrators,  from  these  lists ;  but  generals, 
ambassadors !  that  appeared  exorbitant.  The  second  decision 
was  relative,  not  to  the  groundwork  of  the  plan,  but  to  the 
necessity  of  adapting  it  to  the  then  state  of  things.  Instead 
of  putting  off  the  reformation  of  the  lists  for  ten  years,  it  was 
deferred  to  the  year  IX.,  that  is  to  say,  for  one  year;  and  it 
was  agreed  that  all  the  niembers  of  the  great  bodies  of  the 
State  should  be  nominated  immediately  by  an  act  of  the  con- 
stituent power,  and  that  the  persons  so  nominated  should  be 
entered  as  of  right  in  the  first  lists.  The  revision,  instead  of 
being  annual,  was  to  be  triennial. 

They  next  proceeded  to  the  organisation  of  the  great  powers. 
The  maxim  of  M.  Sieyes,  "  confidence  ought  to  come  from 
below,  power  ought  to  come  froni  above,"  entirely  prevailed. 
The  riffht  of  electinof  was  placed  above ;  but  with  the  obli<z"a- 
tion  to  choose  out  of  the  lists  of  notability.  The  Senate  of 
M.  Sieyes  was  ado])ted,  as  well  as  the  Legislative  ]3ody,  placed 
between  the  Council  of  State  and  the  Tribunate.  The  Senate 
was  to  choose  from  the  lists  of  notability,  in  the  first  ])lace  Ihe 
Senators  themselves,  then  the  members  of  the  Legislative  Body, 
of  the  Tribunate,  of  the  Court  of  Cassation,  of  tlie  Ccnnmission 
of  Accountability  (since  C\)iirt  of  Accounts),  and,  lastly,  the 
chief  or  cliiefs  of  the  executive  ■|)(»\ver.  However,  the  Senate 
— and  tliis  was  a  considerable  limitation  of  its  attrii)ut  ions — 
was  to  iioiiiiiiate  the  Senatoi's  oiilv  u])on  the  pi'eseiitation  of 
three  candidates,  one  proposed  by  the  Consuls,  aiiot  Iut  hy  the 
fjegislal  i\'e    Hodv,  and   the   tliii'd   l>y  t  he  'I'ribunate.      As  for  the 


56  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1799 

Council  of  State,  this  body,  forming  part  of  the  executive 
power,  was  to  be  nominated  by  that  power.  Besides  the 
faculty  of  making  the  most  important  nominations,  the  Senate 
received  the  supreme  attribution  of  repealing  laws  or  acts  of 
the  government  tainted  with  unconstitutionality.  For  the  rest, 
it  was  not  to  have  any  part  in  the  making  of  the  laws  ;  and  its 
members  could  not  exercise  active  functions. 

The  Legislative  Body,  mute,  agreeably  to  the  plan  of  M. 
Sieyes,  was  to  listen  to  the  contradictory  arguments  of  three 
councillors  of  State  and  three  tribunes,  and  then  to  vote, 
without  discussion,  on  the  propositions  of  the  government. 

The  Tribunate  alone  had  the  faculty  of  publicly  discussing 
the  laws  ;  but  it  was  to  vote  merely  for  the  purpose  of  deciding 
what  opinion  it  should  support  Isefore  the  Legislative  Body. 
Its  vote,  even  negative,  did  not  prevent  the  law  from  being 
law,  if  the  Legislative  Body  had  adopted  it.  The  Tribunate 
had  not  the  initiative  of  legal  propositions ;  but  it  could  express 
its  wishes ;  it  received  petitions,  and  transmitted  them  to  the 
different  authorities  whom  they  concerned. 

The  Senate  was  to  consist  of  80  members  instead  of  100,  as 
M.  Sieyes  at  first  desired :  60  to  be  nominated  immediately, 
20  in  the  course  of  the  ensuing  ten  years.  The  Legislative 
Body  was  to  be  composed  of  300  members,  the  Tribunate  of 
100.  The  Senators  were  to  enjoy  a  salary  of  25,000  francs 
per  annum;  the  legislators  10,000 ;  the  tribunes  15,000.  So 
far  the  plan  of  M.  Sieyes  was  adopted  entire,  excepting  some 
limitations  in  the  authority  of  the  Senate.  But  this  plan  was 
destined  to  undergo  considerable  modification  in  the  organisation 
of  the  executive  power. 

This  was  the  capital  point,  and  on  this  General  Bonaparte 
was  inflexible.  M.  Sieyes,  already  resigned  to  the  rejection 
of  this  part  of  his  plan,  was  nevertheless  invited  to  explain  his 
ideas.  Accordingly,  he  proposed  the  institution  of  the  Grand 
Elector  before  the  assembled  commissions.  No  one,  it  must 
be  admitted,  not  even  General  Bonaparte,  had  then  reflected 
sufficiently  on  the  organisation  of  the  powers  in  a  free  govern- 
ment, to  comprehend  the  profundity  of  that  conception,  and 
to  discover  the  analogy  which  it  presented  with  the  king  of 
the  English  monarchy.  But  General  Bonaparte,  had  he  turned 
his  mind  to  the  consideration  of  the  question  iii  this  point  of 
view,  would  not  have  assented  to  it  on  any  account,  from 
motives  ]5urely  personal,  and  which  it  is  easy  to  comprehend. 
He  criticised  with  sarcastic  humour  this  Grand  Elector.  Con- 
cerning his  splendid  idleness  he  said  what  all  kings  say,  only 
with  less  wit  than  he,  and  less  foundation ;  for,  in  presence 
of  a  subverted  society  to  reorganise,  of  sanguinary  factions  to 
quell,    of  the   world   to   conquer,  it  was  excusable   to  wisli    to 


DEC.  1799       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  57 

reserve  for  himself  the  full  and  free  employment  of  his  genius. 
But  if,  in  these  first  days  of  the  Consulate,  when  there  were  so 
many  things  to  be  done,  he  was  perhaps  right  in  not  suffering 
his  talents  to  be  fettered ;  afterwards,  sublime  victim  of  misfor- 
tune at  St.  Helena,  he  must  have  regretted  the  liberty  that  was 
given  him  to  exercise  them  without  restraint.  Cramped  in  the 
employment  of  his  faculties,  undoubtedly  he  would  not  have 
achieved  such  mighty  things,  but  he  would  not  have  attempted 
such  extravagant  things ;  and  his  sceptre  and  his  sword  would 
probably  have  remained  till  his  death  in  his  glorious  hands. 

"  Your  Grand  Elector,"  said  he  to  M.  Sieyes,  "  is  a  do-nothing 
king,  and  the  time  of  do-nothing  kings  is  gone  by.  What  man 
of  head  and  heart  would  submit  to  such  a  sluggish  life,  at  the 
price  of  six  millions  and  an  abode  in  the  Tuileries  ?  What  ! 
nominate  persons  who  act  and  not  act  oneself !  it  is  inadmissible. 
And,  then,  you  think  by  this  device  to  prevent  your  Grand 
Elector  from  intermeddling  in  the  government.  Were  I  this 
Grand  Elector,  I  would  nevertheless  engage  to  do  all  that  you 
wished  me  not  to  do.  I  would  say  to  the  two  Consuls  of  peace 
and  war,  '  If  you  do  not  choose  such  a  person,  or  if  you  do  not 
take  such  a  measure,  I  will  turn  you  out.'  And  I  would  soon 
oblige  them  to  act  as  I  pleased.  I  would  make  myself  master 
again  in  a  roundabout  way." 

Here  General  Bonaparte  himself,  with  his  usual  sagacity, 
penetrated  the  truth,  and  discovered  that  this  inaction  of  the 
Grand  Elector  was  not  a  state  of  nullity ;  for  this  supreme 
magistrate  had,  at  certain  moments,  the  means  of  reappearing 
omnipotent  in  the  arena  where  the  parties  were  disputing  for 
power,  by  coming  to  withdraw  it  from  the  one  for  the  purpose 
of  conferring  it  on  the  other.  But  this  superintendence  of 
English  royalty  over  the  government  could  not  suit  that  ardent 
young  man  ;  and  he  must  be  pardoned  for  it,  for  this  was  neither 
the  place  nor  the  time  for  constitutional  royalty. 

The  Grand  Elector  perished  under  the  sarcasms  of  the  young 
general,  and  under  a  power  much  greater  than  that  of  sarcasnis, 
the  power  of  present  necessity.  At  that  time,  a  real  dictator- 
ship was,  in  fact,  required,  and  the  authority  attributed  to  the 
Grand  Elector  was  far  from  adecpuite  to  the  wants  of  the 
moment. 

There  was  another  part  of  the  institution  proposed  by  ]M. 
8iey6s  which  General  Bonaparte  as  decidedly  rejected,  because 
he  could  not  help  regarding  it  as  a  snare:  tliis  was  tiie  faculty 
of  absorption  assigned  to  the  Senate  not  only  in  regard  to  the 
Grand  Elector,  but  to  e\'ery  eminent  citizi'U  whose  e-i'eatness 
might  give  umbrage. 

The  general  would  not  consent  fliaf.  aftei-  sineral  \-eai->'  emi- 
nent sei'vices.  any  one  sIkmiUI  iiave  the  ])(i\ver  to  l>ni'\-  liiui  ali\e 


58  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1799 

in  the  bosom  of  the  Senate,  and  to  reduce  him  to  forced  idle- 
ness, for  a  pension  of  25,000  francs.  He  obtained  satisfaction 
on  this  new  point :  and  the  executive  power  was  definitively 
organised  in  the  following  manner. 

It  was  agreed  to  institute  a  First  Consul,  accompanied  by 
two  others,  to  disguise  in  some  measure  the  omnipotence  of  the 
former.  This  First  Consul  had  the  direct  and  sole  nomination 
of  the  members  of  the  general  administration  of  the  Republic, 
of  the  members  of  the  departmental  and  municipal  Councils, 
of  the  administrators  since  called  prefects  and  sub-prefects, 
of  the  municipal  agents,  &c.  He  had  the  nomination  of  all 
military  and  naval  officers,  of  the  councillors  of  State,  of  the 
ministers  sent  to  foreign  powers,  of  the  civil  and  criminal 
judges,  excepting  the  juges  de  paix  and  the  members  of  the 
Court  of  Cassation.  He  could  not  depose  the  judges  when 
once  appointed :  irremovability  was  therefore  substituted  to 
election,  as  a  guarantee  of  independence. 

Besides  the  nomination  of  the  administrative  officers,  military 
and  judicial,  the  First  Consul  had  the  entire  government,  the 
direction  of  war  and  diplomacy ;  he  signed  treaties,  without 
prejudice  to  their  discussion  and  adoption  by  the  Legislative 
Body,  in  the  same  form  as  laws.  In  these  various  functions  he 
was  to  be  assisted  by  the  two  other  Consuls,  who  had  merely  a 
consultative  voice,  but  who  could  record  their  opinion  in  a 
register  of  deliberations  kept  for  that  purpose.  Evidently, 
those  two  Consuls  were  placed  there  to  mask  the  immense 
authoiity  assigned  to  General  Bonaparte — an  authority,  the 
duration  of  which  was  pretty  long,  and  might  even  become 
perpetual ;  for  the  three  Consuls  were  elected  for  ten  years,  and, 
moreover,  indefinitely  re-eligible.  A  vestige  of  the  absorption 
devised  by  M.  Sieyes  was  retained.  The  First  Consul,  on 
quitting  office,  by  resignation  or  otherwise,  became  a  Senator 
in  full  right,  that  is  to  say,  was  thenceforward  excluded  from 
public  functions.  The  two  other  Consuls,  not  having  exercised 
the  plenitude  of  power,  were  at  liberty  to  refuse  this  well- 
endowed  but  nullifying  appointment,  and  were  not  to  become 
Senators  unless  they  consented  to  be  so. 

The  First  Consul  was  to  have  an  annual  allowance  of  500,000 
francs  (^20,000  sterling),  and  each  of  the  others  of  150,000 
francs  {£6ooo  sterling).  All  three  were  to  reside  in  the 
Tuileries.     A  consular  guard  was  to  attend  them. 

Such  were  the  principal  provisions  of  the  famous  Constitution 
of  the  year  VIII.  Thus  M.  Sieyes  saw  the  attributions  of  the 
Senate  curtailed,  and  an  all-]30werful  chief  substituted  for  his 
inactive  Grand  Elector ;  which  caused  his  Constitution  to  lead, 
a  few  years  later,  not  to  aristocracy  but  to  despotism. 

This   Constitution    comprehended   no    declaration    of    rights, 


DEC.  1799      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  59 

but,  by  means  of  some  general  provisions,  it  guaranteed  indi- 
vidual liberty,  the  inviolability  of  the  citizen's  dwelling,  the 
responsibility  of  ministers,  and  that  of  the  inferior  agents, 
without  prejudice,  in  the  case  of  the  latter,  to  the  previous 
approbation  of  prosecution  by  the  Council  of  State.  It  stipu- 
lated that  a  law  might,  in  certain  departments,  and  in  certain 
extraordinary  cases,  suspend  the  action  of  the  Constitution, 
which  was  equivalent  to  what  we  have  since  called  putting  in  a 
state  of  siege.  It  ensured  pensions  to  the  widows  and  children 
of  soldiers,  and  lastly,  by  a  sort  of  reversion  to  ideas  long  pro- 
scribed, it  laid  down  as  a  principle  that  national  rewards  might 
be  granted  to  men  who  should  have  rendered  eminent  services. 
This  was  the  germ  of  an  institution  since  celebrated :  that  of 
the  Legion  of  Honour. 

The  plan  of  M.  Sieyes  contained  two  forcible  and  admirable 
ideas,  both  of  which  have  been  retained  in  our  administrative 
organisation ;  the  division  of  the  country  into  arrondissements 
and  the  Council  of  State. 

Thus  M.  Sieyes  was  the  author  of  all  the  administrative  cir- 
cumscriptions of  France.  He  had  already  conceived  the  division 
into  departments  and  induced  its  adoption ;  he  wished  on  this 
occasion  that  the  cantonal  administrations,  which  existed  to  the 
number  of  five  thousand,  should  be  superseded  by  administra- 
tions of  arrondissement,  which,  much  less  numerous,  were  a 
more  convenient  intermediate  between  the  commune  and  the 
department.  The  principle  only  was  laid  down  in  the  Constitu- 
tion ;  but  it  was  agreed  that  a  law  should  ere  long  reform,  upon 
this  principle,  the  administrative  system  in  France,  and  put  an 
end  to  the  communal  anarchy,  a  melancholy  picture  of  which 
has  been  given  above.  There  was  to  be  a  tribunal  of  first 
instance  for  each  arrondissement,  and  a  tribunal  of  appeal  for 
several  united  departments. 

The  second  of  the  creations  of  M.  Sieyes,  which  belongs 
exclusively  to  himself,  is  the  Council  of  State,  a  deliberative  body 
attached  to  the  executive  power,  preparing  the  laws,  supporting 
them  before  the  legislative  power,  adding  to  them  the  regula- 
tions which  ought  to  accompany  the  laws,  and  rendering  the 
laws  administrative.  This  is  the  most  practical  of  his  concep- 
tions, and,  with  the  preceding,  it  must  outlive  the  ])resent  and 
subsist  in  future  times.  To  the  honour  of  this  legislator  be  it 
said,  Time  has  swept  away  all  the  ephemeral  Constitutions  of 
the  Revolution,  but  the  only  parts  of  these  Constitutions  which 
have  survived  have  been  his  work. 

It  was  not  enough  to  settle  the  dispositions  of  the  new  Con- 
stitutir)!! ;  it  was  indispensable  to  add  to  it  the  ])ersonnel  of  the 
powers,  to  seek  it  in  the  men  of  the  Revolution,  and  even  to 
desimiate  it  in  the  constit  ul  ional  act.     it  was  recniisite,  therefoi'e. 


6o  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1799 

after  determining  all  the  dispositions  that  have  just  been  enume- 
rated, to  direct  attention  to  the  choice  of  the  persons. 

General  Bonaparte  was  nominated  First  Consul  for  ten  years. 
It  cannot  be  said  that  he  was  chosen,  so  strongly  was  he  indi- 
cated by  the  situation :  he  was  accepted  from  the  hands  of 
victory  and  necessity.  His  position  once  fixed,  the  next  point 
was  to  find  one  for  M.  Sieyes.  This  great  personage  had  little 
turn  for  business,  and  still  less  for  secondary  parts.  It  did  not 
suit  him  to  be  the  assistant  of  young  Bonaparte,  and  he  refused, 
in  consequence,  to  be  second  Consul.  We  shall  see  presently 
what  place  more  conformable  to  his  character  was  assigned 
to  him.  For  second  Consul  was  chosen  M.  Cambaceres,  an 
eminent  lawyer,  who  had  acquired  high  importance  among  the 
political  characters  of  the  time  by  great  knowledge,  prudence, 
and  tact.  He  was  at  this  period  minister  of  justice.  M.  Lebrun, 
a  distinguished  writer,  who  had  drawn  up  the  Maupeou  edicts, 
classed,  under  the  old  government,  among  the  men  disposed  to 
wise  reforms,  ever  faithful  to  the  cause  of  moderate  Revolution, 
well  versed  in  financial  matters,  and  too  mild  to  be  a  trouble- 
some contradictor,  M.  Lebrun  was  selected  for  third  Consul. 
M.  Cambacdres  could  ably  second  General  Bonaparte  in  the 
administration  of  justice ;  M.  Lebrun  could  be  a  useful  assis- 
tant to  him  in  the  administration  of  the  finances ;  and  both 
could  aid  him  essentially  without  crossing  him  in  any  way. 
It  was  impossible  to  associate  more  suitably  the  men  destined 
to  compose  the  new  government ;  and  from  these  appoint- 
ments were  to  flow  all  the  others  in  the  organisation  of  the 
executive  power. 

It  was  necessary  to  proceed  to  the  composition  of  the  delibe- 
rative bodies.  There  the  natural  part  for  M.  Sieyes  was  pointed 
out  of  itself.  It  had  been  written  in  the  Constitution  that  the 
Senate  should  elect  the  members  of  all  the  deliberative  bodies. 
The  point  was  to  decide  who  should  compose  the  Senate  for  the 
first  time.  It  was  decreed  by  a  special  article  of  the  Consti- 
tution that  Messrs.  Sieyes  and  lioger-Ducos,  who  were  about  to 
cease  to  be  Consuls,  conjointly  with  Messrs.  Cambaceres  and 
Lebrun,  who  were  on  the  point  of  becoming  so,  should  nomi- 
nate the  absolute  majority  of  the  Senate,  that  is,  31  members 
out  of  60.  The  3  I  Senators  elected  in  this  manner  were  then 
to  elect  by  ballot  the  29  who  were  deficient.  The  Senate,  as 
soon  as  it  was  complete,  was  to  compose  the  Legislative  Body, 
the  Tribunate,  and  the  Court  of  Cassation. 

By  means  of  these  different  combinations.  General  Bona]:)arte 
found  himself  at  the  head  of  the  executive  ])ower,  but,  at  the 
same  time,  a  sort  of  delicacy  was  observed  in  excluding  him 
from  the  composition  of  the  deliberative  bodies  called  to  con- 
trol his  acts ;  this  duty  was  left  jirincipally  to  M.  Sieyes,  whose 


DEC.  1799       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  61 

active  part  would  then  be  finished,  and  to  him  the  presidency 
of  the  Senate  was  ensured,  as  a  retirement.  The  positions  were 
thus  suitably  settled  and  appearances  saved. 

It  was  decided  that  the  Constitution  should  be  submitted  to 
the  national  opinion,  by  means  of  registers  opened  at  the  viairies, 
and  at  the  offices  of  the  justices  of  peace,  notaries,  and  clerks 
of  the  tribunals,  and  that,  till  its  acceptance,  of  which  no 
doubt  appeared  to  be  entertained,  the  First  Consul,  the  retiring 
Consuls,  and  the  two  Consuls  elect,  should  proceed  to  make 
those  appointments  with  which  they  were  charged,  so  that,  on 
the  I  st  of  Nivose,  the  great  powers  of  the  State  might  be  con- 
stituted, and  ready  to  put  in  practice  the  new  Constitution.  It 
was  indispensable  to  put  an  end  to  that  dictatorship  of  the 
Provisional  Consuls,  which  began  to  produce  a  gloom  in  some 
minds,  and  to  satisfy  the  general  impatience  that  was  felt  to 
see  at  last  a  definitive  government  established.  Everybody,  in 
fact,  longed  for  a  stable  and  just  government,  which  should 
ensure  the  strength  and  unity  of  power,  without  stifling  all 
liberty  ;  under  which  honest  and  capable  men,  of  all  ranks  and 
of  all  parties,  should  find  the  place  that  was  due  to  them. 
These  wishes,  it  must  be  admitted,  it  was  not  impossible  to 
satisfy  under  the  Constitution  of  the  year  VIII.  ;  it  would 
even  have  satisfied  them  completely,  but  for  those  violences  to 
which  it  was  subjected  at  a  later  period  by  an  extraordinary 
genius,  which,  however,  favoured  as  it  was  by  circumstances, 
would  have  overthrown  much  stronger  barriers  than  those  that 
the  legislative  work  of  M.  Sieyes,  or  any  other  which  it  was 
then  possible  to  de\dse,  could  have  opposed  to  it. 

The  Constitution,  decreed  in  the  night  between  the  12th 
and  the  13th  of  December  (21st  and  22nd  Frimaire),  was 
promulgated  on  the  15th  of  December  1799,  to  the  great 
satisfaction  of  its  authors,  and  of  the  public  itself. 

It  charmed  the  minds  of  all  by  the  novelty  of  the  ideas, 
by  the  skill  of  the  contrivances.  Everybody  began  to  feel 
confidence  in  it,  and  in  the  men  who  were  about  to  carry  it 
into  execution. 

It  was  preceded  by  the  following  preamble  : — 

"  Citizens  ! 

"  The  Constitution,  now  promulgated,  puts  an  end  to  the 
uncertainty  caused  by  the  Provisional  Government  in  the 
external  relations,  and  in  the  internal  and  military  situation 
of  the  Republic. 

"  It  places  in  the  institutions  whicli  it  establishes  the  first 
magistrates,  whose  devotedness  has  appeared  necessary  to  its 
activity. 

"The    Constitution    is    founded    on    Ihe    true    principles    of 


62  HISTORY  OF  TEE  CONSULATE.       dec.  1799 

representative  government,  on  the  sacred  rights  of  property,  of 
equality,  and  of  liberty. 

"  The  powers  which  it  institutes  will  be  strong  and  stable, 
as  they  must  be,  in  order  to  guarantee  the  rights  of  the  citizens 
and  the  interests  of  the  State. 

"  Citizens !  The  Revolution  is  confined  to  the  principles 
which  commenced  it :  IT  IS  FINISHED." 

Two  such  men  as  General  Bonaparte  and  M.  Sieyes  proclaim- 
ing in  1800,  "  The  Revolution  is  finished  !  "  What  a  singular 
proof  of  the  illusions  of  the  human  mind !  Still  it  must  be 
admitted  that  something  was  finished — that  was  anarchy. 

Great  was  the  joy  of  all  those,  who  had  had  a  hand  in  this 
work,  to  see  it  finished.  Some  of  the  ideas  of  M.  Sieyes  had 
been  rejected  ;  nearly  his  whole  Constitution  was  nevertheless 
adopted,  and,  without  an  absolute  power,  like  that  of  Solon, 
Lycurgus,  or  Mahomet,  a  power  which,  in  our  times  of  doubt, 
no  man  can  obtain,  it  was  scarcely  possible  to  infuse  a  larger 
portion  of  his  conception  into  the  Constitution  of  a  great 
people.  And,  such  as  it  was,  if  the  conqueror  of  Marengo 
had  not  afterwards  made  two  considerable  changes  in  it — the 
addition  of  the  imperial  succession,  and  the  retrenchment  of 
the  Tribunate — this  Constitution  might  have  furnished  a  career 
which  would  not  have  been  the  triumph  of  absolute  power. 

M.  Sieyes,  having  put  the  sword  which  had  served  to  over- 
throw the  Directory  into  the  hand  of  General  Bonaparte, 
having  framed  a  Constitution,  was  about  to  consign  France  to 
the  devouring  activity  of  the  young  Consul,  and  to  retire,  for 
his  own  part,  into  that  meditative  idleness,  which  he  preferred 
to  the  stirring  bustle  of  business.  The  new  First  Consul  was 
desirous  to  give  to  the  legislator  of  France  a  testimonial  of 
national  gratitude  :  at  his  instigation,  the  gift  of  the  estate 
of  Crosne  was  proposed  to  the  legislative  commissions.  This 
gift  was  decreed,  and  announced  to  M.  Sieyes  with  the  noblest 
expressions  of  public  gratitude.  M.  Sieyes  was  highly  gratified  ; 
for,  notwithstanding  an  incontestable  probity,  he  had  a  relish 
for  the  indulgences  of  fortune,  and  he  could  not  but  be  touched 
also  by  the  dignified  and  delicate  manner  in  which  this  national 
recompense  was  bestowed  on  him. 

Preparations  were  then  made  for  putting  the  Constitution 
in  force  in  the  first  days  of  January  1 800  (Nivose,  year  VIII. ). 
that  is,  in  the  first  days  of  the  year  which  was  about  to  close 
that  extraordinaiy  century. 


BOOK  II. 

INTEliNAL   GOVERNMENT. 

THE  4th  Nivose  of  the  year  VIII.  (25th  of  December  1799) 
was  the  day  appointed  for  the  entry  of  the  Consuls  on 
their  functions,  and  the  first  sitting  of  the  Conservative  Senate. 
Numerous  appointments  were  necessarily  made  prior  to  that 
date,  it  being  requisite  to  organise  both  the  Executive  Power 
and  the  Senate  before  they  could  proceed  to  business. 

General  Bonaparte,  upon  whom  it  devolved  to  appoint  the 
agents  of  the  Executive  Power,  as  well  as  Messrs.  Sieyes, 
Roger-Ducos,  Cambaceres,  and  Lebrun,  who  were  entrusted 
with  the  selection  of  the  members  of  the  Senate  (who  again,  in 
their  turn,  had  to  choose  the  members  of  the  Legislative  Body 
and  the  Tribunate),  were  beset  by  solicitations  from  e very- 
quarter.  The  applicants  sought  to  be  appointed  either  Senators 
or  members  of  the  Legislative  Body,  Tribunes,  Councillors  of 
State,  or  Prefects ;  and  really  these  important  posts,  all  con- 
ferring handsome  emoluments,  and  all  to  be  filled  up  at  once, 
were  calculated  to  tempt  the  ambitious.  Many  fiery  revolu- 
tionists, enemies  of  the  1 8th  Brumaire,  were  already  wonderfully 
appeased.  Many  of  those  waverers,  who  only  make  up  their 
minds  after  success,  were  beginning  to  express  their  sentiments 
aloud.  There  was  at  that  time,  as  there  always  is,  an  expression 
of  the  day,  which  depicted  to  a  nicety  the  state  of  the  public 
mind.  "  We  must  speak  out  "  (il  faut  se  montrcr),  were  words 
in  every  mouth  ;  "  we  must  show  that,  far  from  wishing  to  throw 
fresh  obstacles  in  the  way  of  the  new  government,  we  are,  on 
the  contrary,  ready  to  assist  in  overcoming  those  which  surround 
it ;  "  which,  in  reality,  meant,  that  the  speaker  was  anxious  to 
attract  the  notice  of  the  five  personages  who  had  all  the  ])at- 
ronage  in  their  hands.  Among  the  applicants,  there  were 
even  some  who,  to  secure  their  aj^pointment  to  the  Tribunate, 
promised  their  zealous  su]^p(irt  to  the  Consular  government, 
although  they  had  ])eforehand  made  up  th(Mr  minds  to  pursue 
towards  it  a  system  of  vexatious  annoyance. 

In  revolutions,  when  the  fire  of  the  passions  begins  to  burn 
low,  cupidity  may  be  seen  to  succeed  viohmce,  and  the  terror 
of  the  spectator  is  almost  suddenly  changed  into  disgust.     Were 


64  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1799 

it  not  that  deeds  of  lofty  virtue  and  heroic  actions  covered  with 
their  lustre  the  sad  details ;  and  especially  were  it  not  that  the 
vast  and  beneficial  results  which  nations  derive  from  social 
revolutions  compensated  for  the  present  evil  by  an  immensity 
of  good  to  come,  we  might  well  turn  our  eyes  from  the  spectacle 
which  they  present  to  the  world.  But  they  are  the  trials  to 
which  Providence  subjects  human  society  for  its  regeneration, 
and  we  ought,  therefore,  to  study  with  care,  and,  if  possible, 
with  advantage,  the  scene  alternately  repulsive  and  sublime. 

It  appears  that  the  impulse  thus  given  to  the  ambitious  of  all 
classes  was  strong  enough  to  attract  the  attention  of  public 
writers,  and  to  afford  a  subject  for  their  pens.  Even  the 
Moniteiir,  which  was  not  yet  an  official  organ,  but  became  so  a 
few  days  later  (the  7th  Nivose) — the  Monitcur  felt  called  on  to 
stigmatise  the  meanness  displayed  by  the  applicants. 

"  Since  the  Constitution,"  said  that  paper,  "  has  created  a 
number  of  well-paid  posts,  how  many  people  are  in  a  stir !  how 
many  faces,  little  known,  are  anxious  to  show  themselves !  how 
many  forgotten  names  are  again  wriggling  under  the  dust  of  the 
Revolution !  how  many  haughty  republicans  of  the  year  VII. 
are  humbling  themselves,  that  they  may  reach  the  ear  of  the 
man  of  power,  who  can  provide  for  them !  What  numbers  of 
Brutuses  are  soliciting  appointments  !  how  many  men  of  slender 
abilities  are  extolled  to  the  skies !  what  trifling  services  are 
exaggerated !  how  many  bloody  spots  are  hidden  from  sight ! 
This  wonderful  change  of  scene  has  taken  place  in  a  moment. 
Let  us  hope  that  the  hero  of  liberty,  he  who  has  hitherto  dis- 
tinguished himself  in  the  Revolution  only  by  conferring  benefits, 
will  view  these  manoeuvres  with  the  disgust  which  they  excite 
in  every  noble  mind,  and  that  he  will  not  tolerate  the  attempt 
of  a  crowd  of  obscure  or  disreputable  individuals  to  shroud  them- 
selves under  the  rays  of  his  glory." — Monitcur  of  the  3rd  Nivose. 

Let  us,  however,  in  fairness,  separate  the  good  from  the  bad, 
and  let  it  not  be  supposed  that  the  above  picture  was  that  of 
the  whole  nation.  If  there  were  men  who  demeaned  themselves, 
and  others  who,  without  stooping  so  low,  yet  put  themselves 
forward,  some  at  least  awaited  in  a  becoming  manner  the  appeal 
which  the  government  was  about  to  make  to  their  intelligence 
and  zeal.  If  M.  Constant,  for  instance,  sought  to  be  admitted 
to  the  Tribunate  with  eagerness  and  great  assurances  of  de- 
votedness  to  the  Bonaparte  family,  Messrs.  de  Tracy,  Volney, 
Monge,  Carnot,  Ginguene,  and  Ducis  made  no  applications,  but 
left  it  to  the  free  choice  of  the  constituent  power  to  include  them 
or  not  in  that  vast  nomination  of  jiublic  functionaries. 

On  the  24th  of  December  (3rd  Nivose)  the  new  Consuls  met, 
and  proceeded  to  appoint  the  members  of  the  Council  of  State, 
in  order  that  the  installation  of   the  government  might  take 


DEC.  1799      CONSULATE  AND  TBE  EMPIRE.  65 

place  the  next  day,  25th  of  December  (4th  Nivose).  Messrs. 
Sieyes  and  Roger-Ducos,  the  two  Consuls  going  out,  along  with 
Messrs.  Cambac^res  and  Lebrun,  the  two  coming  into  office, 
then  proceeded  to  the  Luxembourg  to  nominate  thirty-one 
members  (one  more  than  a  moiety)  of  the  Senate,  in  order 
that  that  body  might  meet  on  the  following  day,  choose  the 
remaining  members,  and  proceed  to  the  formation  of  the  great 
deliberating  bodies. 

The  Council  of  State  was  divided  into  five  sections  ;  the  first 
of  the  finances,  the  second  of  civil  and  criminal  legislation,  the 
third  of  war,  the  fourth  of  the  marine,  the  fifth  of  the  interior. 
Each  section  was  to  be  presided  over  by  a  Councillor  of  State, 
and  the  entire  Council  by  the  First  Consul ;  or,  in  his  absence,  by 
one  of  his  two  colleagues,  Cambaccres  or  Lebrun. 

Each  section  was  to  draw  up  the  bills  (jyrojets  cle  hi),  and  the 
regulations  relating  to  the  matters  within  its  competence.  These 
bills  and  regulations  were  afterwards  to  be  discussed  in  a  general 
assembly  of  all  the  sections.  The  Council  of  State  was  further 
charged  to  decide  contested  points  of  administration,  and  disputes 
as  to  competence,  both  betwixt  the  civil  tribunals  and  the  adminis- 
tration, and  between  the  tribunals  themselves.  These  are  the 
very  powers  which  it  exercises  at  the  present  day ;  but  at  that 
period  it  possessed  solely  the  privilege  of  drawing  up  the  laws, 
with  the  exclusive  right  to  discuss  them  before  the  Legislative 
Body ;  and,  further,  it  was  made  acquainted  with  great  govern- 
ment questions,  and  sometimes  with  those  of  foreign  policy,  as 
several  instances  in  the  sequel  will  show.  The  Council  of  State, 
therefore,  was  not  at  that  period  a  mere  Council  of  Administra- 
tion, but  a  real  Council  of  Government. 

Several  members  of  that  body  were  also  charged,  in  the 
different  ministerial  departments,  with  certain  specific  services, 
to  which  it  was  thought  desirable  either  to  attach  greater  im- 
portance, or  to  secure  extraordinary  attention :  these  were  the 
departments  of  Public  Instruction,  the  Treasury,  the  Domains, 
(Woods  and  Forests),  the  Colonies,  and  Public  Works.  The 
Councillors  of  State  charged  with  the  management  of  these 
various  branches  were  placed  under  the  authority  of  the  proper 
minister.  The  members  of  the  Comicil  of  State  were  to  enjoy 
the  handsome  salary  of  25,000  francs  (;6^lOOO  sterling)  each,  and 
the  presidents  35.000  francs  each  (^1400  sterling).  These  sums, 
it  must  be  borne  in  mind,  were,  at  that  time,  more  considerable 
than  they  would  be  now-a-days.  The  appointments  to  tlie 
Council  of  State  were  more  sought  after  than  the  appointments 
to  the  Senate,  because,  besides  enjoying  the  same  emoluments 
as  tlie  Senators  and  ef|ual  rank,  the  Councillors  ])articipated, 
as  much  as  the  ministers  themselves,  in  the  management  of  the 
most  important  business. 

VOL.   I.  E 


66  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1799 

The  principal  members  of  tliis  important  body  were — in  the 
section  of  war,  Messrs.  Lacuee,  Brune,  and  Marmont ;  in  the 
section  of  the  marine,  Messrs.  de  Champagny,  Ganteaume,  and 
Fleurieu;  in  the  section  of  the  finances,  Messrs.  Defermon, 
Duchatel,  and  Dufresne ;  in  the  section  of  justice,  Messrs.  Boulay 
de  la  Meurthe,  Berlier,  and  Real ;  in  the  section  of  the  interior, 
Messrs.  Rcederer,  Cretet,  Chaptal,  Regnanlt  de  Saint-Jean- 
d'Angely,  and  Fourcroy.  The  five  presidents  were  Messrs. 
Brune,  Ganteaume,  Defermon,  Boulay  de  la  Meurthe,  and 
Rcederer.  It  would  certainly  have  been  impossible  to  select 
names  of  greater  note,  or  talents  more  genuine  and  diverse. 

I  must  observe,  that  the  French  Revolution  had  been  prodi- 
giously prolific  of  men  of  talent  in  every  profession,  and  that 
there  were  materials  for  composing  a  most  diversified,  able,  and, 
let  me  add,  glorious  phalanx  of  government  officers :  provided 
only  that  no  attention  were,  in  future,  paid  to  the  exclusions 
pronounced  by  one  party  against  another.  This  was  the  course 
pursued  by  the  new  Consul.  He  appointed,  for  instance,  to  the 
section  of  the  finances,  M.  Devaisnes,  loudly  accused,  at  that 
time,  of  royalism ;  but  possessing,  in  that  branch  of  business, 
a  practical  knowledge  which  had  been,  and  has  since  been, 
extremely  useful. 

On  the  same  day,  24th  of  December  (3rd  Nivose),  Messrs. 
Sieyes,  Roger-Ducos,  Cambaceres,  and  Lebrun  met  for  the 
purpose  of  nominating  twenty-nine  Senators,  who,  with  the  two 
Consuls  about  to  go  out  of  office,  should  form  together  thirty- 
one  members.  The  list,  as  might  be  supposed,  had  been  pre- 
viously prepared ;  it  contained  names  of  high  standing,  such 
as  Messrs.  Berthollet,  Laplace  (lately  minister  of  the  interior), 
Monge,  Tracy,  Volney,  Cabanis,  Kellerman,  Garat,  Lacepede,  and 
Duels.     The  last  named  declined  the  post. 

On  the  following  day,  25th  of  December  (4th  Nivose),  the 
Council  of  State  met  for  the  first  time.  The  Consuls,  accom- 
panied by  the  ministers,  were  present  at  the  sitting.  The  sub- 
ject under  deliberation  was  a  bill  to  fix  the  reciprocal  relations 
of  the  great  bodies  of  the  State.  Several  measures,  which  it  was 
necessary  to  prepare  for  presentation  to  the  Legislative  Body  in 
the  approaching  session,  were  also  agreed  upon. 

The  Senate,  on  the  other  hand,  met  at  the  palace  of  the 
Luxembourg,  and  proceeded  to  elect  twenty-nine  new  members, 
who,  added  to  the  thirty-one  already  chosen,  made  the  number 
of  Senators  in  all  sixty.  The  reader  will  remember  that  this 
number  was  subsequently  to  be  increased  to  eighty.  The  sup- 
plemental list  also  contained  some  very  distinguished  characters, 
such  as  Messrs.  Lagrange,  Darcet,  Fraucois  de  NeufchAteau, 
Daubenton,  Bougainville,  Perregaux  the  banker ;  and,  lastly,  a 
man  of  verv  old  familv,  M.  de  Choiseul-Praslin. 


DEC.  1799       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  67 

In  the  following  days  the  Senate  was  engaged  in  forming  the 
Legislative  Body  and  the  Tribunate.  For  the  Legislative  Body 
they  chose  the  moderate  men  of  every  period;  members  of 
the  Constituent  Assembly,  of  the  Legislative  Assembly,  of  the 
National  Convention,  and  of  the  Five  Hundred.  Care  was  taken 
to  select  from  these  different  assemblies  such  men  as  had  little 
courted  distinction  and  popularity,  or  panted  for  success  in  the 
turmoil  of  public  affairs ;  whilst  those  who  were  known  for  the 
contrary  tastes  were  reserved  for  the  Tribunate.  Consequently, 
the  three  hundred  names  which  composed  the  Legislative  Body 
could  not  be  very  brilliant ;  and  it  would  be  difficult  to  discover 
in  that  numerous  list  two  or  three  names  which  are  known  at 
the  present  day.  One  of  them  was  the  modest  and  brave 
Latour-d'Auvergne,  a  hero  worthy  of  antiquity  for  his  virtues, 
his  exploits,  and  his  glorious  end. 

Among  the  hundred  members  of  the  Tribunate,  selected 
with  the  very  natural,  but  ere  long  bitterly  repented,  object 
of  affording  a  field  for  active,  stirring  minds,  desirous  of  fame, 
were  many  celebrated  personages,  some  of  whose  names  may  be 
somewhat  effaced,  but  are  not  altogether  forgotten  at  this  hour. 
They  were  Messrs.  Chenier,  Andrieux,  Chauvelin,  Stanislas  de 
Girardin,  Benjamin  Constant,  Daunou,  Riouffe,  Berenger,  Ganilh, 
Ginguene,  Laromiguiere,  Jean  Baptiste  Say,  &c. 

No  sooner  was  the  formation  of  these  bodies  terminated, 
than  the  edifices  assigned  to  them  were  got  ready.  The  Tui- 
leries  was  reserved  for  the  three  Consuls ;  the  Luxembourg 
was  appropriated  to  the  Senate,  the  Palais  Bourbon  to  the 
Legislative  Body,  and  the  Palais  Royal  to  the  Tribunate. 

Several  hundred  thousand  francs  were  expended  in  making 
the  Tuileries  habitable,  and,  until  the  completion  of  the  neces- 
sary repairs,  the  Consuls  took  up  their  residence  at  the  Petit 
Luxembourg. 

General  Bonaparte  had  already  effected  much  since  his 
return  from  Egypt :  he  had  overthrown  the  Directory,  and 
acquired  an  authority,  apparently  inferior,  but  in  reality  supe- 
rior, to  that  of  constitutional  monarchy.  But  he  had  only 
just  possessed  himself  of  that  authority,  and  it  yet  remained 
for  him  to  legitimatise  its  assumption  by  measures  of  utility 
and  great  actions.  He  had  still  an  immense  deal  to  accomplish, 
and  his  first  attem]:)ts  at  reorganisation  were  only  one  effort, 
already  successful,  it  is  true,  but  which  still  left  the  country 
exposed  to  sad  disorder  and  dee]:)  suffering :  there  wen*  still 
penury  at  the  Treasury,  privation  in  the  armies,  the  flame  of 
civil  war  in  La  Vendee,  hesitation  on  the  ]iart  of  the  neutral 
powers,  and  a  determination  truly  obstinate  to  continue  the 
struggle  on  the  part  of  the  belligerent  ])owers.  Still,  that 
assumption  of  power,  succeeding  his  first  toils,  and  preceding 


68  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1799 

the  immense  task  which  he  felt  the  confidence   of   ere  long 
accomplishing,  charmed  his  ambitious  soul. 

To  celebrate  the  installation  of  his  government,  he  performed 
a  series  of  acts,  purposely  accumulated,  and  in  which  there  were 
discernible  profound  policy,  heartfelt  joy,  and  that  generosity 
which  satisfaction  imparts  to  every  feeling  and  benevolent  mind. 
These  measures  were  successively  announced  between  the  25th 
of  December  (4th  Nivose),  the  day  of  the  installation  of  the 
Consular  government,  and  the  ist  of  January  1800  (iith 
Nivose),  the  day  of  the  opening  of  the  first  legislative  session. 

In  the  first  place,  a  judgment  of  the  Council  of  State  of  the 
27th  of  December  (6th  Nivose)  declared  that  the  laws  which 
excluded  the  relations  of  emigrants  and  the  former  nobles 
from  public  functions,  should  cease  as  a  matter  of  course, 
because  these  laws  were  at  variance  with  the  principles  of  the 
new  Constitution. 

A  certain  number  of  individuals  belonging  to  the  revolu- 
tionary party  had  been  condemned,  as  we  have  before  seen,  to 
banishment  or  imprisonment,  in  consequence  of  a  measure 
adopted,  with  little  reflection,  a  few  days  after  the  i8th  Bru- 
maire.  The  banishment  and  imprisonment  had  been  mitigated 
to  surveillance  of  the  political  police.  A  decree  of  the  5th 
Nivose  did  away  even  with  the  surveillance.  Having  made 
this  reparation  to  those  who  had  well  nigh  experienced  his 
severity,  the  First  Consul  performed  a  more  important  and 
more  necessary  act  of  justice  towards  the  victims  of  the 
Directory  and  of  the  preceding  governments. 

Such  as  had  been  banished  without  a  regular  trial  were 
authorised  to  return  to  France,  upon  condition  that  they  should 
reside  in  the  places  assigned.  This  measure  extended  to  per- 
sons proscribed  at  every  period,  but  more  especially  to  the 
prescripts  of  the  18th  Fructidor.  Messrs.  Boissy-d'Anglas, 
Dumolard,  and  Pastoret  were  recalled,  and  the  first  was  autho- 
rised to  reside  at  Annonay,  the  second  at  Grenoble,  and  the 
third  at  Dijon.  Messrs.  Carnot,  Portalis,  Quatremere-Quincey, 
Simeon,  Villaret-Joyeuse,  Barbe-lMarbois,  and  Barrere  were  also 
recalled  and  authorised  to  reside  in  Paris.  The  care  taken  to 
assign  the  capital  for  their  place  of  abode  to  such  men  as 
Messrs.  Carnot,  Simeon,  and  Portalis,  although  they  were  not 
natives  of  it,  clearly  indicated  that  the  government  had  its  eye 
upon  them,  and  meant  to  turn  their  talents  to  account. 

Other  measures  were  adopted  in  respect  of  religious  worship 
and  its  free  celebration.  On  the  28th  of  December  (7th 
Nivose)  it  was  decreed  that  the  edifices  set  apart  for  religious 
ceremonies  should  continue  to  be  used  for  these  puqjoses, 
or  should  be  again  appropriated  to  them,  in  case  they  had 
not   been    already  restored  to  the    ministers   of   the    different 


DEC.  1799       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  69 

persuasions.  Certain  local  authorities,  wishing  to  obstruct  the 
exercise  of  the  Catholic  worship,  forbade  the  opening  of  the 
churches  on  Sundays,  and  only  allowed  it  on  the  D^cadi.  The 
Consuls  reversed  the  municipal  decisions  of  this  sort,  and 
added  to  the  restitution  of  the  religious  edifices  the  free  per- 
mission to  make  use  of  them  on  the  days  appointed  by  each 
persuasion.  For  the  present,  however,  they  did  not  dare  to 
prohibit  the  ceremonies  of  the  Theophilanthropists,  which  took 
place  in  the  churches,  on  certain  days  of  the  week,  and  which 
were  viewed  as  profanations  by  the  Catholics. 

The  Consuls  caused  the  form  of  engagement  which  was  re- 
quired from  the  priests  to  be  modified.  Hitherto  they  had 
been  called  on  to  take  a  special  oath  to  the  civil  constitution 
of  the  clergy — an  oath  which  obliged  them  to  recognise  a 
legislation  at  variance,  according  to  some  of  them,  with  the 
laws  of  the  Church.  It  was  suggested  only  to  impose  on 
them  a  simple  promise  of  obedience  to  the  Constitution  of 
the  State ;  w^hich  no  one  of  them  could  reasonably  scruple  to 
give,  without  refusing  that  obedience  to  Ccesar  which  the  Catholic 
religion  so  rigorously  prescribes.  This  is  what  was  afterwards 
termed  the  i^romise,  as  distinguished  from  the  oath,  and  which 
led  a  great  number  of  priests  immediately  to  resume  their 
religious  duties.  The  assermc7it^f!,  priests  who  took  the  oath, 
had  already  enjoyed  the  favour  of  the  government ;  it  was  now 
the  turn  of  the  7io?i-assermentes  (non-jurors). 

To  the  preceding  measures  the  new  First  Consul  added  one 
which  must  have  appeared  to  every  one  as  peculiarly  his  own, 
since  it  recalled  to  mind  matters  which  were  in  a  manner 
personal  to  himself.  He  had  negotiated  with  the  deceased 
Pope,  Pius  VI.,  and  signed,  at  the  gates  of  Home,  the  treaty 
of  Tolentino.  He  had,  ever  since  the  year  1797,  affected  to 
show  great  respect  for  this  head  of  the  Catholic  Church,  and 
had  received  from  his  Holiness  marked  testimonies  of  good- 
will. Pius  VI.,  who  died  at  Valence,  in  Dauphine,  had  not 
yet  obtained  the  honours  of  burial.  His  mortal  remains  were 
deposited  in  a  sacristy.  General  Bonaparte,  on  his  way  home 
from  Egypt,  saw  Cardinal  Spina  at  Valence,  learned  these 
particulars,  and  resolved  soon  to  make  amends  for  this  most 
unbecoming  neglect. 

Accordingly,  on  the  30tli  of  December  (9t]i  Nivose).  he  in- 
duced the  Consuls  to  join  in  a  decree,  grounded  on  the  noblest 
considerations. 

"The  Consuls."  so  ran  this  decree,  "considering  tliat  the 
body  of  Pins  \1.  has,  for  six  months,  been  de^iositod  in  the 
town  of  V'llcncc.  without  having  vet  liad  the  lionours  of 
sepulture  granted  to  it  ; 

"Tliat.  though  this  old  man.  r('s])ec1able  for  his  misfortunes, 


70  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1799 

may  have  been  for  a  moment  the  enemy  of  France,  it  was  only 
because  he  was  misled  by  the  counsels  of  those  who  surrounded 
his  advanced  years  ; 

"That  it  is  befitting  the  dignity  of  the  French  nation,  and 
conformable  to  its  character,  to  show  its  respect  for  a  man 
who  occupied  one  of  the  highest  ofiices  upon  earth ; 

"The  Consuls  decree,"  &c.  &c.  The  clauses  which  followed 
directed  not  only  that  funeral  honours  should  be  paid  to  the 
Pontiff's  remains,  but  that  a  monument  should  also  record 
the  rank  of  the  departed  prince. 

This  demonstration  produced  more  effect,  perhaps,  than  the 
most  humane  measures  would  have  done,  because  it  struck  the 
imagination,  accustomed  to  other  spectacles.  Immense  numbers 
thronged,  in  consequence,  to  Valence,  to  avail  themselves  of  the 
authorisation  thus  given  for  making  a  religious  manifestation. 

The  list  of  the  revolutionary  festivals  contained  one  con- 
ceived in  a  truly  woeful  spirit,  namely,  that  which  was  celebrated 
on  the  2 1st  of  January.*  Whatever  might  be  the  sentiments 
of  the  men  of  all  parties  respecting  the  tragic  event  connected 
with  that  date,  it  was  a  barbarous  festival,  which  was  designed 
to  commemorate  a  sanguinary  catastrophe.  In  the  time  of  the 
Directory,  General  Bonaparte  had  shown  a  strong  repugnance 
to  attend  at  it ;  not  that  he  had  then  any  idea  of  honouring 
royalty,  which  he  was  one  day  to  re-establish  for  his  own  profit, 
but  he  liked  to  defy  publicly  the  passions  which  he  did  not 
share.  Now  that  he  had  become  the  head  of  the  government, 
he  instigated  the  legislative  commissions  to  decide  that  in  future 
there  should  be  no  more  than  two  festivals — that  of  the  14th  of 
July,  the  anniversary  of  the  first  day  of  the  llevolution,  and 
that  of  the  i  st  of  Vendemiaire,  the  anniversary  of  the  first  day 
of  the  Republic.  "These  days,"  said  he,  "are  imperishable  in 
the  memory  of  the  citizens ;  they  were  hailed  by  all  Frenchmen 
with  unanimous  transports,  and  awaken  no  recollection  tending 
to  produce  division  among  the  friends  of  the  Kepublic." 

It  needed  all  the  power,  all  the  boldness,  of  the  head  of  tlie 
new  government  to  venture  upon  a  series  of  measures  which, 
though  just,  politic,  and  moral  in  themselves,  nevertheless 
appeared  to  hot-headed  enthusiasts  so  many  preliminary  acts  of 
a  complete  counter-revolution.  But,  in  doing  all  this,  General 
Bonaparte  took  care  to  set  the  first  example  himself  of  the 
oblivion  of  political  animosities,  sometimes  to  rouse  with 
emphasis  that  sense  of  glory  by  which  he  led  the  men  of  the 
time,  and  raised  them  above  the  base  and  furious  passions  of 
parties.  Thus  General  Augereau  had  offended  him  by  un- 
becoming conduct  on  the  1 8th  of  Brumaire ;  he  nevertheless 
appointed  him  to  the  command  of  the  army  in  Holland. 
*  The  anniversary  of  the  execution  of  Louis  XVI. 


DEC.  1799       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  yi 

"  Show,"  he  wrote  to  him,  in  a  letter  which  was  published, 
"  show,  in  all  the  acts  that  your  command  will  give  you 
occasion  to  perform,  that  you  are  above  those  miserable  party 
dissensions,  the  recoil  of  which  has  unfortunately,  for  these  ten 
years,  torn  France  in  pieces.  ...  If  circumstances  oblige  me 
to  take  the  field  in  person,  be  assured  that  I  shall  not  leave  you 
in  Holland,  and  that  I  shall  never  forget  the  glorious  day  of 
Castiglione." 

At  the  same  time  he  instituted  arms  of  honour,  a  prelude 
to  the  foundation  of  the  Legion  of  Honour.  French  demo- 
cracy, after  such  vehement  demonstrations  of  its  horror  of 
personal  distinctions,  could,  at  most,  tolerate  at  that  time 
rewards  for  military  actions.  In  pursuance  of  an  article  of 
the  Constitution,  the  First  Consul  caused  a  resolution  to  be 
passed,  that,  for  every  brilliant  action,  a  musket  of  honour  should 
be  presented  to  the  infantry,  a  carabine  of  honour  to  the 
cavalry,  grenadoes  of  honour  to  the  artillery,  and,  lastly,  swords 
of  honour  to  officers  of  all  ranks.  The  First  Consul  followed 
up  the  institution,  decreed  on  the  25th  of  December  (4th 
Nivose),  by  positive  acts.  Next  day  he  awarded  a  sword  to 
General  St.  Cyr,  for  a  brilliant  action  which  he  had  just  fought 
in  the  Apennines.  "I  offer  you,"  said  he  to  him,  "in  token  of 
my  satisfaction,  a  handsome  sword,  which  you  will  wear  on  days 
of  battle.  Let  the  soldiers  under  your  command  know  that  I 
am  content  with  them,  and  that  I  hope  to  be  still  more  so." 

To  these  acts,  which  pi'oclaimed  the  actual  assumption  of 
power,  which  marked  the  character  of  his  government,  and 
clearly  showed  his  disposition  to  set  himself  above  all  party 
passions,  the  First  Consul  immediately  added  proceedings  of 
higher  importance,  as  well  in  regard  to  La  Vendee,  as  to  the 
European  powers. 

A  suspension  of  arms  had  been  signed  with  the  Vendeans, 
conferences  with  them  had  begun,  and  yet  the  pacification  was 
no  forwarder.  General  Bonaparte  had  left  little  doubt  in  the 
minds  of  the  royalists,  who  had  addressed  themselves  to  him 
for  the  puqDose  of  sounding  his  intentions,  and  ascertaining 
whether  he  would  not  be  satisfied  with  being  the  restorer,  the 
support,  the  first  subject,  of  the  house  of  Bourbon.  He  had 
undeceived  them,  by  showing  himself  irrevocably  attached  to 
the  cause  of  the  French  llevolution.  This  frankness  in  his 
declarations  had  not  tended  to  ])romote  the  concilialion  that 
was  begun.  The  Vendean  chiefs  hesitated.  They  were  ])laced 
between  fear,  excited  by  the  vigour  of  tlie  new  government, 
and  the  solicitations  of  tlie  emigrants  in  London,  wlio  were 
authorised  to  promise  tliem.  on  ])chalf  of  ^Ir.  I'itt,  arms, 
money,  and  troo]is. 

It  was  on  a  frcsli  insurroclion   in   La  \'(mi(1(V  that  Mnu'land 


72  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1799 

particularly  reckoned.  She  piiqiosed  making  on  that  part  of 
our  coast  an  attempt  similar  to  that  which  had  been  tried  in 
Holland.  The  failure  of  that  expedition  had  not  discouraged 
her;  and  she  earnestly  solicited  of  the  Emperor  Paul  the 
co-operation  of  his  troops,  without  much  chance,  indeed,  of 
obtaining  it.  Prussia,  which  began  to  testify  a  sort  of  interest 
for  the  Consular  government,  Prussia  never  ceased  repeating  to 
Duroc,  the  aide-de-camp,  and  to  M.  Otto,  the  chargS  d'affaires 
of  France,  "  Get  La  Vendee  off  your  hands,  for  it  is  there  that 
the  most  serious  blows  will  be  levelled  at  you." 

Of  this  General  Bonaparte  was  aware.  Not  only  did  La 
Vendee  weaken  the  armies  of  the  Re]3ublic  by  absorbing  part 
of  their  forces,  but  to  him  civil  war  seemed  both  a  misfortune 
and  a  sort  of  dishonour  for  a  government,  as  it  attested  a  de- 
plorable internal  condition.  He  had,  therefore,  taken  the  most 
efficacious  measures  for  bringing  that  business  to  a  conclusion. 
He  had  recalled  from  Holland  a  portion  of  the  army  which, 
under  General  Brune,  had  recently  defeated  the  combined 
English  and  Russians ;  he  had  added  to  it  part  of  the  garrison 
of  Paris,  which  he  could  diminish  considerably  without  appre- 
hension, the  spell  of  his  name  serving  in  lien  of  material  force ; 
and  in  this  manner  he  had  contrived  to  assemble  in  the  West 
an  excellent  army  of  about  60,000  men.  General  Brune  was 
placed  at  the  head  of  this  force,  with  the  recommendation  to 
retain,  as  his  principal  lieutenant,  the  prudent  and  conciliatory 
Hedouville,  who  held  all  the  threads  of  the  negotiation  with  the 
royalists.  The  name  of  General  Brune  was  an  answer  to  those 
who  reckoned  upon  a  new  landing  of  the  Anglo-Russians.  But, 
before  striking  a  decisive  blow,  if  the  conditions  of  the  pacifica- 
tion were  not  finally  accepted,  the  First  Consul  deemed  it  right 
to  address  the  Vendeans  on  the  very  day  of  his  installation. 

On  the  29th  of  December  (8tli  Nivose)  he  addressed  a  pro- 
clamation and  a  decree  of  the  Consuls  to  the  departments  of 
the  West.  He  said  to  them,  "An  impious  war  threatens  a 
second  time  to  set  the  departments  of  the  West  in  a  flame. 
The  duty  of  the  first  magistrates  of  the  Republic  is  to  prevent 
its  spreading,  and  to  extinguish  it  in  its  focus,  but  they  are 
unwilling  to  employ  force,  till  they  have  exhausted  all  the 
means  of  persuasion  and  justice."' 

Drawing  a  line  between  criminal  men,  sold  to  foreigners,  for 
ever  irreconcilable  with  the  Republic,  and  misguided  citizens, 
who,  by  engaging  in  civil  war,  intended  only  to  resist  cruel 
persecutions,  the  First  Consul  referred  to  all  the  measures 
calculated  to  win  the  confidence  of  the  latter,  and  to  bring 
them  over  to  the  new  government,  such  as  the  repeal  of  the 
law  concerning  the  hostages,  the  restoration  of  the  churches  to 
the  priests,  the  liberty  allowed  to  every  one  to  keep  Sunday ;  he 


DEC.  1799      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  73 

further  promised  a  full  and  entire  amnesty  to  those  who  should 
submit,  abandon  the  assemblages  of  insurgents,  and  lay  down 
the  arms  furnished  by  England.  But  he  added  that  the  most 
severe  measures  would  be  immediately  taken  against  those  who 
should  persist  in  insurrection.  He  announced  the  suspension 
of  the  Constitution,  that  is,  the  employment  of  extraordinary 
authorities  in  those  places  where  insurgent  bands  should  con- 
tinue to  appear  in  arms.  "  The  government,"  it  was  said,  at  the 
conclusion  of  the  proclamation  of  the  Consuls,  "  will  forgive  ; 
it  will  pardon  the  repentant ;  its  clemency  shall  be  complete 
and  absolute :  but  it  will  punish  every  one  who,  after  this  de- 
claration, shall  dare  to  resist  the  national  sovereignty.  But, 
no ;  henceforward  we  will  be  actuated  by  only  one  sentiment — 
the  love  of  our  country.  The  ministers  of  a  God  of  peace  will 
be  the  first  promoters  of  reconciliation  and  concord.  Let  them 
speak  to  their  flocks  in  that  language  which  pervades  the  Word 
of  their  divine  master ;  let  them  repair  to  those  temples  which 
are  again  opened  to  them,  and  offer  the  sacrifice  that  shall 
atone  for  the  crimes  of  war  and  for  the  blood  which  it  has 
caused  to  be  spilt." 

This  proclamation,  seconded  by  a  formidable  force,  was  cal- 
culated to  make  an  impression,  especially  as  it  emanated  from  a 
new  government,  which  had  no  hand  whatever  in  the  excesses 
and  faults  that  had  served  as  a  pretext  for  civil  war. 

Having  proceeded  in  this  manner  towards  our  enemies  at  home, 
the  First  Consul,  addressing  himself  to  our  enemies  abroad, 
resolved  to  take  a  formal  step  towards  the  two  powers  which  had 
not  yet  given  any  sign  of  a  return  to  pacific  sentiments,  and 
seemed,  on  the  contrary,  to  be  obstinately  bent  on  the  prosecu- 
tion of  the  war :  we  mean  Austria  and  Great  Britain. 

Prussia,  as  we  have  seen,  had  received  Duroc  in  the  most 
flattering  manner,  and  was  every  day  giving  more  expressive 
testimonies  of  sympathy  for  the  First  Consul.  Satisfied  with 
the  footing  on  which  she  stood  with  him,  she  wished  success  to 
his  government  against  anarchy,  success  to  his  arms  against 
Austria.  As  for  the  scheme  of  offering  herself  as  mediatrix,  she 
still  cherished  the  idea,  but  durst  not  take  the  first  step,  con- 
ceiving that  peace  was  yet  far  distant,  and  being  unwilling  to 
enter  rashly  upon  a  course,  the  bearing  of  which  it  was  impossible 
to  foresee.  In  fact,  whoever  observed  attentively  the  state  of 
things  in  Europe,  might  easily  perceive  that,  to  loosen  the  ties 
which  bound  Jilngland  and  Austria,  there  would  need  another 
campaign.  The  court  of  Madrid  had  likewise  beheld  with  satisfac- 
tion the  accession  of  General  Bonaparte,  because  witli  liini  the 
alliance  of  France  and  Spain  seemed  at  once  more  honourable  and 
more  profitable.  But  the  liorizon  was  not  coiu])letely  clear  in  any 
quarter.     General  Bonaparte  resolved,  therefore,  the  very  same 


74  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1799 

day  that  the  Constitution  invested  him  officially  with  a  new 
authority,  to  address  himself  to  the  decidedly  hostile  powers,  for 
the  purpose  of  offering  them  peace,  and  publicly  showing  that  it 
was  their  own  fault  if  they  refused  it.  After  that,  he  could  resort 
to  war,  having  the  opinion  of  the  world  on  his  side. 

In  the  first  place,  all  the  French  diplomatic  agents  previously 
appointed  (but  who  had  not  yet  left  Paris,  because  it  was  de- 
sirable that  they  should  be  accredited  in  the  name  of  the  govern- 
ment definitively  constituted)  were  instructed  to  jDroceed  to  their 
respective  posts.  General  Beurnonville  set  out  for  Berlin,  M. 
Alquier  for  Madrid,  M.  de  Semonville  for  the  Hague,  M.  Bour- 
going  for  Copenhagen.  General  Beurnonville  was  to  pay  an 
adroit  and  flattering  compliment  to  the  King  of  Prussia  by  asking 
him  for  a  bust  of  the  great  Frederick,  to  be  placed  in  the  grand 
gallery  of  Diana,  in  the  Tuileries.  The  First  Consul  was  at  that 
time  arranging  in  this  gallery  the  busts  of  all  the  great  men 
whom  he  particularly  admired.  M.  Alquier,  besides  conveying 
to  Madrid  the  kindest  assurances  to  the  king  and  to  the  queen, 
was  charged  with  a  present  for  the  Prince  of  Peace,  who  pos- 
sessed considerable  influence,  though  he  was  no  longer  minister. 
This  present  consisted  of  fine  specimens  of  arms,  made  at  the 
manufactory  of  Versailles,  famous  at  that  time  throughout  all 
Europe  for  the  excellence  of  its  productions. 

This  done,  the  First  Consul  turned  his  attention  to  the  step 
proposed  to  be  taken  towards  the  two  hostile  powers,  England 
and  Austria.  In  general,  it  is  customary  to  disguise  such  steps, 
to  precede  them  by  indirect  overtures,  in  order  to  guard  against 
the  humiliation  of  a  refusal.  General  Bonaparte,  in  addressing 
England  and  Austria,  meant  to  address  the  world  ;  and  for  this 
purpose  he  needed  a  solemn  overture,  deviating  entirely  from  the 
accustomed  forms,  which  should  appeal  to  the  hearts  of  the 
sovereigns  themselves,  and  flatter  or  embarrass  them.  Accord- 
ingly, instead  of  transmitting  notes  to  Lord  Grenville  or  ]\I.  de 
Thugut,  he  wrote  directly  to  the  King  of  England  and  the 
Emperor  of  Germany  two  letters,  which  the  ministers  of  those 
courts  were  desired  to  submit  to  their  sovereigns. 

The  letter  destined  for  the  Kincr  of  Eno-land  was  in  these  terms  : 

o  O 

Paris,  5f/i  Nivusc,  yen-  VIII.  {Dec.  26,  1799)- 
"  Sire, — Called  by  the  wisli  of  the  French  nation  to  fill  the  chief 
magistracy  of  the  Republic,  I  think  it  fitting,  on  entering  upon  ofiice, 
to  make  a  direct  communication  on  tlie  subject  to  your  Majesty. 

"  Is  the  war  which  for  eight  years  has  ravaged  the  four  quarters 
of  the  globe  to  be  eternal  1  Are  there  then  no  means  of  coming  to 
an  understanding  1 

"  How  can  the  two  most  enlightened  nations  of  Europe,  stronger 
and  more  powerful  than  their  safety  and  independence  require, 
sacrifice  to  ideas  of  vain  greatness  the  blessings  of  commerce,  internal 


DEC.  1799       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  75 

prosperity,  and  domestic  happiness  1     How  can   they  help  feeling 
that  peace  is  the  first  of  wants,  as  well  as  the  first  of  glories ! 

"  These  sentiments  cannot  be  strange  to  your  Majesty,  who  governs 
a  free  nation,  and  with  the  sole  aim  to  render  it  happy. 

"  In  this  overture,  your  Majesty  will  discover  only  my  sincere 
desire  to  contribute  efiicaciously,  for  the  second  time,  to  the  general 
pacification  by  a  prompt  procedure,  entirely  confidential,  and  divested 
of  those  forms,  which,  necessary  perhaps  for  disguising  the  depen- 
dence of  weak  States,  betray  only  in  strong  States  a  mutual  desire 
to  deceive  one  another. 

"France,  England,  by  the  abuse  of  their  strength,  may  for  a  long 
time  to  come,  for  the  misfortune  of  all  nations,  retard  its  exhaustion  : 
but  I  dare  assert,  the  lot  of  all  civilised  nations  is  attached  to  the 
termination  of  a  war  which  has  thrown  the  whole  world  into  a 
conflagration.  (Signed)         Boxaparte, 

"  First  Consul  of  the  French  Republic." 

On  the  same  day,  the  First  Consul  addressed  the  following 
letter  to  the  Emperor  of  Germany  : — 

"On  returning  to  Europe,  after  an  absence  of  eighteen  months, 
I  find  the  war  rekindled  between  the  French  Republic  and  your 
Majesty. 

"  The  French  nation  calls  me  to  occupy  the  chief  magistracy. 

"  A  stranger  to  every  feeling  of  vain  glory,  the  first  of  my  wishes 
is  to  stop  the  effusion  of  the  blood  that  is  about  to  be  spilt.  Every 
thing  forebodes  that,  in  the  next  campaign,  numerous  and  ably 
directed  armies  will  triple  the  number  of  the  victims  hitherto  sacri- 
ficed, by  the  resumption  of  hostilities.  The  known  character  of  your 
Majesty  leaves  me  no  doubt  respecting  the  wish  of  your  heart.  If 
that  wish  alone  is  consulted,  I  perceive  a  possibility  of  reconciling 
the  interests  of  the  two  nations. 

"  In  the  communications  which  I  have  previously  had  with  your 
Majesty,  you  have  personally  testified  some  regard  for  me.  I  request 
you  to  consider  the  step  which  I  am  taking  as  proceeding  from  a 
desire  to  make  a  return  for  it,  and  to  convince  you  more  and  more 
of  the  very  high  respect  which  I  entertain  for  your  Majesty. 

(Signed)        Bonaparte, 
'■'■  First  Consul  of  the  French  Republic." 

Sucli  was  the  language  in  wliicli  the  First  Consul  communi- 
cated his  accession,  as  well  to  the  ])arties  that  divided  France, 
as  to  the  cabinets  coalesced  against  her.  lie  offered  peace, 
preparing  to  secure  it  by  force,  if  lie  could  not  obtain  it  by 
amicable  means.  His  intention  was  to  employ  the  winter  in 
making  a  short  and  decisive  campaign  in  La  ^'endee,  tliat,  in 
spring,  he  might  be  abl(>  to  move  upon  the  Rhine  and  the 
Alps  such  troops  as,  on  the  termination  of  the  war  at  home, 
should  be  available  for  the  war  abroad. 


ye  HISTORY  OF  THE  jan.  1800 

While  awaiting  the  result  of  these  proceedings,  he  opened 
the  legislative  session  on  the  ist  of  January  1800  (i  ith  Nivose, 
year  VIII.),  and  resolved  to  devote  that  session  of  four  months 
to  the  preparation  of  sound  laws,  and  to  the  administrative  reor- 
ganisation of  France,  which  was  scarcely  commenced.  He  had 
just  appointed  his  brother  Lucien  minister  of  the  interior,  in  lieu 
of  Laplace  the  mathematician,  and  M.  Abrial,  a  very  worthy 
man,  and  very  attentive  to  business,  as  minister  of  justice,  in 
the  room  of  M.  Cambacores,  w^ho  had  become  Consul. 

On  the  1st  of  January  1800,  the  Senate,  the  Legislative 
Body,  and  the  Tribunate  assembled.  The  Senate  elected  M. 
Sieyes  for  president ;  the  Legislative  Body  elected  M.  Perrin 
of  Vosges  ;  the  Tribunate,  M.  Daunou.  Numerous  bills  (projets 
de  hi)  were  immediately  presented  to  the  Legislative  Body. 

At  the  sight  of  these  deliberative  assemblies  meeting  afresh,  a 
sort  of  anxiety  prevailed.  People  were  weary  of  agitation ;  they 
longed  for  repose ;  they  were  cured  of  that  violent  fondness  for 
political  eloquence,  which  France  had  felt  in  '89,  when  Mirabeau, 
Barnave,  Maury,  Cazales,  opened  for  it  an  entirely  new  career 
of  glory,  that  of  the  tribune.  The  animosity  against  the  bar 
was  general ;  there  was  no  favour  but  for  men  of  action,  capable 
of  procuring  victory  and  peace  for  France.  Still  people  had 
not  yet  resolved  on  the  establishment  of  an  absolute  power; 
and  they  had  no  wish  that  all  liberty,  all  temperate  discussion, 
should  be  stifled.  If  the  power  of  action,  which  a  new  legis- 
lator had  just  placed  in  the  Constitution,  by  the  creation  of  a 
First  Consul,  and  the  selection  for  that  magistracy  of  the 
greatest  captain  of  the  age ;  if  that  power  were  incompatible 
with  liberty,  they  were  ready  to  sacrifice  the  latter ;  but  every- 
body would  have  been  delighted  at  the  reconciliation  of  liberty 
and  strength,  if  it  were  possible.  It  was  not  vulgar  agitators  or 
obstinate  republicans  who  entertained  these  sentiments ;  it  was 
men  of  discreet,  enlightened  minds,  whom  it  would  have  pained 
to  see  the  Revolution  belie  itself  so  soon  and  so  completely. 
Accordingly,  the  indifferent  asked  themselves  with  curiosity,  the 
good  citizens  with  real  uneasiness,  what  bearing  the  Tribunate, 
the  only  body  which  had  liberty  of  speech,  would  assume  towards 
the  new  government,  and  how  the  government  would  endure  an 
opposition,  if  an  opposition  should  happen  to  be  formed. 

When  a  reaction  takes  place,  be  that  reaction  ever  so  general, 
it  does  not  hurry  all  along  with  it ;  and  it  irritates,  nay,  even 
shocks,  those  whom  it  does  not  hurry  along.  Messrs.  Ch^nier, 
Andrieux,  Ginguene,  Daunou,  and  Benjamin  Constant,  who  had 
seats  in  the  Tribunate,  Messrs.  de  Tracy,  Volney,  and  Cabanis, 
who  were  members  of  the  Senate,  while  they  deplored  the  crimes 
of  the  Reign  of  Terror,  were  not  disposed  to  think  that  the  French 
Revolution  was  wrong  in  its  conduct  towards  its  adversaries. 


JAN.  i8oo       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  77 

The  monarchical  and  religious  doctrines,  which  were  perceptibly- 
gaining  ground,  galled  them,  as  did  still  more  the  immoderate 
haste  with  which  this  return  to  ancient  ideas  was  effected.  This 
produced  in  them  a  dissatisfaction,  which  they  took  no  pains  to 
disguise.  Most  of  them  were  sincere.  Strongly  attached  to  the 
Revolution,  they  wished  for  it  almost  entire,  excepting  the 
blood  and  the  spoliations,  and  had  little  taste  for  that  which 
people  imagined  they  could  descry  in  the  profound  conception 
of  the  new  dictator.  That  priests  should  not  be  persecuted, 
good !  But  that  they  should  be  favoured  so  far  as  to  be  rein- 
stated at  the  altar  was  too  much  for  these  staunch  votaries  of  the 
philosophy  of  the  eighteenth  century.  That  a  little  more  unity 
and  strength  should  be  given  to  government,  good  again !  But 
that  this  principle  should  be  carried  to  such  an  extent  as  to 
re-establish  monarchical  unity  for  the  benefit  of  a  military  man, 
this  was  far  too  much  in  their  estimation.  For  the  rest — as  it 
is  always  the  case — their  motives  were  various.  If  such  were 
the  opinions  of  Messrs.  Chenier,  Ginguene,  Daunou,  Tracy,  and 
Cabanis,  they  could  not  be  those  of  M.  Constant,  who  most 
assuredly  had  not  imbibed  in  the  society  of  the  Necker  family, 
in  which  he  moved,  either  an  aversion  to  religious  ideas,  or  an 
exclusive  fondness  for  the  French  Revolution.  On  attaining 
to  the  Tribunate,  thanks  to  the  solicitations  of  his  friends,  he 
had,  nevertheless,  become,  in  a  few  days,  the  most  restless  and 
the  cleverest  of  the  new  opposition.  He  was  actuated  by  his 
sarcastic  humour,  but  more  especially  by  the  discontent  of  the 
Necker  family,  which  he  participated.  Madame  de  Stael,  who, 
in  her  single  person,  then  represented  that  illustrious  family,  had 
greatly  admired  General  Bonaparte ;  and  it  would  have  been  an 
easy  matter  for  him  to  win  the  goodwill  of  one  whose  sprightly 
imagination  was  alive  to  everything  that  was  great.  But, 
though  endowed  with  as  mucli  understanding  as  genius,  he  had 
offended,  by  expressions  not  the  most  decorous,  a  woinan  whom 
he  disliked,  because  he  found  in  her  pretensions  above  her  sex : 
and  he  had  produced  in  her  heart  an  irritation,  wliich,  if  not 
formidable,  was  at  least  annoying.  Every  fault,  however  slight, 
produces  its  fruit.  The  First  Consul  was  soon  to  reap  the  fruit 
of  his,  in  meeting  with  a  very  untoward  ojiposition  from  those 
who  were  under  the  influence  of  the  persuasive  mind  of  Madame 
de  Stael.     Of  this  number  was  M.  Constant. 

The  Palais  Royal  had  been  assigned  to  the  Tribunate, 
assuredly  not  from  design,  but  solely  from  necessity ;  the 
Tuileries  had  been  given  up  to  the  head  of  the  government; 
the  Luxembourg,  previously  a]-)]iropriated  to  the  Council  of  the 
Ancients,  had  naturally  been  assigned  to  tlie  Senate  ;  the  T\a]ais 
Bourbon  had  been  set  aside  for  the  Legislative  IJody.  Thus  there 
was  no  buildinf'  but  tlu'  I'alais  Roval  that  c<nikl  be  allottrd   to 


78  HISTORY  OF  THE  jan.  1800 

the  Tribunate.  Such  was,  in  certain  minds,  the  disposition  to 
take  the  simplest  acts  amiss,  that  they  complained  bitterly  of 
the  choice  of  this  palace,  and  alleged  that  it  was  with  a  view  to 
lower  the  Tribunate  that  it  had  been  made  to  meet  in  the  ordi- 
nary haunt  of  vice  and  debauchery.  Certain  articles  of  regulation 
were  under  discussion  in  this  assembly  on  the  2nd  and  3rd  of 
January,  when,  all  at  once,  M.  Duveyrier,  one  of  its  members, 
rose  to  complain  of  some  measures,  injurious,  as  he  said,  to 
several  proprietors  of  establishments  which  had  existed  for 
years  in  the  Palais  Royal.  There  was  nothing  interesting  in 
the  case  of  the  complainants,  and,  moreover,  they  had  received 
compensation.  Duveyrier  inveighed  warmly  against  these 
alleged  acts  of  injustice,  and  said  that  the  national  representation 
ought  not  to  be  made  unpopular,  by  being  rendered  responsible 
for  harsh  acts  committed  in  its  name.  Then,  passing  to  the 
choice  of  the  locality,  "  I  am  not  one  of  those,"  said  he,  "  who  are 
offended  because  it  has  been  thought  fit  to  select  for  the  meetings 
of  the  Tribunate  a  place  which  is  the  ordinary  theatre  of  vice 
and  of  every  kind  of  excesses ;  in  this  I  see  neither  danger  nor 
any  allusion  injurious  to  us.  I  pay  homage,  on  the  contrary,  to 
the  popular  intention  of  those  who  wished  that  the  tribunes  of 
the  people  should  sit  amidst  the  people ;  that  the  defenders  of 
liberty  should  meet  in  a  place  that  witnessed  the  first  triumphs 
of  liberty.  I  thank  them  for  having  allowed  us  the  means  of 
viewing,  from  this  very  tribune,  the  spot  on  which  the  noble 
Camille  Desmoulins,  giving  the  signal  for  a  glorious  movement, 
displayed  that  national  cockade,  our  most  glorious  trophy,  our 
eternal  rallying  sign ;  that  cockade  which  gave  birth  to  so  many 
prodigies,  to  which  so  many  heroes  owe  the  celebrity  of  their 
arms,  and  which  we  will  not  lay  down  but  with  life.  I  thank 
them  for  having  enabled  us  to  see  that  spot,  which,  if  people 
were  inclined  to  erect  an  idol  of  fifteen  days,  would  remind  us 
of  the  fall  of  an  idol  of  fifteen  centuries." 

This  off-hand  attack  produced  a  strong  sensation  in  the 
assembly,  and  before  long  in  Paris.  The  Tribunate  passed  to 
the  order  of  the  day,  the  majority  of  its  members  disapproving 
such  a  sally.  But  the  effect  was  not  the  less  powerful ;  and  it 
was  a  bad  beginning  for  an  assembly,  which,  if  it  wished  to 
save  liberty  from  the  dangers  with  which  it  was  threatened  by 
a  reaction  at  that  time  general,  should  have  observed  infinite 
caution,  as  well  in  regard  to  persons  ready  to  take  alarm,  as  to 
a  head  of  the  government  who  was  easily  irritated. 

Such  a  scene  could  not  fail  to  have  consequences.  The  anger 
of  the  First  Consul  was  vehement,  and  the  humble  adorers  of 
his  nascent  power  raised  a  loud  outcry.  Messrs.  Stanislas  de 
Girardin,  de  Chauvelin,  and  some  others,  who,  without  being 
disposed  to  resign  all  independence  in  the  presence  of  the  new 


JAN.  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  79 

government,  yet  disapproved  this  unseasonable  opposition,  spoke 
in  the  following  sitting,  and,  in  order  to  neutralise  the  effect 
of  the  speech  of  Duveyrier,  proposed  the  taking  of  a  sort  of 
oath  to  the  Constitution. 

"Before  we  proceed  to  our  labours,"  said  M.  de  Girardin, 
"  I  think  we  ought  to  give  the  nation  a  signal  testimony  of  our 
attachment  to  the  Constitution.  I  do  not  propose  to  you  to 
swear  that  you  will  uphold  it.  I  know,  and  you  know  as  well 
as  I  do,  the  uselessuess  of  oaths ;  but  I  think  it  may  be  useful, 
on  entering  on  our  duties,  to  promise  to  perform  them  faithfully. 
Let  us  follow  the  example  of  the  Conservative  Senate  and  of  the 
Council  of  State,  and  we  shall  thus  fix  the  opinion  that  ought 
to  be  formed  of  us;  we  shall  silence  malice,  which  is  already 
bruiting  that  the  Tribunate  is  an  organised  resistance  against 
the  government.  No  !  the  Tribunate  is  not  a  focus  of  opposition, 
but  a  focus  of  intelligence.  No !  the  Tribunate  does  not  mean 
to  combat  without  ceasing  the  acts  of  the  government ;  it  is 
ready,  on  the  contrary,  to  hail  them  with  joy,  when  they  shall 
be  in  harmony  with  the  public  interest.  The  Tribunate  will 
strive  to  allay  the  passions  of  the  day,  instead  of  exciting  them. 
Its  moderation  must  place  itself  between  all  the  factions  to 
dissolve  and  to  reunite  them.  It  was  the  moderates  who  effected 
the  1 8th  Brumaire,  that  salutary  and  glorious  day,  which  has 
saved  France  from  internal  anarchy  and  foreign  invasion.  In 
order  to  save  the  Republic,  let  us  return  to  the  principles  on 
which  it  was  founded,  but  let  us  beware  of  returning  to  excesses 
which  have  so  often  brought  it  to  the  brink  of  perdition.  If  we 
see  from  this  place  the  spot  where,  for  the  first  time,  the  emblem 
of  liberty  was  displayed,  from  this  place,  too,  we  see  the  spot 
where  were  conceived  those  crimes  which  imbrued  the  Revolution 
in  blood.  For  my  own  part,  I  am  far  from  congratulating 
myself  on  the  choice  which  has  been  made  of  this  palace  for  the 
place  of  our  meetings  ;  on  the  contrar}^,  I  regret  it :  but  still 
the  events  of  which  it  reminds  us  are,  happily,  long  gone  bv. 
The  time  for  vehement  harangues,  for  appeals  to  the  seditious 
groups  of  the  Palais  Royal,  is  past.  If,  however,  certain 
declamations  can  no  longer  ruin  us,  they  may  delay  the  return 
of  fairer  prospects.  S]ireading  from  this  tribune  throughout 
Paris,  from  Paris  over  all  Europe,  they  may  create  alarm,  furnish 
pretexts,  and  retard  that  peace  which  all  of  us  desire.  .  .  .  Peace," 
added  M.  de  Girardin,  "peace  ought  incessantly  to  occupy  our 
thoughts;  and  if  we  keep  this  important  interest  continually  in 
view,  we  shall  no  longer  indulge  in  such  expressions  as  those 
which  the  other  day  escaped  one  of  our  colleagues,  on  which 
none  of  us  animadverted,  because  they  were  irrelevant,  for  we 
know  no  idol  in  France."  He  concluded  his  s])eech  by  movini? 
that  each  member  should  make  the  followinc:  declaralion  : — "T 


8o  HISTORY  OF  THE  jan.  1800 

promise  faithfully  to  perform  the  functions  which  the  Consti- 
tution has  assigned  to  me." 

This  proposition  was  adopted.  M.  Duveyrier,  vexed  at  the 
scandal  produced  by  his  speech,  strove  to  excuse  himself,  and 
desired  to  be  the  first  to  make  the  declaration  suggested  by 
M.  de  Girardin,  which  all  the  members  of  the  Tribunate  cheer- 
fully repeated  after  him. 

The  effect  of  the  previous  scene  was,  therefore,  somewhat 
repaired.  The  First  Consul,  nevertheless,  conceived  an  in- 
superable aversion  for  the  Tribunate,  which,  it  is  true,  he 
would  have  felt  for  any  free  assembly,  using  and  abusing  the 
liberty  of  speech  ;  and  he  caused  some  extremely  bitter  obser- 
vations on  the  tribunes  of  France  and  the  tribunes  of  Rome  to 
be  inserted  in  the  Moniteur. 

The  following  sittings  produced  fresh  manifestations,  quite 
as  much  to  be  regretted  as  the  preceding.  The  first  proposition 
of  the  government  was  designed  to  regulate  the  forms  to  be 
observed  in  the  presentation,  discussion,  and  adoption  of  bills 
(projets  de  hi).  This  was  one  of  the  points  neglected  by  the 
Constitution  of  the  year  VIIL,  and  left  to  the  legislature.  In 
the  proposed  arrangements,  no  great  deference  was  shown  to 
the  Tribunate.  The  plan  of  the  government  provided  that  the 
laws  should  be  carried  by  three  Councillors  of  State  to  the  Legis- 
lative Body,  and  afterwards  communicated  to  the  Tribunate,  and 
that,  on  a  day  fixed  by  the  government,  the  Tribunate  was  to  be 
ready  to  discuss  them,  through  the  medium  of  its  three  orators, 
before  the  Legislative  Body.  The  Tribunate,  however,  was 
allowed  to  demand  a  delay  of  the  Legislative  Body,  which  was 
to  decide  whether  that  delay  could  be  granted.  It  must  be 
confessed  that  the  Tribunate  was  here  treated  very  uncere- 
moniously ;  for  it  was  expected  to  have  finished  its  task  by  a 
given  day,  which  one  would  scarcely  dare  to  require  of  a  section 
of  the  Council  of  State,  or  of  any  ministerial  department. 
Nobody  would,  now-a-days,  presume  to  prescribe  to  any  delibe- 
rative assembly  the  day  and  the  term  of  a  discussion ;  this  is  a 
point  which,  even  in  cases  of  urgency,  is  left  to  its  intelligence 
and  its  zeal.  But  parliamentary  courtesies,  which,  like  polite- 
ness, are  the  offspring  of  usage,  could  not  precede,  with  us,  the 
practice  of  representative  government.  From  revolutionary 
violence,  we  passed,  almost  without  transition,  to  military  rude- 
ness. The  commissions,  which  had  recently,  for  a  month,  exer- 
cised the  legislative  power,  had,  by  their  discussion  with  closed 
doors,  and  their  despatch  of  laws  in  twenty-four  hours,  humoured 
the  taste  of  the  First  Consul,  who  always  wanted  to  be  served 
and  satisfied  at  the  moment.  This  may  account  for,  but  cannot 
excuse,  the  objectionable  details  of  the  government  plan. 

The  rising  opposition  of  the  Tribunate  had,  therefore,  good 


JAN.  i8oo       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  8i 

reason  for  attacking  this  plan ;  but,  after  commencing  with  an 
indecorous  scene,  it  was  unlucky  for  it  to  have  to  combat  the 
first  proposition  emanating  from  the  Consuls ;  because  it  induced 
a  belief  that  a  resolution  was  taken  to  attack  everything :  and 
to  this  misfortune  it  added  the  fault  of  the  form,  which  was 
vexatious.  The  most  violent  attack  proceeded  from  M.  Con- 
stant. In  a  clever  and  ironical  speech,  such  as  he  knew  how  to 
make,  he  required  that  the  Tribunate  should  have  a  fixed  time 
for  examining  the  bills  {projets  de  loi)  which  should  be  sub- 
mitted to  it,  and  that  it  should  not  be  expected  to  examine  them 
at  a  gallop.  He  adverted,  on  this  subject,  to  the  danger  of  the 
laws  of  nnjcncy  passed  during  the  Revolution,  which  had  always 
proved  disastrous  laws ;  he  asked  why  such  care  was  taken  to 
hurry  business  so  rapidly  through  the  Tribunate ;  why  it  was 
already  considered  so  hostile,  that  government  was  anxious  to 
abridge  as  much  as  possible  the  passage  of  the  laws  through 
that  house.  "All  this,"  he  added,  "proceeds  from  the  false 
idea  that  we  are  only  an  opposition  body,  destined  to  do  nothing 
but  to  thwart  the  government  incessantly ;  which  is  not  the 
case,  which  cannot  be  the  case,  which  would  lower  us  in  public 
opinion.  This  false  notion  has  stamped  all  the  clauses  of  this 
plan  with  a  restless  and  unreasonable  impatience :  the  propo- 
sitions are  presented  to  us  flying,  as  it  were,  in  the  hope  that 
we  may  not  be  able  to  lay  hold  of  them ;  they  are  to  be  hurried 
away  from  our  examination,  like  an  enemy's  army,  and  to  be 
transformed  into  laws  before  we  can  overtake  them." 

Many  stinging  reflections  were  mingled  with  this  long  speech, 
which  produced  a  very  strong  sensation.  M.  Constant  had  taken 
particular  care  to  insist  that  the  Tribunate  was  not  a  body 
specially  devoted  to  contradiction ;  that  it  w^ould  not  contradict, 
unless  compelled  by  the  joublic  interest  to  do  so ;  but  he  had 
repeated  these  protestations  in  a  manner  and  tone  designed  to 
belie  their  sincerity,  and  manifest  the  intention  of  systematic 
op]iosition  which  he  was  taking  such  pains  to  deny. 

Kiouffe,  the  tribune,  known  for  his  faithful  and  courageous 
friendship  for  the  proscribed  Girondins,  was  one  of  those  whom 
the  horrors  of  '93  had  so  shocked,  that  they  were  ready  to  throw 
themselves  blindly  into  the  arms  of  the  new  government,  what- 
ever that  government  might  do.  lie,  therefore,  rose  to  repel 
the  attacks,  in  his  opinion  indecorous,  of  M.  Constant. 

"Distrust,"  said  ho,  "so  olfensive  as  tliat  manifested  yester- 
day, would  be  sufficient  to  break  off  all  further  communication 
in  the  intercourse  between  man  and  man  ;  and  it  would  l)e  im- 
possible that  authorities  destined  to  live  togetlier  could  long 
treat  with  one  another,  if  courtesy  were  not  a  sacretl  tluty,  from 
which  th(^y  must  never  depart." 

The   speaker  then   declared,   that,    for    his   part.   \w  had   an 

VOL.   I.  F 


82  HISTORY  OF  THE  .tan.  1800 

absolute  confidence  in  the  government ;  and  he  entered  upon  a 
panegyric  of  the  First  Consul,  true,  but  too  long,  and  in  terms 
not  sufficiently  measured.  "When  one  speaker,"  said  he, 
"here  praises  Oaniille  Desmoulins,  and  another  the  National 
Convention,  I  will  not  confine  myself  to  a  conspiratory  silence ; 
I  too  will  praise  him  whom  the  whole  world  praises  ;  having 
hitherto  eulogised  proscribed  virtue  alone,  I  will  assume  a  new 
kind  of  courage,  that  of  celebrating  genius  in  the  bosom  of  power 
and  of  victory ;  I  shall  congratulate  myself  on  beholding,  at  the 
head  of  the  Republic,  him  who  has  gained  for  the  French  nation 
the  title  of  the  Great  Nation  ;  I  will  proclaim  him  great,  clement, 
just.  .  .  ."  Proceeding  thus,  M.  Riouffe  compared  General 
Bonaparte  with  Ca3sar  and  Hannibal ;  and,  by  this  avowal  of 
a  legitimate  but  unseasonable  admiration,  he  provoked  a  very 
unlucky  manifestation.  Several  voices  interrupted  him.  "  Keep 
to  the  question,"  they  cried.  "I,"  replied  M.  lliouffe,  "will 
speak  of  the  man  whom  the  whole  world  admires.  ..."  "  Ques- 
tion, question,"  repeated  the  interrupters;  and  he  was  obliged 
to  confine  himself  to  the  subject  under  consideration. 

Whether  M.  RioufFe  had  provoked  the  impatience  of  the 
interrupters  by  the  sincere,  but  diffuse  and  unskilful  exposition 
of  his  sentiments,  or  whether  the  admiration  which  he  felt  was 
not  shared  in  the  same  degree  by  the  members  of  the  Tribunate, 
the  effect  produced  by  his  speech  was  not  happy. 

M,  de  Ohauvelin  endeavoured  to  correct  it  by  a  speech  in 
favour  of  the  proposed  law. 

He  acknowledged  its  defects.  "  But  the  circumstances,"  said 
he,  "the  circumstances  in  which  we  are  placed,  the  state  of 
several  departments,  which  may  call  for  prompt,  nay,  even 
urgent  measures ;  important  political  considerations;  calumn}", 
which  is  watching  us  ;  the  divisions,  which  she  already  takes 
delight  in  supposing  the  existence  of ;  the  pressing  need  of 
union  between  the  powers — all  induce  us  to  vot(^  tlie  adoption 
of  the  bill  (2Jrojef)  that  has  been  laid  before  us." 

The  bill  was,  in  fact,  put  to  the  vote,  and  adoptt^l  by  a 
majority  which  ought  to  have  satisfied  and  encouraged  tlie 
government ;  54  votes  against  26  decided  that  the  orators  of 
the  Tribunate,  commissioned  to  speak  before  the  Legislative^ 
Body,  sliould  support  tli(^  proposed  law.  The  Legislative  Body 
received  it  still  more  favourably,  and  adopted  it  by  a  majority  of 
203  voices  against  23.  This  was  as  much  as  could  be  wished  ; 
for  a  majority  of  two-thirds,  after  all,  in  the  Tribunate  (a  body 
whose  opposition  decided  nothing,  since  it  did  not  vote  the 
laws),  and  a  majority  of  nine-tenths  in  the  Legislative  Body 
(the  only  body  whose  vote  was  decisive)  ought  to  have  satisfied 
the  First  Consul  and  his  adherents,  and  rendered  them  indif- 
ferent to  this  last  manifestation  of  liberal  spirit,  and  indulgent 


.TAN.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  83 

towards  breaches  of  ibnii,  which,  after  all,  were  a  right  of 
liberty  itself.  But  the  First  Consul,  who  could  not  be  seri- 
ously alarmed,  appeared,  nevertheless,  touched  to  the  quick,  and 
expressed  himself  in  the  strongest  terms.  He  began  to  make 
frequent  use  of  the  press,  and,  though  he  was  not  fond  of  it,  he 
was,  nevertheless,  glad  to  employ  it  for  his  own  interest.  He 
caused  an  article  to  be  inserted  in  the  Monitenr  of  the  8th  of 
January  ( 1 8th  Nivose),  which  was  wholly  improper,  and  in  which 
he  himself  undertook  to  demonstrate  the  insignificance  of  that 
opposition,  to  show  that  it  was  no  part  of  a  systematic  plan 
to  thwart  the  government,  and  attributed  it,  in  some  minds,  to 
a  desire  of  visionary  perfection  in  human  laws,  in  others  to 
a  wish  to  make  a  noise.  "  Thus,"  added  the  official  journal, 
"  everything  authorises  us  to  conclude  that  there  does  not 
exist  in  the  Tribunate  any  combined  and  systematic  opposition, 
in  short,  any  real  opposition.  But  every  one  is  athirst  for 
glory,  every  one  wishes  to  consign  his  name  to  the  hundred 
tongues  of  Fame ;  and  some  men  have  yet  to  learn  that  one 
arrives  with  less  certainty  at  consideration  by  the  ambition  of 
making  fine  speeches,  than  by  perseverance  in  serving  usefully, 
nay,  obscurely,  that  public  which  ap])lauds  and  judges." 

This  manner  of  treating  a  great  body  of  the  State  was  far 
from  becoming ;  it  proved,  on  the  part  of  the  First  Consul,  a 
disposition  to  do  just  what  he  pleased,  and,  on  the  part  of 
France,  a  disposition  to  put  up  with  everything. 

These  impressions,  however,  soon  gave  place  to  others.  The 
vast  labours  of  the  government,  in  which  the  Legislative  Body 
and  the  Tribunate  were  called  to  participate,  soon  attracted  the 
attention  of  all  parties,  and  occupied  them  exclusively.  The  First 
Consul  caused  two  bills  (projets  dc  loi)  of  very  great  importance 
to  be  submitted  to  the  Legislative  Body.  One  related  to  the 
departmental  and  municipal  administration,  and  became  the 
famous  law  of  the  28th  Pluviose,  year  VIIL,  which  established 
the  administrative  centralisation  in  France  :  the  other  had  for 
its  object  the  organisation  of  justice — an  organisation  which 
still  exists.  To  these  two  bills  (projcts)  were  added  others 
relative  to  emigrants,  whose  condition  it  was  urgently  necessary 
to  regulate  ;  to  the  right  of  making  wills,  the  re-establishment 
of  which  was  demanded  bv  all  families;  to  the  prize  court, 
which  it  was  recpiisite  to  establish  on  account  of  our  relations 
with  neutrals;  to  the  appointment  of  new  collectors  of  taxes, 
who  were  found  to  be  needed ;  lastly,  to  the  receipts  and 
expenditure  of  the  year  ^'^I. 

The  administration  of  l''ranc(\  as  we  have  shown  above,  was 
in  frightful  disorder  in  1799.  In  all  countries  there  are  two 
kinds  of  business  to  be  des^iatched  ;  that  of  the  State,  which 
comprehends    recruiting,    taxes,    works    of    ]')nl)lic   utility,   the 


84  HISTORY  OF  THE  jan.  1800 

eiiforcemeutof  the  laws ;  aucl  that  of  the  provinces  and  communes, 
which  consists  in  the  management  of  the  local  interests  of 
every  kind.  If  a  country  is  left  to  itself,  that  is  to  say,  if  it  is 
not  governed  by  a  general  administration,  at  once  intelligent 
and  strong,  the  first  kind  of  business,  that  of  the  State,  is  not 
done  at  all ;  the  second  finds,  in  the  provincial  or  communal 
interest,  a  principle  of  zeal,  but  of  a  zeal  that  is  capricious, 
unequal,  unjust,  and  rarely  enlightened.  The  provincial  or 
communal  administrations  are  assuredly  not  wanting  in  inclina- 
tion to  attend  to  what  particularly  concerns  them  ;  but  they  are 
wasteful,  annoying,  and  always  hostile  to  the  common  rule. 
The  tyrannical  singularities  of  the  middle  age  in  Europe  had  no 
other  origin.  As  soon  as  the  central  authority  withdraws  from 
a  country,  there  is  no  kind  of  disorder  to  which  the  local 
interests  are  not  ready  to  abandon  themselves,  their  own  ruin 
included.  In  1789,  wherever  the  communes  had  enjoyed  any 
liberty,  they  were  in  a  state  of  bankruptcy.  Most  of  the  free 
cities  of  Germany,  when  they  were  suppressed  in  1803,  were 
completely  ruined.  Thus,  without  a  strong,  general  adminis- 
tration, the  business  of  the  State  is  not  done  at  all,  and  local 
business  very  ill  done. 

The  Constituent  Assembly  and  the  National  Convention, 
after  they  had  successively  remodelled  the  administrative  or- 
ganisation of  France,  arrived  at  a  state  of  things  which  was 
anarchy  itself ;  collective  administrations  of  all  degrees,  per- 
petually deliberating,  never  acting,  having  at  their  side  com- 
missioners of  the  central  government,  charged  to  j)ress  forward 
either  the  despatch  of  the  business  of  the  State,  or  the  execution 
of  the  laws,  but  denied  the  power  of  acting  themselves — such 
was  the  departmental  and  municipal  system  in  force  on  the  i8th 
Brumaire.  As  for  the  municipal  system,  in  particular,  there 
had  been  formed  a  sort  of  cantonal  municipalities,  which  only 
increased  this  administrative  confusion. 

The  number  of  the  communes  had  been  found  too  large,  for 
it  exceeded  40,000.  The  superintendence  over  such  a  number 
of  petty  local  governments,  already  very  difficult  in  itself, 
became  impossible  for  authorities  constituted  as  the  authorities 
at  that  time  were.  The  prefects  are  now  adequate  to  it,  with 
the  assistance  of  the  sub-prefects,  on  condition  that  they  are 
very  assiduous.  But  let  us  suppose  that  there  were  no  prefects 
and  sub-prefects,  but  in  their  place  petty  deliberative  assemblies, 
and  we  shall  comprehend  what  disorder  must  prevail  in  such 
an  administration.  These  forty  and  odd  thousand  communes 
were,  therefore,  reduced  to  five  thousand  cantonal  municipalities, 
composed  of  the  union  of  several  communes  into  one.  It 
was  intended,  in  thus  uniting  several  communes  under  one 
government,  to  give  them  a  government  in  the  first  place,  and. 


JAN.  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  85 

in  the  next,  to  place  them  nearer  to  the  central  authority,  and 
more  under  its  eye.  The  consequence  soon  was,  a  still  more 
frightful  confusion  than  that  which  this  measure  was  designed  to 
put  an  end  to.  These  five  thousand  cantonal  municipalities  were 
too  numerous,  and  too  far  distant  from  the  central  authority  to 
be  under  its  eye ;  and,  without  being  brought  nearer  to  the 
government,  they  were  mischievously  removed  farther  from  th(^ 
population  which  they  were  destined  to  govern.  The  communal 
administration  is  made  to  be  placed  as  near  as  possible  to  tlie 
spot.  The  magistrate,  who  registers  the  births,  the  deaths,  and 
the  marriages,  who  attends  to  the  police  and  the  salubrity  of  the 
place,  who  keeps  in  repair  the  fountain,  the  church,  and  the 
hospital,  of  the  village  or  town,  ought  to  reside  in  the  village  or 
the  town  itself,  to  live,  in  short,  amidst  his  fellow-citizens.  These 
cantonal  municipalities  had,  therefore,  led  to  a  useless  displace- 
ment of  the  domestic  authority,  without  having  brought  the  local 
affairs  sufficiently  within  the  ken  of  government  for  it  to  watch 
them.  Add  to  this,  that  nothing  was  then  properly  done,  owing 
to  the  disorder  of  the  time,  and  the  reader  may  form  some  con- 
ception of  the  confusion  that  must  have  resulted  from  the  vice 
of  the  institution,  aggravated  by  the  vice  of  circumstances. 

A  last  cause  of  disorder  had  associated  itself  with  all  the 
others.  It  is  not  only  necessary  to  carry  on  the  business  of  the 
State  and  of  the  communes ;  it  is  also  requisite  to  judge ;  for 
the  citizens  may  have  reason  to  complain,  sometimes  that,  in 
marking  out  a  street  or  a  road,  their  property  has  been  en- 
croached on  ;  at  others,  that,  in  the  valuation  of  their  possessions 
for  the  purpose  of  taxing  them,  they  have  been  unjustly  valued. 
Under  the  ancient  government,  the  ordinary  justice,  the  only 
curb  at  that  time  to  the  executive  authority  (as  was  so  well  ex- 
pressed in  the  resistance  of  the  parliaments  to  the  court),  the 
ordinary  justice  had  assumed  cognisance  in  all  cases  of  con- 
tcntleirc  adminl^f.rntif  (points  at  issue  between  the  authorities 
and  private  individuals).  This  was  a  serious  inconvenience, 
for  civil  judges  are  bad  dispensers  of  administi-ative  justice, 
being  in  a  manner  strangers  to  the  subject.  Our  first  legis- 
lators, during  the  Revolution,  perfectly  sensible  of  this  in- 
convenience, imagined  that  they  could  resolve  the  difficulty 
by  relinquishing  the  whole  of  the  contcntieiLv  adminutratif 
to  the  petty  local  assemblies,  to  which  they  had  consigned 
the  administration.  Now,  figure  to  yourself  these  collective 
administi'ations  superseding  what,  at  this  day,  we  call  prefects, 
sub-prefects,  mairc-%  charged  to  do  all  tliat  they  do,  and  to 
decide,  moreover,  all  questions  that  are  now  submitted  to  the 
councils  of  prefecture,  and  you  will  have  a  tolerably  just 
idea  of  tlic  confusion  which  then  reigned.  Even  with  the 
spirit  of  order  wliieli  now  ]")revails,  tlic  result  would  be  a  rliao-  : 


86  HISTORY  OF  THE  J  ax.  i8cx) 

add  to  this  tbe  revolutionary  passions,  and  you  will  comprehend 
how  much  worse  a  chaos  this  must  be.  Hence  it  was  that  the 
assessments  of  the  contributions  were  never  finished,  that  the 
collection  of  the  taxes  was  several  years  in  arrear,  that  the 
finances  were  in  ruin,  the  armies  in  distress.  The  recruiting 
alone  was  sometimes  carried  into  execution,  owing  to  the  revo- 
lutionary passions,  which  had  produced  the  evil,  but  which  had 
contributed  to  remedy  it  in  part ;  for,  having  for  their  prin- 
ciple an  inordinate  but  ardent  love  of  France,  her  greatness,  and 
her  liberty,  they  impelled  the  populace  eagerly  to  join  the  army. 
In  such  a  posture  of  affairs  the  First  Consul  may  be  said  to 
have  been  a  special  envoy  of  Providence.  His  simple,  clear 
understanding,  guided  by  an  active  and  resolute  character,  was 
destined  to  lead  him  to  the  solution  of  these  difficulties.  The 
Constitution  had  placed  at  the  head  of  the  State  an  executive 
power  and  a  legislative  power :  the  executive  power  concen- 
trated almost  entirely  in  a  single  hand ;  and  the  legislative 
power  divided  into  several  deliberative  assemblies.  It  was 
natural  to  place,  at  each  step  of  the  administrative  ladder,  a 
representative  of  the  executive  power,  specially  charged  to  act ; 
and,  at  his  side,  merely  to  check  or  to  enlighten,  but  not  to  act 
in  his  stead,  a  small  deliberative  assembly,  such  as  a  council  of 
department,  of  arrondissenient,  or  of  commune.  To  this  simple, 
luminous,  fertile  idea  we  owe  the  excellent  administration  which 
exists  at  this  day  in  France.  The  First  Consul  decided  to  have 
in  each  department  a  prefect,  charged  not  to  urge  a  collective 
administration  to  the  despatch  of  the  business  of  the  State,  but 
to  do  it  himself ;  charged,  at  the  same  time,  to  manage  the 
departmental  affairs,  but  conjointly  with  a  council  of  department, 
and  from  the  resources  voted  by  that  council.  As  the  system 
of  cantonal  municipalities  was  universally  condemned,  and  ]\I. 
Siey^s,  author  of  all  the  circumscriptions  of  France,  had,  in  the 
new  Constitution,  laid  down  the  principle  of  the  circumscription 
by  arrondissement,  the  First  Consul  resolved  to  employ  it,  in 
order  to  dispense  with  cantonal  administrations.  To  begin  with. 
the  communal  administration  was  replaced  where  it  ought  to  be, 
that  is,  in  the  commune  itself,  town,  or  village ;  and  between  the 
commune  and  the  department  there  was  created  an  intermediate 
administrative  step,  that  is,  the  arrondissement.  Between  the 
prefect  and  the  maire  there  was  to  be  a  sub-prefect,  charged, 
under  the  superintendence  of  the  prefect,  with  directing  a  certain 
number  of  communes,  sixty,  eighty,  a  hundred,  more  or  fewer, 
according  to  the  importance  of  the  department.  Lastly,  in  the 
commune  itself  there  was  to  be  a  maire,  with  executive  power, 
and  possessing  further,  a  deliberative  voice  in  the  municipal 
council — a  maire,  a  direct  and  dependent  agent  of  the  general 
authority  for  the  despatch  of  t  he  business  of  the  State  ;  the  agent 


JAN.  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  87 

of  the  commune  in  all  local  affairs,  managing  the  interests  of  the 
latter  jointly  with  it,  under  the  superintendence,  however,  of  the 
prefect  and  of  the  sub-prefect,  and  consequently  of  the  State. 

Such  is  that  admirable  hierarchy,  to  which  France  owes  an 
administration  incomparable  for  the  energy,  the  precision  of  its 
action,  and  the  accuracy  of  its  accounts,  and  which  is  so  excellent, 
that,  in  six  months,  as  we  shall  see  by-and-by,  it  was  sufficient 
to  restore  order  in  France,  under  the  impulsion,  it  is  true,  of  a 
unique  genius,  the  First  Consul,  and  under  a  favour  of  circum- 
stances unique  also ;  for  there  prevailed  everywhere  a  horror  of 
disorder,  an  ardent  longing  for  order,  disgust  with  prating,  and 
a  liking  for  prompt  and  positive  results. 

There  was  still  left  the  question  of  the  contentieux,  that  is  to 
say,  of  the  administrative  justice,  charged  to  take  care  that  the 
tax-payer  should  not  be  burdened  beyond  his  ability ;  that  those 
having  property  on  the  bank  of  a  rivulet  or  in  a  street,  should 
not  be  exposed  to  encroachments  ;  that  the  contractor  for  works 
to  be  paid  for  by  the  town  or  the  State  should  find  a  judge  of 
his  contracts  with  the  commune  or  the  government — a  difficult 
matter,  the  ordinary  tribunals  being  admitted  to  be  improper 
for  deciding  this  kind  of  case.  The  principle  of  a  judicious 
division  of  powers  was  again  applied  here  with  great  advan- 
tage. The  prefect,  the  sub-prefect,  the  maire,  charged  with  the 
administrative  action,  might  be  suspected  of  partiality,  inclined 
to  make  their  will  prevail,  for  the  injured  applicant  for  justice 
usually  has  to  complain  of  their  own  acts.  The  councils  of 
department,  of  arrondissement,  and  of  commune,  might  and 
ought  to  appear  objectionable  also,  for  they  most  frequently 
have  a  contrary  interest  to  the  plaintiff.  The  administration  of 
justice,  moreover,  is  a  long  and  continual  labour,  and  neither 
the  councils  of  department  nor  the  communal  councils  were 
meant  hereafter  to  be  permanent.  The  First  Consul  wanted 
them  for  about  a  fortnight  in  the  year,  just  long  enough  to 
submit  their  affairs  to  tliem,  to  take  their  advice,  to  make  them 
vote  their  expenses.  What  was  wanted,  on  the  contrary,  was 
an  administrative  tribunal  sitting  without  interruption.  A 
special  court  was,  therefore,  instituted,  a  tribunal  of  four  or  five 
judges,  sitting  by  the  side  of  the  ]irefect,  judging  with  liim,  a 
sort  of  miniature  Council  of  State,  expounding  tlie  law  to  the 
prefect,  as  the  Council  of  State  lends  its  legal  knowledge  to 
ministers,  subject,  moreover,  to  the  jurisdiction  of  this  Su])reine 
Council  by  way  of  ap])eal.  "^I'liese  are  the  tril)unals  still  called 
at  the  present  time  councils  of  prefecture,  and  the  e(juity  of 
which  has  never  been  disunited. 

Sucli  was  the  ]:)rovincial  and  communal  government  in  France  : 
a  single  head,  prefect,  siib-]")refect,  or  maire  transacting  all  the 
business:  a  deliberati\e  council,  tlie  council  of  (le])artment,  of 


88  HISTORY  OF  THE  jan.  1800 

aiTondissement,  or  of  commune,  voting  the  local  expenses ; 
then  a  small  judicial  body,  placed  beside  the  prefect  merely 
to  dispense  administrative  justice ;  a  government  subordinate, 
in  an  absolute  manner,  to  the  general  government  in  all  affairs 
of  the  State,  superintended  and  directed,  but  having  its  own 
views  in  all  departmental  and  communal  affairs.  Order  has 
not  ceased  to  reign,  any  more  than  justice,  since  this  excellent 
and  simple  institution  has  existed  among  us,  that  is  to  say, 
for  nearly  half  a  century :  be  it  understood,  however,  that  the 
words  order  and  justice,  like  all  the  words  of  human  language, 
have  but  a  relative  value,  and  signify  that  there  have  been  in 
France,  in  the  administrative  department,  as  little  disorder,  as 
little  injustice,  as  can  possibly  be  wished  in  a  great  country. 

The  First  Consul  naturally  desired  that  the  prefects,  sub- 
prefects,  and  maires  should  be  in  the  nomination  of  the  execu- 
tive power,  for  they  were  its  direct  agents  ;  they  ought  to  be 
fraught  with  its  will ;  and  even  in  local  affairs  which  they  had 
to  manage,  according  to  local  views,  it  was  requisite  that  they 
should  render  them  subservient  to  the  general  policy  of  the 
State.  But  it  would  not  have  been  natural  for  the  executive 
power  to  nominate  the  members  of  the  councils  of  de]5artment. 
of  arrondissement,  and  of  commune,  charged  to  check  the 
agents  of  the  administration,  and  to  vote  them  supplies.  It 
was  the  Constitution  which  led  him  to  tliis  claim,  and  which 
justified  it.  "  Confidence  must  come  from  below,"  said  M. 
Sieyes ;  "power  must  come  from  above."  According  to  this 
maxim,  the  nation  gave  its  confidence  by  inscription  in  the 
lists  of  notability ;  the  supreme  authority  conferred  power  by 
choosing  its  agents  out  of  these  lists.  The  Senate  was  charged 
to  elect  all  the  political  deliberative  bodies.  Now  the  councils, 
engaged  with  local  interests,  being  considered  as  forming  part 
of  the  general  administration  of  the  Republic,  the  executive 
power,  according  to  the  Constitution,  was  to  nominate  them, 
and  to  select  them  out  of  the  lists  of  notability.  By  virtue, 
therefore,  of  the  spirit,  and  even  of  the  letter  of  the  Constitu- 
tion, the  First  Consul  was  to  choose  out  of  the  lists  of  the 
departmental  notability  the  members  of  the  councils  of  depart- 
ment ;  out  of  the  lists  of  the  notability  of  arrondissement  the 
members  of  the  councils  of  arrondissement ;  lastly,  out  of  the 
lists  of  the  communal  notability  the  members  of  the  municipal 
councils.  This  power,  excessive  in  ordinary  times,  was  neces- 
sary at  this  moment.  Election,  in  fact,  was  as  impossible  for 
the  formation  of  the  local  councils,  as  it  was  for  the  formation 
of  the  great  political  assemblies.  It  would  but  have  given 
rise  to  mischievous  agitations,  and  yielded  petty  triumplis  to 
all  the  extreme  parties,  instead  of  producing  a  peaceful  and 
salutary  fusion  of  all  the  moderate  parties — a  fusion  which  was 


JAN.  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  89 

indispensable  for  founding  a  new  society  with  the  collected 
wrecks  of  the  old. 

The  judicial  organisation  was  planned  with  equal  skill.  It 
had  the  twofold  object  of  placing  justice  nearer  to  those  who 
needed  it,  and,  at  the  same  time,  of  ensuring  to  them,  above 
the  local  justice,  if  they  chose  to  have  recourse  to  it,  tribunals 
of  appeal,  distant,  but  placed  high,  and  possessing  intelligence 
and  impartiality,  in  proportion  to  the  height  of  their  position. 

Our  first  revolutionary  legislators,  owing  to  the  aversion  ex- 
cited by  the  parliaments,  had  suppressed  the  courts  of  appeal, 
and  placed  in  each  department  a  single  tribunal,  presenting 
a  first  step  of  jurisdiction  for  litigants  (justiciables)  of  the  de- 
partment, and  a  second  step  of  jurisdiction,  a  tribunal  of  appeal, 
for  the  neighbouring  departments.  The  appeal  was  made,  not 
from  an  inferior  tribunal  to  a  superior  tribunal,  but  from  a 
neighbouring  tribunal  to  a  neighbouring  tribunal.  Below, 
were  the  justices  of  peace  ;  above,  the  Court  of  Cassation.  The 
single  trilounal  for  the  department  being  found  too  far  distant 
for  those  who  had  occasion  to  resort  to  it,  the  competence  of 
justices  of  peace  had  been  extended,  so  as  to  dispense  the 
citizens  from  going  too  often  to  the  chief  town.  There  had 
also  been  instituted  four  or  five  hundred  correctional  tribunals, 
charged  with  repressing  petty  misdemeanours.  The  criminal 
jury  sat  at  the  chief  town,  the  seat  of  the  central  tribunal. 

This  judicial  organisation  had  not  succeeded  better  than  the 
cantonal  municipalities.  The  justices  of  peace,  whose  compe- 
tence had  been  extended  too  far,  were  not  equal  to  their  task. 
The  courts  of  the  first  class,  being  seated  at  the  chief  town, 
were  placed  too  far  off;  the  courts  of  appeal  became  nearly 
illusory,  for  appeal  is  useless,  unless  it  be  to  a  tribunal  of 
superior  intelligence.  Supreme  courts,  like  the  parliaments 
formerly,  like  the  royal  courts  at  the  ])resent  day,  numbering 
among  their  members  many  eminent  magistrates,  and  around 
them  a  renowned  bar,  present  a  superiority  of  knowledge  to 
which  one  may  be  tempted  to  recur ;  but  to  appeal  from  one 
tribunal  of  first  instance  to  another  tribunal  of  first  instance  is 
preposterous.  The  tribunals  of  correctional  police  were  like- 
wise too  numerous,  and  confined,  moreover,  to  a  single  pur]wse. 
It  was  evidently  necessary  to  reform  tliis  judicial  organisation. 
The  First  Consul,  ad(»])ting  the  ideas  of  his  colleague,  Cam- 
baceres,  to  whom  he  lent,  on  this  occasion,  the  snp]X)rt  of  his 
sound  sense  and  of  his  courage,  cansinl  that  organisal  ion  to 
he  adopted,  wliicli  exists  at  the  ]iresent  day. 

Tlie  circumscription  of  arrondissetnent,  which  liail  just  been 
devised  for  the  d('])artniental  administration,  offered  \cry  great 
I'acility  for  the  judicial  administration.  It  ])i-.'<('nted  the 
iiu'ans  of  creatinLj-  a  fii'st   local   court,   ijlaccd   very   near  to  the 


go  HISTORY  OF  THE  jan.  1800 

litigants,  without  prejudice  to  the  right  of  recurring  to  a  court 
of  appeal,  placed  farther  off,  and  higher.  There  was  instituted, 
therefore,  a  tribunal  of  first  instance  for  each  arrondissement, 
forming  a  first  degree  of  jurisdiction  ;  then,  without  fear  of 
appearing  to  re-establish  the  ancient  parliaments,  the  govern- 
ment determined  to  create  tribunals  of  appeal.  One  for  each 
department  would  be  too  much  in  point  of  number,  too  little 
as  regarded  the  elevation  of  jurisdiction.  Twenty-nine  were 
created :  this  gave  them  nearly  the  importance  of  the  ancient 
parliaments,  and  they  were  stationed  in  places  which  had 
formerly  enjoyed  the  presence  of  tliose  supreme  courts.  This 
was  a  restoration  of  an  advantage  to  the  localities  which  had 
been  deprived  of  it.  They  were  old  depositaries  of  judical 
traditions,  the  wrecks  of  which  deserved  to  be  collected.  The 
bars  of  Aix,  Dijon,  Toulouse,  Bordeaux,  Rennes,  and  Paris, 
were  so  many  constellations  of  science  and  of  talent,  which  it 
was  necessary  to  light  up  again. 

The  tribunals  of  first  instance,  established  in  each  depart- 
ment, were  charged,  at  the  same  time,  with  the  correctional 
police,  which  rendered  them  doubly  useful,  and  placed  civil 
and  repressive  justice  at  the  first  step  in  the  arrondissement. 
Criminal  justice,  always  confided  to  the  jury,  was  to  be  ad- 
ministered in  the  chief  town  of  the  department  only,  by  means 
of  judges  detaching  themselves  from  the  tribunals  of  appeal, 
and  coming  to  direct  the  jury ;  in  short,  to  hold  assizes.  This 
part  was  not  completed  till  a  later  period. 

The  department  of  justice,  called  the  justice  of  peace, 
was  to  be  reduced  to  a  more  limited  competence,  by  means 
of  the  preceding  arrangements.  The  law  destined  to  reform 
it  was  deferred  till  the  following  session,  for  it  was  impossible 
to  do  everything  at  once.  But  the  determination  was  to  retain, 
not  without  improving  it,  that  justice  of  the  people,  paternal, 
expeditious,  and  not  expensive.  Above  the  judicial  edifice 
was  kept,  with  some  modifications,  and  a  repressive  jurisdiction 
over  all  the  raagistrates,  the  Tribunal  of  Cassation,  one  of  the 
best  institutions  of  the  French  Revolution — a  tribunal  which 
is  not  destined  to  decide  a  third  time  what  the  tribunals  of 
first  instance  and  appeal  have  already  tried  twice,  but  which, 
disregarding  the  merits  of  the  suit,  intervenes  only  when  any 
doubt  arises  relative  to  the  construction  of  the  law,  deter- 
mines that  construction  by  a  series  of  decrees,  and  thus  adds 
to  the  unity  of  the  text,  emanating  from  the  legislature,  the 
unity  of  interpretation  emanating  from  a  supreme  jurisdiction, 
common  to  the  whole  territory. 

It  is,  therefore,  from  this  year  1800 — a  year  so  eventful — 
that  our  judicial  organisation  takes  date  :  it  has  since  con- 
sisted of  nearly  two  thousand  jM^t^s  rfc  j9caa;,  popular  magistrates, 


JAN.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  91 

dispensing  justice  to  the  poor  at  little  expense ;  of  nearly  three 
hundred  tribunals  of  first  instance,  one  for  each  arrondissement, 
dispensing  civil  and  correctional  justice  at  the  first  step ;  of 
twenty-nine  supreme  tribunals,*  dispensing  civil  justice  on 
appeal,  and  criminal  justice  by  means  of  detached  judges,  who 
repair  to  the  chief  town  of  each  department  to  hold  assizes ; 
lastly,  of  the  Court  of  Cassation,  placed  above  the  whole 
judicial  hierarchy,  interpreting  the  laws,  and  completing  the 
unity  of  legislation  by  the  unity  of  jurisprudence. 

The  two  laws  in  question  were  too  urgently  required,  and 
too  ably  conceived  to  meet  with  serious  obstacles.  They  had, 
nevertheless,  to  sustain  more  than  one  attack  in  the  Tribunate. 
Paltry  objections  were  raised  against  the  administrative  system 
proposed.  Little  complaint  was  made  of  the  concentration 
of  authority  in  the  hands  of  prefects,  sub-prefects,  maires,  for 
that  was  in  unison  with  the  ideas  of  the  day,  and  copied  from 
the  Constitution,  which  placed  one  sole  chief  at  the  head  of  the 
State ;  but  there  were  persons  who  complained  of  the  creation 
of  three  steps  in  the  administrative  ladder — the  department, 
the  arrondissement,  the  commune.  They  alleged,  in  particular, 
that  the  commune  ought  not  to  be  reconstituted,  because 
there  would  not  be  found  maires  sufficiently  well  informed. 
It  was,  however,  the  restoration  of  domestic  authority,  and,  in 
this  point  of  view,  the  most  popular  conception  that  could  be 
devised.  As  for  the  judicial  organisation,  some  said  it  was  a 
restoration  of  parliaments ;  they  complained,  in  particular,  of 
the  jurisdiction  attributed  to  the  Tribunal  of  Cassation  over 
the  inferior  magistrates — all  of  them  objections  scarcely  worth 
remembering.  The  two  laws  proposed  were  nevertheless 
adopted.  Twenty  or  thirty  voices,  composing  the  bulk  of  the 
opposition  in  the  Tribunate,  voted  against  these  laws,  but 
three-fourths  declared  in  favour  of  them.  By  the  Legislative 
Body  they  were  adopted  almost  unanimously.  The  law  relative 
to  the  departmental  administration  took  the  date,  so  celebrated 
ever  since,  of  the  28th  Pluviose,  year  VIII.  That  relating  to 
the  judicial  organisation  was  dated  27th  Ventose,  year  VIII. 

The  First  Consul,  having  no  intention  to  leave  them  a  dead 
letter  in  the  Bulletin  des  Lois,  nominated  forthwith  the  prefects, 
sub-prefects,  and  maires.  He  was  liable  to  comnut  more  than 
one  mistake,  as  must  invariably  happen  when  a  great  number  of 
functionaries  are  hastily  chosen  at  once.  But  an  enlightened 
and  vigilant  government  soon  rectifies  any  errors  in  its  first 
appointments.     It  is  sufficient  if  the  general  spirit  of  them  has 

*  Wo  here  give  only  approximative  numbers,  because  the  number  of  the 
tribunals  has  varied  incessantly  since  that  period,  in  conseciuence  of  the 
changes  of  territory  which  I'Vance  has  undergone.  At  the  present  time,  for 
instance,  there  are  Ijul  twenty-seven  loyal  courts,  or  tribunals  of  aj>peal. 


92  HISTORY  OF  THE  jan.  1800 

been  good.  Now,  the  spirit  of  these  appointments  was  excel- 
lent; it  was  at  once  firm,  impartial,  and  conciliatory.  The 
First  Consul  picked  out  from  among  all  parties  men  reputed  to 
be  honest  and  capable,  excluding  only  such  as  were  violent,  and 
even  selecting  some  of  the  latter,  if  experience  and  time  had 
led  them  back  to  moderation,  which  then  formed  the  essential 
characteristic  of  his  policy.  He  called  to  prefectures — which 
were  important  and  well-paid  offices,  for  to  some  of  them  were 
attached  salaries  of  12,000,  1 5,000,  and  as  much  as  24,000  francs; 
equivalent  to  double  what  these  amounts  would  be  at  present — to 
prefectures  he  called  persons  who  had  figured  with  credit  in  the 
great  political  assemblies,  and  who  clearly  indicated  the  tendency 
of  his  selections ;  for  men,  if  they  are  not  either  things  or 
principles,  represent  them,  at  least,  in  the  eyes  of  the  people. 
The  First  Consul  appointed  at  Marseilles,  for  example,  M. 
Charles  Lacroix,  ex-minister  of  foreign  affairs ;  at  Saintes,  M. 
Fran^ais,  of  Nantes ;  at  Lyons,  M.  Verninhac,  formerly  ambas- 
sador ;  at  Nantes,  M.  Letourneur,  late  a  member  of  the  Direc- 
tory ;  at  Brussels,  M.  de  Pontecoulant ;  at  Rouen,  M.  Beugnot ; 
at  Amiens,  M.  Quinette ;  at  Ghent,  M.  Faypoult,  formerly 
minister  of  the  finances.  All  these  persons,  and  others,  who 
were  picked  out  from  among  the  Constituent  Assembly,  the 
Legislative  Assembly,  the  Convention,  or  the  Five  Hundred, 
from  among  the  ministers,  directors,  and  ambassadors  of  the 
Republic,  were  fitted  to  confer  lustre  on  the  new  administrative 
functions,  and  to  give  to  the  government  of  the  provinces  the 
importance  which  it  deserves  to  have.  Most  of  them  retained 
their  places  during  the  whole  reign  of  the  First  Consul  and 
Emperor.  One  of  them,  M.  de  Jessaint,  was  still  prefect  four 
years  ago.  For  the  prefecture  of  Paris  the  First  Consul  chose 
M.  Frochot.  He  gave  him,  for  colleague  at  the  prefecture  of 
police,  M.  Dubois,  a  magistrate,  whose  energy  was  useful  in 
clearing  the  capital  of  all  the  evil-doers  whom  the  parties  had 
vomited  forth  into  its  bosom. 

The  same  spirit  presided  over  the  judicial  appointments. 
Honourable  names,  chosen  from  the  ancient  bar,  the  ancient 
magistracy,  were  combined,  as  much  as  possible,  with  new  names 
borne  by  men  of  probity.  When  he  could  adorn  these  posts  with 
striking  names,  the  First  Consul  never  failed  to  do  so,  for  he 
was  fond  of  eclat  in  everything,  and  the  time  had  arrived  when 
it  was  possible,  without  too  much  danger,  to  borrow  from  the 
past.  A  magistrate  of  the  name  of  d'Aguesseau  was  first  on  the 
list  of  judicial  nominations,  in  quality  of  president  of  the  tribunal 
of  appeal  of  Paris,  now  the  Royal  Court.  No  sooner  were  these 
functionaries  appointed,  than  they  received  orders  to  set  out 
immediately  to  take  possession  of  their  posts,  and  to  contribute, 
each  in  his  line,  to  the  work  of  reoro-anipatiou.  which  the  vouno- 


JAN.  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  93 

general  made  his  constant  occupation,  of  which  he  pui^posed  to 
make  his  glory,  and  which,  even  after  his  prodigious  victories, 
has,  in  fact,  remained  his  most  solid  glory. 

It  was  necessary  to  attend  to  everything  at  once  in  that 
society,  turned  completely  topsy-turvy.  The  emigrants,  at 
the  same  time  so  criminal  and  so  unfortunate,  just  objects 
alike  of  interest  and  aversion,  for  in  their  ranks  were  to  be 
found  men  cruelly  persecuted,  and  bad  Frenchmen  who  had 
conspired  against  their  country — the  emigrants  deserved  the 
particular  attention  of  the  government.  According  to  the  last 
legislative  enactment,  a  decree  of  the  Dii-ectoiy  or  of  the  de- 
partmental administrations  was  sufficient  to  place  any  absent 
individual  on  the  list  of  emigrants ;  from  that  moment  all  the 
property  of  such  absent  person  was  confiscated,  and,  if  he  was 
ever  found  upon  the  territory  of  the  Republic,  the  law  con- 
demned him  to  death.  A  great  number  of  persons,  who  had 
really  emigrated,  or  only  concealed  themselves,  not  having  been 
yet  inscribed  on  the  fatal  list,  either  because  they  had  been 
forgotten,  or  because  no  enemy  happened  to  denounce  them, 
were  liable  to  be  still  inscribed  there.  Llany  lived  in  a  state 
of  perpetual  alarm.  To  place  them  on  that  list  at  this  time,  it 
was  sufficient  for  that  enemy  once  to  fall  in  with  them,  and 
thev  were  then  exposed  to  the  operation  of  the  laws  of  proscrip- 
tion. As  for  those  who  had  been  inscribed  deservedly  or  not, 
they  were  arriving  in  great  numbers  to  obtain  their  erasure. 
Their  rash  eagerness  attested  the  confidence  that  was  placed 
in  the  humanity  of  the  government,  but  gave  offence  to  certain 
revolutionists,  some  of  whom  had  outi'ages  against  the  return- 
ing emigrants  to  reproach  themselves  with,  while  others  had 
acquired  possession  of  their  property.  This  was  a  new  source 
of  disorder ;  and,  if  it  was  necessary  to  cease  to  proscribe,  it 
was  equally  necessary  not  to  expose  men  who  had  taken  part 
in  the  llevolution,  even  violently,  to  lead  an  uneasy  life. 
To  all  those  who  had  compromised  themselves  for  it,  the 
Revolution  owed  an  entire  security;  for,  unfortunately,  men 
are  in  general  either  coldly  selfish,  or  violent  partisans  of  the 
cause  which  they  have  espoused,  and,  in  this  latter  case, 
moderation  is  not  their  usual  merit. 

This  state  of  things  called  urgently  for  a  remedy.  Tlie 
government  presented  a  bill  {projct  dc  loi),  the  first  clause  of 
which  was  designed  to  close  the  famous  list  of  emigrants. 
From  the  4th  Nivose,  year  VIII.  (December  25,  1799),  the 
day  on  which  the  Constitution  was  put  in  force,  the  list  was 
declared  to  be  closed ;  that  is  to  say.  the  fact  of  abst'iice 
posterior  to  that  date  could  no  longer  be  construed  as  emi- 
gration, and  visited  with  the  same  penalties.  IVojile  were 
permitted,  in  future,  to  absent  themselv(>s.  to  go  from  France  to 


94  HISTORY  OF  THE  .tax.  1800 

foreign  countries,  to  come  from  foreign  countries  into  France, 
without  its  being  a  punishable  offence ;  for  it  is  true,  that  for 
ten  years  to  absent  oneself  had  been  a  crime.  Liberty  to  go 
and  come  was  thus  restored  to  all  the  citizens. 

To  this  first  clause  was  added  the  following :  persons  who  had 
incurred,  more  or  less,  the  charge  of  emigration,  some  of  whom 
had  quitted  the  territory  of  the  Republic  but  for  a  moment, 
others  merely  concealed  themselves  to  escape  persecution,  and 
who  had  fortunately  been  omitted  in  the  list  of  emigrants,  could 
not  thenceforward  be  inscribed,  unless  by  virtue  of  a  decision  of 
the  ordinary  tribunals ;  that  is  to  say,  of  the  jury.  This  was 
closing  the  list,  in  some  measure,  for  them  also ;  for,  with  the 
present  spirit  of  the  tribunals,  there  was  no  danger  of  its  being 
increased  by  new  names. 

Lastly,  while  those  who  had  not  yet  been  inscribed  were 
handed  over  to  the  tribunals,  and  the  guarantees  of  ordinary 
justice  were  thus  ensured  to  them,  those  who,  having  been  un- 
duly inscribed,  or,  alleging  that  they  had  been  so,  claimed  their 
erasure,  were  referred  to  the  administrative  authority.  Here 
the  indulgent  intention  of  the  new  government  in  regard  to 
them  was  perceptible ;  for  the  new  administrative  authorities 
chosen  by  it,  full  of  its  spirit,  could  not  fail  to  lend  a  favourable 
ear  to  claims  of  this  kind.  It  was  sufficient,  in  fact,  to  produce 
certificates  of  residence  in  any  place  whatever  in  France,  cer- 
tificates frequently  false,  to  prove  that  one  had  been  unjustly 
declared  absent,  and  get  one's  name  erased.  With  the  general 
disposition  to  violate  tyrannical  laws,  this  method  of  obtaining 
erasure  could  not  fail  of  succeeding.  Emigrants  desirous  of 
obtaining  their  erasure  were,  moreover,  allowed  to  enter  France, 
under  the  surveillance  of  the  political  police.  In  the  language 
of  the  time,  this  was  called  obtaining  surveillances;  great 
numbers  of  them  were  delivered ;  and  thus  the  emigrants  who 
were  in  most  haste  were  enabled  to  anticipate  the  moment  of 
their  erasure.  These  surveillances  even  became  a  definitive 
recall  for  most  of  those  who  availed  themselves  of  them. 

As  for  the  emigrants  whose  names  could  not  be  removed 
from  the  fatal  list,  on  account  of  the  notoriety  of  their  emigra- 
tion, the  existing  laws  in  regard  to  them  were  retained.  The 
spirit  of  the  time  was  such,  that  no  other  course  could  be 
pursued ;  for,  if  one  felt  pity  for  unfortunate  persons,  one  was 
irritated  against  guilty  men,  who  had  left  the  French  territory 
to  bear  arms  against  their  native  country,  or  to  bring  upon  it  the 
arms  of  foreigners.  For  the  rest,  in  all  cases,  the  erased  or  not 
erased  had  no  claim  upon  their  properties  which  had  been  sold. 
The  sales  were  irrevocable,  both  by  virtue  of  the  Constitution. 
and  in  consequence  of  the  dispositions  of  the  new  law.  Those 
who  had  obtained  their  erasure,  and  whose  property  had  been 


JAN.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  95 

sequestrated  without  being  sold,  could  alone  indulge  a  hope  of 
its  eventual  recovery. 

Such  was  the  law  proposed  and  adopted  by  an  immense 
majority,  notwithstanding  some  censures  in  the  Tribunate  from 
those  who  deemed  that  too  much  favour,  or  not  enough,  was 
shown  in  it  to  the  emigrants. 

Among  the  legal  enactments  then  in  force,  which  appeared 
intolerably  tyrannical,  was  the  interdiction  of  the  right  to  be- 
queath property  by  will.  The  then  existing  laws  allowed  a  dying 
person  to  dispose  of  no  more  than  one-tenth  of  his  fortune,  if 
he  had  children,  and  of  one-sixth,  if  he  had  none.  These  dis- 
positions had  been  the  result  of  the  first  revolutionary  indigna- 
tion against  the  abuses  of  the  ancient  French  society,  aristocratic 
society,  in  which  paternal  vanity,  desirous  sometimes  to  provide 
for  an  eldest  son,  sometimes  to  force  the  affections  of  his  children 
by  ill-assorted  matches,  despoiled  some  for  the  benefit  of  others. 
Giving  way  to  one  of  those  gusts  of  indignation  so  common 
to  the  human  mind,  the  government,  instead  of  reducing  the 
paternal  authority  within  just  limits,  had  completely  fettered  it. 
A  father  could  no  longer  reward  or  punish.  He  could,  if  he  had 
children,  dispose  of  nothing,  or  very  little  more,  in  favour  of  him 
who  had  deserved  all  his  affection  ;  and  what  is  more  extraor- 
dinary, if  he  had  only  nephews,  near  or  distant,  he  could  not 
give  away  more  than  an  almost  insignificant  part  of  his  fortune, 
namely,  a  sixth.  This  was  a  downright  outrage  on  the  right 
of  property ;  and  one  of  the  severities  of  the  revolutionary 
system  that  was  most  keenly  felt ;  for  Death  sweeps  off  victims 
every  day,  and  thousands  expired  without  having  the  power  to 
obey  the  dictates  of  their  hearts  in  behalf  of  those  who  served, 
attended,  cheered  them  in  their  old  age. 

It  was  not  ]iossible  that  such  a  reform  as  this  could  be  delayed 
till  the  Civil  Code  should  be  drawn  up.  A  law  was  proposcnl 
for  re-establishing  tlie  right  to  dispose  of  property  by  will  within 
certain  limits.  JJy  \'irtup  of  this  law,  the  dying  father  who  had 
fewer  than  four  children  might  dispose  by  will  of  a  fourth  ol 
Ills  fortune,  of  a  fifth  if  he  had  fewer  than  five,  and  so  on  in 
th(^  same  proportion.  Jle  might  dispose  of  half  when  he  had 
only  ascending  or  collateral  relations,  of  the  wliole  when  he  had 
no  kindred  qualified  to  inherit. 

This  measure  was  most  attacked  in  the  Tribunate,  ])articnlai'ly 
by  Andrieux,  an  hon(>st,  sincere  man,  but  more  sparkling  than 
cnlio-htenf'd.  He  alle^i^ed  that  it  was  a  return  to  the  abuses  of 
the  right  of  ])rimogeniture,  to  the  violences  practised  under  the 
ancient  system  upon  children  of  rank,  &c.  This  law  passed, 
like  the  others,  by  an  immense  majority. 

By  another  law  the  government  institutod  a  ti'ibunal  of  prizes, 
which  had  become  indispensable  for  rendering  inq)artial  justice 


96  HISTORY  OF  THE  jan.  1800 

to  neutrals  and  for  conciliating  them  by  better  treatment. 
Lastly,  it  called  the  attention  of  the  two  assemblies  to  the  laws 
concerning  the  finances. 

On  this  point  there  was  little  to  say  to  the  Legislative  Body, 
the  two  legislative  commissions  having  already  passed  the  re- 
quisite laws.  The  administrative  operations  undertaken  by  the 
government  in  pursuance  of  these  laws,  with  a  view  to  reorganise 
the  finances,  were  scarcely  a  subject  for  discussion.  At  any 
rate,  it  was  necessary  to  settle,  were  it  but  for  form's  sake,  the 
budget  of  the  year  VIII.  If  the  collection  had  been  regular,  if 
the  taxes  imposed  had  been  punctually  paid,  and  not  only  paid 
by  those  on  whom  they  were  assessed,  but  faithfully  handed 
over  by  the  depositaries  of  the  public  money,  the  finances  of  the 
State  would  have  been  in  a  tolerable  condition.  The  ordinary 
taxes  might  produce  about  430,000,000  f . ;  and  this  was  the 
amount  to  which  the  government  hoped  to  reduce  the  public 
expenditure  in  time  of  peace  ;  nay,  it  even  flattered  itself  with 
the  prospect  of  bringing  it  down  considerably  lower.  Experi- 
ence soon  proved  that  it  was  not  possible,  even  in  time  of  peace, 
to  keep  it  under  500,000,000  f . ;  but  it  proved  also  that  it  would 
be  easy  to  raise  that  sum  from  the  taxes,  without  increasing  the 
rates.  This  estimate  does  not  include  the  expenses  of  collection 
or  the  local  expenses,  which  would  raise  the  budget  of  that  period, 
calculating  as  we  now  do,  to  600,000,000  or  630,000,000  f . 

It  was  only  with  reference  to  the  war  expenditure  tliat  the 
insufficiency  of  the  receipts  was  great  and  certain ;  and  in  this 
there  is  nothing  extraordinary,  for  it  is  the  same  everywhere. 
In  no  country  whatever  can  war  be  carried  on  with  the  ordinary 
revenues  of  peace.  If  it  could  be  done,  it  would  be  a  proof 
that  in  time  of  peace  the  taxes  were  unnecessarily  high.  But, 
owing  to  the  confusion  of  late  years,  nobody  could  tell,  if,  with 
war,  the  budget  would  amount  to  600,000,000,  700,000,000,  or 
800,000,000 f.  On  this  point  each  made  difi:erent  conjectures.  Ex- 
perience proved  likewise  that  the  addition  of  about  1 5 0,000,000 f. 
to  the  ordinary  budget  would  be  sufficient  to  defray  the  expenses 
of  the  war,  that  is,  with  victorious  armies  living  in  an  enemy's 
country.  The  budget  of  the  year  was  therefore  estimated  at 
6oo,ooo,OOOf.  for  receipts  as  well  as  expenditure.  As  the  ordinary 
revenues  amounted  to  430,000,000  f.,  there  was  a  deficiency  of 
170,000,000  f.  Ikit  this  was  not  the  real  difllculty.  On  emerg- 
inar  from  a  financial  chaos,  it  would  have  been  too  much  to  have 
attempted  to  equalise,  all  at  once,  the  receipts  and  the  expendi- 
ture. It  was  first  necessary  to  get  in  the  ordinary  taxes.  If 
this  first  result  could  be  attained,  the  government  was  sure  to 
have  speedily  wherewithal  to  meet  the  most  urgent  necessities, 
for  credit  would  very  soon  feel  the  effect,  and,  witli  the  paper  of 
different  kinds  enumerated  elsewhere,  which  had  been  created. 


JAN.  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  97 

it  had  in  its  hands  the  means  of  obtaining  from  moneyed  men 
the  funds  requisite  for  all  the  services.  Such  was  the  object  of 
the  unremitting  efforts  of  M.  Gaudin,  seconded  against  all  the 
difficulties  which  he  encountered  by  the  resolute  and  persevering 
will  of  the  First  Consul.  The  agents  of  the  direct  contributions 
recently  established  displayed  the  greatest  activity.  The  assess- 
ments were  far  advanced,  and  already  in  the  course  of  collection. 
The  bills  of  the  receivers-general  began  to  find  their  way  into 
the  coffers  of  the  treasury,  and  to  be  discounted  at  a  rate  of 
interest  that  was  not  over  usurious.  The  difficulty  in  carrying 
out  this  system  of  bills  consisted  always  in  the  quantity  of  paper 
circulating,  which  it  was  difficult  to  ascertain,  especially  with 
reference  to  each  general  receipt.  A  receiver  who  ought  to 
gather  20.000,000  f.,  for  example,  could  not  sign  bills  for  that 
sum,  if  he  had  to  take  6,000,000  or  8,000,000  f.  in  dead  assets, 
in  hons  d'arr^rctfie,  hons  de  requisition,  &c.  The  minister  applied 
himself  to  withdraw  these  papers,  to  estimate  what  amount  in 
them  was  likely  to  figure  in  each  general  receipt,  and  to  make 
the  receivers-general  sign  bills  for  the  sum  in  cash  which,  as 
he  calculated,  would  come  into  their  coffers. 

During  this  same  session,  there  was  instituted  a  new  class  of 
accountable  officers  destined  to  ensure  the  more  punctual  trans- 
mission of  moneys  to  the  treasury ;  these  were  the  receivers  of 
arrondissement.  Hitherto  there  had  been  no  other  intermediate 
person  between  the  collectors  placed  near  tlie  tax-payers  and  the 
receiver-general  residing  in  the  chief  town,  than  the  clerks  of 
receipts,  agents  of  the  receiver-general,  dependents  of  his,  telling 
the  truth  to  him  alone.  It  was,  nevertheless,  one  of  the  points 
of  passage  where  the  payment  of  money  into  the  public  chests 
might  be  best  watched  and  ascertained.  This  point  had  been 
unfortunately  neglected.  Particular  receivers  were  now  ap- 
pointed \n  each  arrondissement,  dependent  on  the  State,  bound 
to  report  to  it  what  they  received  and  what  thtn'  paid  to  the 
receiver-general,  well-informed  and  disinterested  witnesses  as 
to  the  sums  actually  collected,  for  they  made  no  profit  by  the 
stoppage  of  the  public  funds  in  the  hands  of  the  accountable 
officers.  From  this  institution  the  government  derived  the 
advantage  of  Vx'ing  more  accurately  informed  of  the  state  of  the 
receipts,  and  of  getting  into  its  hands  new  securities  in  ready 
money,  which  would  be  a  matter  of  indifference  now,  but  was 
not  so  then  ;  lastly,  it  had  the  further  advantage  of  introducing 
the  systf^u  of  circurascri]")tion  l)y  arrondissement,  recently  de- 
vised. Civil  and  correctional  justice  and  a  considerable  ])art  of 
the  communal  administration  had  b(M'n  already  establislied  at 
the  centre  of  the  arrondissement;  by  fixing  there  also  part  of 
the  financial  administration  greater  l)ene(it  was  derived  from  this 
circumscription,  whicli   certain    ])ersons  alleged  to    !)<>    only  an 

VOL.    I.  u 


98  HISTORY  OF  THE  jan.  1800 

arbitrary  subdivision  of  territory.  Since  it  had,  on  certain 
accounts,  been  deemed  indispensable,  one  could  not  do  better 
than  multiply  the  use  of  it,  and  render  it  real,  instead  of  artificial, 
as  it  was  accused  of  being.  The  prefects  and  sub-prefects  had 
orders  to  visit  the  receivers,  and,  by  inspecting  their  books, 
to  check  the  punctuality  of  their  payments.  For  this  there 
is  now,  fortunately,  no  occasion ;  but,  at  the  period  which  we 
are  describing,  when  everything  was  but  roughly  sketched,  it 
was  applying  useful  stimulants  to  accountable  officers,  to  send 
prefects  and  sub-prefects  to  inspect  their  chests. 

The  reorganisation  of  the  finances  could  not,  therefore,  proceed 
more  rapidly.  But  public  assemblies  appreciate  only  realised 
results.  People  could  not  see  all  the  truly  useful  things  intro- 
duced into  the  interior  of  the  administration.  In  the  Tribunate 
they  descanted  endlessly  on  the  great  question  of  the  equalisation 
of  the  receipts  and  the  expenditure ;  they  complained  of  the 
deficit;  they  brought  forward  a  thousand  schemes,  and  there 
were  members  so  irrational  as  to  propose  to  negative  the  financial 
measures  under  discussion,  till  the  government  should  find  some 
expedient  for  securing  equilibrium  between  the  receipts  and 
the  expenditure.  But  all  these  propositions  led  to  no  results. 
The  proposed  laws  were  adopted  by  a  great  majority  in  the 
Tribunate,  and  almost  unanimously  in  the  Legislative  Body. 

An  institution,  worthy  of  being  mentioned  in  history,  was 
added  to  those,  the  creation  of  which  has  already  been  recorded  ; 
this  was  the  Bank  of  France.  The  old  discounting  establish- 
ments had  perished  amidst  the  disorders  of  the  Revolution ;  it 
was  not  possible,  however,  for  Paris  to  dispense  with  a  bank. 
In  every  commercial  centre,  where  a  certain  activity  prevails, 
there  is  wanted  a  convenient  circulating  medium  for  payments, 
that  is  to  say,  a  paper  money,  and  an  establishment  discounting, 
on  a  large  scale,  the  bills  of  merchants.  These  two  branches 
of  business,  indeed,  work  well  together ;  for  the  cash  received, 
in  exchange  for  circulating  notes,  furnishes  the  very  funds 
that  may  be  lent  to  the  community  in  the  shape  of  discounts. 
In  fact,  wherever  there  is  any  business  doing,  however  incon- 
siderable, a  bank  must  prosper,  if  it  discounts  none  but  good 
paper,  and  if  it  issues  no  more  notes  than  are  wanted  ;  in  short, 
if  it  confines  its  operations  to  the  legitimate  wants  of  the 
place  where  it  is  establislied.  This  was  what  required  to  be 
done  in  Paris,  and  what  could  not  fail  to  succeed,  if  it  were  well 
done.  This  new  bank  was  to  do  business  not  only  with  private 
persoiis,  but  also  with  the  treasury,  and  thus  if  it  made  profits, 
it  had  also  services  to  render.  The  government  had  recourse 
to  the  principal  bankers  of  the  capital ;  M.  Perregaux,  a 
financier  whose  name  is  connected  with  all  the  eminent  services 
rendered  at  that  time  to  the  State,  put  himself  at  their  head, 


JAN.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  99 

and  an  association  of  wealthy  capitalists  was  formed  for  the 
establishment  of  a  bank,  called  the  Bank  of  France,  the  same 
that  still  exists.  The  capital  was  fixed  at  30,000,000  francs. 
This  bank  was  to  be  managed  by  fifteen  directors,  and  a  com- 
mittee of  three  persons,  since  replaced  by  a  governor.  According 
to  its  statutes,  it  was  to  discount  commercial  paper,  originating 
in  legitimate  and  not  fictitious  transactions,  to  issue  notes  circu- 
lating like  money,  and  to  abstain  from  all  speculations  foreign 
to  discount  and  bullion  business.  Adhering  to  its  statutes, 
it  has  become  the  most  flourishing  establishment  of  the  kind 
known  in  the  world.  We  shall  see  presently  what  was  done 
by  the  government  to  impart  to  the  operations  of  this  bank 
that  energy  and  scope  which  caused  it  to  prosper  from  the 
very  first  days  of  its  existence. 

While  the  consular  government,  in  concert  with  the  Legisla- 
tive Body,  was  devoting  itself  to  these  vast  labours  of  internal 
administration,  the  negotiations  with  the  powers,  friendly  or 
belligerent,  were  continued  without  interruption.  The  letter  of 
the  First  Consul  to  the  King  of  England  elicited  an  immediate 
answer.  The  First  Consul  had  written  on  the  26th  of  December 
(5th  Nivose) ;  the  answer  was  dated  the  4th  of  January  (14th 
Nivose).  The  resolution  of  the  English  cabinet  was,  in  fact, 
taken  beforehand,  and  it  had  no  need  to  deliberate.  In  1797, 
indeed,  England  might  think  of  treating,  and  send  Lord 
Malmesbury  to  Lille,  when  her  finances  were  embarrassed, 
when  Austria  was  obliged  to  sign  the  peace  of  the  Continent  at 
Campo-Formio :  but  now  that  the  income-tax  had  more  than 
replenished  her  exchequer,  now  that  Austria,  again  at  war  with 
us,  had  pushed  her  armies  to  our  frontiers,  now  that  she  was 
bent  on  wresting  from  us  the  important  positions  of  Malta  and 
Egypt,  and  on  avenging  the  affront  of  the  Texel,  peace  could 
not  be  very  desirable  to  that  power.  She  had,  besides,  a  still 
stronger  reason  for  refusing  it ;  this  was,  that  war  suited  the 
passions  and  the  interests  of  Mr.  Pitt.  This  celebrated  head  of 
the  British  cabinet  had  made  the  war  with  France  his  mission, 
his  glory,  the  foundation  of  his  political  existence.  If  peace 
became  necessary,  he  should,  perhaps,  be  obliged  to  retire.  He 
brought  to  the  conflict  that  obstinacy  of  character  which,  com- 
bined with  his  rhetorical  talents,  had  made  him  a  powerful, 
but  not  very  (mlightened  statesman.  The  reply  could  not  be 
doubtful ;  it  was  negative  and  uncivil.  The  answer  was  not 
addressed  directly  to  the  First  Consul ;  but,  adhering  to  the 
custom,  an  excellent  one,  l)y-the-by,  of  coiiiiiiunicatiug  from 
minister  to  minister,  llic  i'^nglish  cabinet  replied  in  a  note  from 
Lord  Grenville  to  ls\.  dc  Talleyrand. 

This  note  clumsily  betrayed  the  displeasure  caused  to  Mr.  Pitt 
by  this  challenge,  not  to  war,  but  to  peace,  addressed  by  the 


lOO  HISTORY  OF  THE  jan.  1800 

First  Consul  to  England.  It  contained  a  recapitulation,  ever- 
lastingly repeated  for  several  years,  of  the  origin  of  the  war ;  it 
imputed  the  first  aggression  to  the  French  Republic ;  reproached 
it,  in  violent  language,  with  the  ravages  committed  in  Germany, 
in  Holland,  in  Switzerland,  and  in  Italy ;  it  made  mention  even 
of  rapine  practised  by  our  generals  in  the  latter  country ;  and, 
coupled  with  this  reproach,  that  of  a  design  to  overthrow,  every- 
where, the  throne  and  the  altar;  and  then,  coming  to  the  late 
overtures  of  the  First  Consul,  the  English  minister  said  that 
these  feigned  pacific  demonstrations  were  not  the  first  of  the 
same  kind ;  that  the  various  revolutionary  governments,  suc- 
cessively erected  and  overthrown  for  ten  years  past,  had  more 
than  once  made  similar  overtures ;  that  his  Majesty  the  King 
of  Great  Britain  could  not  yet  discover,  in  what  was  passing  in 
France,  a  change  of  principles  capable  of  satisfying  and  tran- 
quillising  Europe ;  that  the  only  change  which  could  give  it 
complete  security  would  be  the  re-establishment  of  the  house  of 
Bourbon ;  that  then  alone  social  order  would  appear  to  be  out 
of  danger ;  that,  for  the  rest,  the  re-establishment  of  that  house 
was  not  made  the  absolute  condition  of  peace  with  tlie  French 
Republic,  but  that,  until  new  symptoms  more  significant  and 
more  satisfactory,  England  would  persist  in  fighting  as  well  for 
her  own  safety  as  for  that  of  her  allies. 

This  indecorous  note,  which  was  disapproved  by  sensible  men 
in  all  countries,  did  little  honour  to  Mr.  Pitt ;  it  indicated  in  him 
more  passion  than  understanding.  It  proved  that  a  new  govern- 
ment needs  many  victories  to  make  itself  respected  ;  for  the 
present  government  had  already  gained  numerous  and  signal 
victories,  but  evidently  it  needed  still  greater.  The  First  Consul 
was  not  disconcerted,  and,  wishing  to  profit  by  the  favourable 
position  which  the  moderation  of  his  conduct  gave  him  in  the 
eyes  of  the  world,  he  returned  a  mild  but  firm  answer,  not  again 
in  the  form  of  a  letter  to  the  king,  but  in  the  form  of  a  despatch 
addressed  to  Lord  Grenville,  the  minister  for  foreign  affairs. 
Recapitulating,  in  a  few  words,  the  first  events  of  the  war,  he 
proved,  in  very  temperate  language,  that  France  had  taken  iip 
arms  solely  for  the  puq:)ose  of  resisting  a  European  conspiracy, 
formed  against  her  safety;  admitting  the  calamities  which  the 
Revolution  had  brought  upon  the  whole  world,  lie  insinuated,  by 
the  way,  that  those  who  had  persecuted  the  French  RejDublic 
with  such  rancour  ought,  by  right,  to  reproach  themselves 
with  being  the  real  cause  of  the  violences  so  often  deplored. 
"  But,"  added  he,  "  what  is  the  use  of  reverting  to  these  circum- 
stances ?  Here  is  now  a  government  disposed  to  put  an  end  to 
the  war ;  is  the  war  to  be  endless,  because  this  or  the  other 
was  the  aggressor  ?  And,  unless  there  is  a  desire  to  render  it 
interminable,  ought  not  an   end  to  be  put  to  these  incessant 


JAN.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  10 1 

recriminations  ?  Assuredly  no  one  can  hope  to  obtain  from 
France  the  re-establishment  of  the  Bourbons ;  is  it,  then, 
decorous  to  make  insinuations  such  as  those  which  have  been 
indulged  in  ?  And  what  would  be  said,  if  France,  in  her  com- 
munications, were  to  call  upon  England  to  replace  on  the  throne 
that  family  of  the  Stuarts  which  descended  from  it  only  in  the 
last  century  ?  But,  setting  aside  all  these  irritating  questions," 
added  the  note  dictated  by  the  First  Consul,  "if  you  deplore, 
like  us,  the  evils  of  war,  let  us  agree  to  a  suspension  of  arms ; 
let  us  fix  upon  a  town,  Dunkirk,  for  instance,  or  any  other, 
at  your  option,  where  the  negotiators  shall  meet ;  the  French 
government  places  at  the  disposal  of  Great  Britain  passports  for 
the  ministers  whom  she  shall  have  invested  with  her  powers." 

This  calm  attitude  produced  the  effect  usually  produced  by  a 
cool  man  on  an  angry  man ;  it  drew  from  Lord  Grenville  a  reply 
still  more  vehement,  more  acrimonious,  more  illogical,  than  his 
first  note.  In  this  reply,  the  English  minister  sought  to  palliate 
the  blunder  which  he  had  committed  in  adverting  to  the  house 
of  Bourbon  ;  answered  that  it  was  not  for  that  house  that  war 
was  waged,  but  for  the  safety  of  all  governments,  and  again 
declared  that  hostilities  would  be  prosecuted  without  relaxation. 
This  last  communication  was  dated  the  20th  of  January  (30th 
Nivose).  There  was  not  another  word  to  be  said.  General 
Bonaparte  had  done  enough  :  confiding  in  his  glory,  he  had 
not  been  afraid  to  offer  peace  ;  he  had  offered  it,  without  much 
hope,  but  in  perfect  sincerity ;  and  by  this  step  he  had  gained 
the  twofold  advantage  of  unveiling  the  unreasonable  passions 
of  Mr.  Pitt,  as  well  to  the  eyes  of  France  as  to  the  eyes  of  tlie 
English  opposition.  Happy  had  it  been,  if  he  had  at  all  times 
united  with  his  power  that  moderation  of  conduct  so  skilfully 
turned  to  account ! 

The  communications  of  Austria  were  more  decorous,  without 
affording  more  hope  of  peace.  That  power,  not  imagining  that 
ihe  intentions  of  the  First  Consul,  though  very  pacific,  could  go 
so  far  as  the  relinquishment  of  Italy  in  her  favour,  was  re- 
solved to  continue  the  war ;  but,  acquainted  witli  the  concpieror 
of  Castiglione  and  Eivoli,  knowing  that  whoever  had  him  for 
adversary  must  not  be  too  confident  of  victory,  she  would  not 
bar  every  way  to  ulterior  negotiations. 

As  if  Austria  had  an  understanding  with  England  respecting 
form,  the  answer  of  the  emperor  to  the  First  Consul  was  a 
despatch  from  ]\[.  Tiiugut  to  M.  de  Talleyrand.  I'his  des]i;itcli 
was  dated  the  15th  of  January  (25tli  Nivose).  The  substance 
was  the  same  as  that  of  the  English  notes.  If  war  was  carried 
on,  it  alleged  that  it  was  only  to  preserve  J'^urope  from  a  g(^neral 
convulsion  :  Austria  wished  for  nothing  more  than  to  see  France 
disposed  to  peace  ;  l)ut  what  guarantee  did  she  offer  for  her  new 


I02  HISTORY  OF  THE  jan.  1800 

dispositions  ?  It  was  admitted,  however,  that,  under  the  First 
Consul,  there  was  reason  to  hope  for  more  moderation  at  home 
and  abroad,  more  stability  of  purpose,  more  fidelity  to  engage- 
ments made ;  and  that  there  would  thence  result  more  chances 
for  a  solid  and  lasting  peace.  This  happy  change  was  expected 
from  his  eminent  talents ;  but,  without  saying  so,  it  was  in- 
sinuated that,  when  it  should  be  completely  effected,  it  would  be 
time  enough  to  think  of  negotiating. 

The  First  Consul,  acting  with  Austria  as  with  England,  was 
not  to  be  put  off  with  this  evasive  explanation.  Without  being 
discouraged  by  the  vagueness  of  the  answer,  he  resolved  to  re- 
duce the  cabinet  of  Vienna  to  the  necessity  of  giving  a  positive 
explanation,  and  of  refusing  or  accepting  peace  in  a  categorical 
manner.  On  the  28th  of  February  (9th  Ventose),  M.  de  Talley- 
rand was  directed  to  write  to  M.  de  Thugut,  and  to  offer  to  take 
for  the  basis  of  negotiations  the  treaty  of  Campo-Formio.  This 
treaty,  he  said,  had  been  an  act  of  great  moderation  towards 
the  Emperor  of  Austria  on  the  part  of  General  Bonaparte ;  for 
having  it  in  his  power,  in  1797,  to  extort  great  sacrifices  from 
that  prince,  owing  to  the  threatening  position  of  the  French 
army  at  the  gates  of  Vienna,  he  had,  in  the  hope  of  a  durable 
peace,  preferred  moderate  advantages  to  more  extensive  advan- 
tages ;  he  had  even  incurred  the  censure  of  the  Directory,  added 
the  French  minister,  by  his  clemency  to  the  imperial  court. 
Lastly,  M.  de  Talleyrand  declared  that  Austria  should  receive 
in  Italy  the  indemnifications  which,  by  the  treaty  of  Campo- 
Formio,  were  promised  her  in  Germauy. 

To  comprehend  the  drift  of  the  propositions  of  the  First 
Consul,  we  must  recollect  that  the  treaty  of  Campo-Formio  gave, 
to  France,  Belgium  and  Luxemburg  ;  to  the  Cisalpine  Republic, 
Lombardy,  Mantua,  the  Legations,  &c. ;  and  that  Austria  re- 
ceived, by  way  of  indemnification,  Venice  and  the  greater  part 
of  the  Venetian  States.  With  respect  to  the  line  of  the  Rhine, 
embracing,  besides  Belgium  and  Luxemburg,  the  countries 
comprised  between  the  Meuse,  the  Moselle,  and  the  Rhine,  in 
short,  what  we  now  call  the  Rhenish  Provinces,  Austria  was  to 
mediate  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  the  cession  of  them  to 
France  by  the  Germanic  Empire.  Austria,  on  her  own  part, 
ceded,  hencefoi'ward,  the  county  of  Falkenstein,  situated  be- 
tween Lorraine  and  Alsace,  and  engaged  to  open  to  the  French 
troops  the  gates  of  Mayence,  which  she  occupied  on  behalf  of 
the  Empire.  By  way  of  compensation,  Austi-ia  was  to  receive 
the  bishopric  of  Salzburg,  contiguous  to  Bavaria,  when  the 
ecclesiastical  provinces  should  be  secularised.  These  various 
arrangements  were  to  be  negotiated  at  the  congress  of  Rastadt. 
terminated  so  tragically  in  1799  by  the  murder  of  the  French 
plenipotentiaries.     Such  was  the  treaty  of  Campo-Formio. 


JAN.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  103 

In  offering  this  treaty  as  the  basis  of  a  new  negotiation,  the 
First  Consul,  therefore,  did  not  resolve  the  question  of  the  line 
of  the  Rhine  in  regard  to  the  Rhenish  Provinces  ;  he  decided 
only  the  question  respecting  Belgium,  irrevocably  ceded  to 
France,  leaving  the  question  of  the  Rhenish  Provinces  to  an 
ulterior  negotiation  with  the  Empire  ;  and,  by  offering  in  Italy 
the  compensations  formerly  stipulated  in  Germany,  he  insinuated 
that  the  success  obtained  by  Austria  in  Italy  should  be  taken 
into  consideration,  and  have  the  effect  of  placing  her  in  a  better 
position  in  that  country.  He  added  that,  for  the  second-rate 
powers  of  Europe,  there  should  be  stipulated  a  system  of  guaran- 
tees, calculated  to  restore  in  its  full  force  that  law  of  nations,  on 
which  the  safety  and  the  happiness  of  nations  essentially  depend. 
This  was  an  allusion  to  the  invasion  of  Switzerland,  of  Pied- 
mont, of  Tuscany,  of  the  Papal  States,  and  of  Naples,  for  which  the 
Directory  was  so  bitterly  reproached,  and  which  had  been  made 
the  pretext  for  the  second  coalition ;  it  was  a  pretty  clear  offer 
to  re-establish  those  different  States,  and  thus  to  make  Europe 
easy  concerning  the  alleged  invasions  of  the  French  Republic. 

More  could  not  be  granted  :  and  nothing  but  the  need  which 
France  then  had  of  peace  could  have  induced  the  First  Consul 
to  make  such  offers.  And,  as  he  never  did  things  by  halves,  he 
addressed  to  Austria,  as  well  as  to  England,  the  formal  pro- 
position of  a  suspension  of  arms,  not  only  on  the  Rhine,  where 
that  suspension  already  existed,  but  also  on  the  Alps  and  the 
Apennines,  where  it  did  not  yet  exist. 

On  the  24th  of  March  (3rd  Germinal),  M.  de  Thugut  replied, 
and  in  very  moderate  terms,  that  the  treaty  of  Campo-Formio, 
violated  as  soon  as  concluded,  did  not  contain  a  system  of  paci- 
fication capable  of  satisfying  the  belligerent  jDOwers  ;  that  the 
true  principle,  adopted  in  all  negotiations,  was  to  take  for  basis 
the  state  in  which  the  fortune  of  arms  had  left  each  power ;  that 
this  was  the  only  basis  on  whicli  Austria  could  treat.  ]\I.  de 
Thugut  added  that,  before  proceeding  any  farther,  he  had  an 
inquiry  to  make  relative  to  the  form  of  the  negotiation  ;  that 
it  was  important  for  him  to  know  whether  France  would  admit 
the  negotiators  of  all  the  States  at  war,  in  order  to  arrive  at  a 
general  peace,  the  only  one  which  was  fair  and  prudent,  the  only 
one  to  whicli  Austria  could  accede. 

This  language  proved  two  things  :  firstly,  that  Austria,  in  pro- 
posing for  the  point  of  departure  tlie  actual  state,  that  is  to  say. 
the  situation  in  which  the  last  cam])aign  had  left  each  ]iower, 
cherished  high  pretensions  in  regard  to  Italy;  secondly,  that  slio 
would  not  separate  from  England,  to  wliom  she  wasclosi^ly  bound 
by  subsidiary  treaties.  This  fidelity  to  England  was.  on  her  ])art. 
a  duty  imposed  by  her  position,  which,  as  we  slinll  so(>  l)y-ancl-l)y. 
intluenced  the  turn  of  the  necotiations  and  of  the  war. 


104  HISTORY  OF  THE  jan.  1800 

Such  an  answer,  though  civil  in  its  terms,  left  little  hope  of 
coming  to  an  understanding,  siuce  it  made  the  conduct  of  a  power 
disposed  to  listen  to  some  words  of  peace,  dej^end  on  the  conduct 
of  a  power  determined  not  to  listen  to  any.  General  Bonaparte, 
nevertheless,  directed  a  reply  to  be  sent  to  this  effect :  that,  in 
offering  indemnifications  in  Italy,  for  those  stipulated  formerly 
in  Germany,  he  proposed  implicitly  to  start,  not  from  the  status 
ante  helium,  but  from  the  status  2Jost  helhoni,  that  is,  to  take  into 
account  the  successes  of  Austria  in  Italy ;  that  the  overtures 
made  by  him  to  England  proved  his  desire  to  render  the  peace 
general ;  that  he  had  little  hope,  however,  from  a  negotiation 
common  to  all  the  belligerent  powers,  as  England  was  adverse 
to  accommodation ;  but  that  he  admitted  jDurely  and  simjjly  the 
propositions  of  Austria ;  that  he  awaited,  in  consequence,  the 
designation  of  the  place  where  they  might  treat ;  and  that,  as 
there  was  a  determination  to  continue  to  fis'Iit,  it  ouefht  to  be 
fixed  out  of  the  theatre  of  the  war. 

Austria  declared  that,  such  being  the  intentions  of  the  French 
cabinet,  she  would  communicate  with  her  allies  ;  but  that,  till 
she  had  consulted  them,  it  would  be  impossible  to  fix  upon 
any  particular  place.  This  was  deferring  the  negotiation  for  an 
indefinite  term. 

The  First  Consul,  in  addressing  these  overtures  to  England 
and  Austria,  had  not  indulged  in  any  allusion  as  to  their  result ; 
but  he  wished  to  try  the  effect  of  pacific  advances,  in  the  first 
place,  because  he  desired  peace,  considering  it  as  necessary  for 
tlie  organisation  of  the  new  government;  secondly,  because  he 
judged  that  this  step  would  raise  him  in  the  estimation  of  France 
and  of  Europe. 

His  calculations  were  completely  justified  by  what  passed  in 
the  English  parliament.  Mr.  I'itt,  by  his  uncourteous  manner  of 
replying  to  the  overtures  of  France,  drew  upon  himself  violent  and 
deserved  attacks.  Never  had  the  opposition  of  Fox  and  Sheridan 
been  more  nobly  inspired ;  never  had  it  shed  such  lustre,  and 
merited  more  justly  the  esteem  of  the  honest  men  of  all  countries. 

In  fact,  there  was  scarcely  any  motive  to  justify  the  continu- 
ance of  the  war ;  for  England  was  then  in  a  position  to  obtain 
all  that  she  could  reasonably  wish.  It  is  true  that  she  would 
scarcely  have  obtained  the  relinquishment  of  Egypt ;  but,  as  she 
was  willing,  a  few  months  afterwards,  to  leave  it  to  us  (the  ulterior 
negotiations  will  prove  this),  she  might  have  consented  to  it  at 
once ;  and,  at  this  price,  she  would  have  retained  her  conquests, 
the  Indies  included,  and  she  would  have  spared  herself  the 
immense  dangers  to  whicli  her  obstinacy  exposed  her  at  a  later 
period.  It  was,  therefore,  at  bottom,  nothing  but  a  ministerial 
interest  which  induced  the  British  cabinet  to  prosecute  the  war 
with  such  rancour.     The  animadversions  of  the  opposition  were 


JAN.  i8oo      CONSULATE  AKD  THE  EMPIRE.  105 

strong,  and  incessantly  repeated.  They  demanded  and  obtained 
copies  of  the  papers  relative  to  the  negotiation,  and  the  most 
violent  debates  on  the  subject  ensued.  The  ministers  insisted 
that  it  was  impossible  to  negotiate  with  the  French  government, 
because  there  was  no  safety  in  treating  with  it ;  that  by  its  bad 
faith  it  had  successively  drawn  upon  itself  war  with  the  whole 
world,  Denmark  and  Sweden  excepted,  and  that  its  relations, 
even  with  these  two  countries,  were  impaired ;  that  peace  with 
this  government  was  deceitful  and  ruinous,  witness  the  States 
of  Italy ;  that,  after  having  been  the  aggressor  towards  all  the 
princes  of  Europe,  it  designed  to  dethrone  them  all ;  for  it  was 
consumed  by  an  incessant  thirst  for  conquest  and  destruction ; 
that  General  Bonaparte  offered  no  more  guarantees  than  his 
predecessors ;  that,  if  the  new  French  government  was  no  longer 
terrorist,  it  was  still  revolutionary,  and  with  the  French  Revolu- 
tion no  hope  of  peace  or  truce  could  be  indulged ;  that,  if  it  could 
not  be  annihilated,  it  must  at  least  be  exhausted,  till  it  was  so 
weakened  that  there  was  nothing  further  to  be  feared  from  it. 
The  English  ministers,  especially  Lord  Grenville,  made  use  of 
the  most  insulting  language  in  speaking  of  the  First  Consul. 
They  treated  him  much  as  they  had  done  Robespierre. 

Fox,  Sheridan,  Tierney,  the  Duke  of  Bedford,  and  Lord  Hol- 
land, replied  with  the  highest  reason  to  these  allegations.  "  You 
ask  who  was  the  aggressor,"  said  they,  "and  what  signifies 
that  ?  You  say  that  it  was  France ;  France  says  that  it  was 
England.  Must  we  then  continue  to  tear  each  other  in  pieces 
till  we  can  agree  about  this  point  of  history  ?  And  of  what  con- 
sequence is  it  who  was  the  aggressor,  if  the  one  whom  you  accuse 
of  being  so  makes  the  first  offer  to  lay  down  arms  ?  You  say 
that  it  is  impossible  to  treat  with  the  French  government ;  but 
you  yourselves  sent  Lord  Malmesbury  to  Lille  to  treat  with  the 
Directory.  Prussia  and  Spain  have  treated  with  the  French 
Republic,  and  have  had  no  reason  to  complain  of  it.  You  talk 
of  the  crimes  of  that  government ;  but  your  ally,  tlie  court  of 
Naples,  is  committing  crimes  infinitely  more  atrocious  than  those 
of  the  Convention ;  for  it  has  not  the  excuse  of  popular  excite- 
ment. You  talk  of  ambition  ;  but  Russia,  Prussia,  and  Austria 
have  partitioned  Poland  ;  but  Austria  has  just  reconquered  Italy, 
without  restoring  their  dominions  to  the  princes  whom  France 
had  dispossessed  ;  you  are  yourselves  seizing  India,  part  of  tlie 
Spanish  colonies,  and  all  tlie  Dutch  colonies.  AVho  will  dare  to 
proclaim  himself  more  disinterested  than  another  in  tliis  con- 
flict of  rage  and  avidity,  in  which  all  the  States  are  engaged  ? 
Either  you  will  never  treat  with  the  French  Republic,  or  you 
will  never  find  a  more  favourable  moment  than  the  present  ;  for 
an  energetic  man,  a  man  who  is  obeyed,  has  just  seized  the 
supreme  power,  and  seems  disposed  to  exercise  it  witli  justice  and 


io6  HISTORY  OF  TEE  jan.  1800 

moderation.  Is  it  worthy  of  the  English  government  to  cover  with 
abuse  an  illustrious  personage,  the  head  of  one  of  the  first  nations 
in  the  world,  and  who  is  at  least  a  great  captain,  whatever  may 
be  the  vices  or  the  virtues  which  time  shall  hereafter  develop  in 
him  ?  Unless  we  say  that  we  are  determined  to  exhaust  Great 
Britain,  her  blood,  her  treasures,  all  her  most  valuable  resources, 
for  the  re-establishment  of  the  house  of  Bourbon,  we  can  assign 
no  good  reason  for  refusing  to  treat  at  this  moment." 

To  arguments  so  conclusive  and  so  clear,  no  reply  could  be 
given.  Mr.  Tierney,  seizing  the  occasion  offered  by  the  fault 
which  the  English  administration  had  committed,  in  adverting, 
in  its  notes,  to  the  re-establishment  of  the  house  of  Bourbon, 
made  a  special  motion  against  that  house.  He  proposed  the 
adoption  of  a  formal  resolution,  declaring  the  separation  of  the 
cause  of  England  from  the  cause  of  the  Bourbons,  a  race  so 
pernicious  to  both  countries,  he  exclaimed,  to  Great  Britain  as 
well  as  to  France  !  "  I  have  heard,"  he  continued,  "  I  have  heard 
many  partisans  of  the  administration  of  Mr.  Pitt  assert,  that  the 
French  government,  not  having  proposed  a  collective  negotiation, 
there  might  be  just  cause  for  refusing  a  separate  negotiation, 
which  would  weaken  by  severing  us  from  our  allies  ;  but  I  have 
not  met  with  one  who  did  not  severely  censure  this  manner  of 
fixing  the  term  of  the  war  at  the  restoration  of  the  house  of 
Bourbon."  And  it  is  true,  as  Tierney  said,  that  everybody  had 
censured  that  fault,  and  that  the  cabinet  of  Vienna,  less  influenced 
by  passion  than  the  British  cabinet,  had  taken  good  care  not  to 
imitate  it.  The  English  ministers  replied  that  they  had  not 
introduced  that  condition  as  absolute  and  indispensable,  but 
they  were  told,  and  truly,  that  the  mention  of  it  constituted  a 
violation  of  the  law  of  nations — an  attack  on  the  liberty  of 
nations.  "And  what  would  you  say,"  cried  Mr.  Tierney  (re- 
peating here  tlie  argument  of  the  French  cabinet),  "  what  would 
you  say  if  General  Bonaparte,  when  victorious,  should  declare 
that  he  would  not  treat  unless  with  the  Stuarts?  Besides," 
added  he.  "is  it  out  of  gratitude  to  the  house  of  Bourbon  that 
you  are  lavishing  our  blood  and  our  treasure  ?  Recollect  the 
American  war !  Or  is  it  not  rather  for  the  principle  that  it 
represents  ?  Will  you,  then,  rouse  against  yourselves  all  the 
passions  that  excited  France  to  rise  against  the  Bourbons? 
Will  you  draw  upon  yourselves  the  animosity  of  all  those  who 
will  not  have  any  more  nobles — of  all  those  who  wall  not  have 
any  more  tithes  or  feudal  rights — of  all  those  who  have  acquired 
national  domains — of  all  those  who  have  borne  arms  ten  years 
for  the  French  Revolution  ?  Will  you,  then,  drain  to  the  last 
drop  the  blood  of  so  many  Frenchmen,  before  you  think  of 
negotiating?  I  move,"  concluded  Mr.  Tierney,  "that  England 
separates  her  cause  from  that  of  the  house  of  Bourbon." 


JAN.  i8oo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  107 

On  another  occasion,  the  celebrated  Sheridan,  always  the 
boldest  and  the  most  pungent  of  speakers, — Sheridan  turned 
the  debate  upon  a  very  sore  point  for  the  British  cabinet — the 
expedition  to  Holland,  in  consequence  of  which  the  English 
and  Russians,  defeated  by  General  Brune,  had  been  obliged 
to  capitulate.  "It  seems,"  said  Mr.  Sheridan,  "that  if  our 
government  cannot  conclude  treaties  of  peace  with  the  French 
Republic,  it  can  at  least  conclude  capitulations.  I  ask  it  to 
explain  to  us  the  motives  of  that  which  it  has  signed  for  the 
evacuation  of  Holland."  Mr.  Dundas,  thus  challenged,  assigned 
three  motives  for  the  expedition  to  Holland  :  the  first,  to  detach 
the  United  Provinces  from  France  ;  the  second,  to  diminish 
the  maritime  strength  of  France,  and  to  augment  that  of 
England,  by  taking  the  Dutch  fleet ;  the  third,  to  make  a 
useful  diversion  for  the  allies ;  and  he  added,  that  the  British 
cabinet  had  succeeded  in  two  points  out  of  the  three,  since  it 
had  possession  of  the  fleet,  and  had  contributed  to  the  victor^' 
gained  at  Novi,  by  drawing  to  Holland  the  troops  destined  for 
Italy.  No  sooner  had  the  minister  finished,  than  Sheridan, 
closing  upon  him,  retorted,  with  incomparable  point :  "  Yes, 
you  credited  the  reports  of  emigrants,  and  risked  upon  the 
continent  an  English  army,  to  cover  it  with  disgrace.  You 
sought  to  detach  Holland  from  France,  and  you  have  attached 
it  to  her  more  strongly  than  ever,  by  filling  it  with  indignation 
at  the  iniquitous  seizure  of  its  fleet  and  of  its  colonies.  You 
have  possession,  you  say,  of  the  Dutch  fleet;  but  by  an  unheard 
of,  an  odious,  proceeding,  by  exciting  the  crews  to  mutiny,  by 
exhibiting  a  spectacle  of  the  most  mischievous  kind,  that  of 
sailors  revolting  against  their  officers,  violating  that  discipline 
which  constitutes  the  strength  of  navies  and  the  greatness  of 
our  nation.  You  have  thus  ignominiously  seized  on  that  fleet, 
not  for  England,  at  any  rate,  but  for  the  stadtholder ;  for  you 
have  been  obliged  to  declare  that  it  was  for  him.  and  not  for 
England.  Easily,  you  have  rendered  a  service  to  the  Austrian 
army  at  Novi ;  that  is  possible ;  but  do  you  boast,  then, 
ministers  of  the  King  of  Gi'eat  Britain,  of  having  saved  an 
Austrian  army  by  giving  up  an  English  army  to  slaughter?  " 

These  virulent  attacks  did  not  prevent  ^\y.  Pitt  from  obtaining 
immense  financial  supplies,  about  ^44,000.000  sterling  (nearly 
double  Ihe  budget  of  France  at  that  period);  the  aul liorisation 
to  grant  subsidies  to  Austria,  and  to  the  States  of  SoutluM'n 
Gerjnany  ;  important  a'lditions  to  tlie  income-tax.  whieli  already 
produced  ^7.200.000  sterling  ]ier  annum  :  a  new  sns])('nsiun  of 
tlie  Habeas  ( 'or[)us ;  and,  la.-tly.  the  ini])fir1ant  nicasuri'  of  a 
union  with  Ireland.  But  in  England  the  public  was  deeply 
moved  by  so  Tuuch  sound  reason  and  elocjuence.  National 
men  throughout  all  Furo]-)c  wen>  struck  by  the  wrongs  done  to 


io8  HISTORY  OF  THE  JAN.  1800 

France,  and,  victory  siding  with  justice,  Mr.  Pitt  was  destined 
ere  long  to  atone,  by  severe  humiliations,  for  the  supercilious- 
ness of  his  policy  towards  the  First  Consul.  Meanwhile,  Mr. 
Pitt  was  enabled  to  furnish  the  coalition  with  the  means  for  a 
new  campaign  ;  the  last,  it  is  true,  on  account  of  the  exhaustion 
of  the  belligerent  parties,  and  the  most  fiercely  contested, 
precisely  because  it  was  to  be  the  last. 

In  this  critical  juncture,  the  First  Consul  sought  to  derive 
from  the  court  of  Prussia  all  the  utility  that  could  be  expected 
from  it  for  the  present.  That  court  would  not  have  been  able, 
in  the  face  of  such  powerful  adversaries,  to  restore  peace  in 
any  other  way  than  by  having  recourse  to  an  armed  mediation, 
a  part  not  impossible  for  it  to  play,  but  totally  inconsistent 
with  the  views  of  the  young  king,  who  was  applying  himself 
to  recruit  his  treasury  and  his  army,  while  all  around  him  were 
exhausting  themselves.  This  prince  had  already  sounded  the 
belligerent  powers,  and  had  found  them  so  far  from  the  mark, 
that  he  had  renounced  the  office  of  interposing  between  them. 
Besides,  the  Prussian  cabinet  had  certain  interested  views  of 
its  own.  It  had  no  objection  that  France  should  exhaust 
Austria,  and  that  she  should  exhaust  herself,  in  a  prolonged 
struggle ;  but  it  would  have  wished  her  to  relinquish  part  of 
the  line  of  the  Rhine,  and,  contenting  herself  with  Belgium  and 
Luxemburg,  in  that  quarter,  not  to  lay  claim  to  the  llhenish 
Provinces.  It  urged  the  First  Consul  to  adopt  these  views, 
hinting  that  France  and  Prussia,  if , less  close  neighbours,  would 
be  the  better  friends,  while  the  European  cabinets,  soothed  by 
this  moderation  of  France,  would  be  the  more  inclined  to  peace. 
But,  though  the  First  Consul  had  used  great  reserve  in  ex- 
plaining himself  on  this  point,  at  bottom  there  was  very  little 
hope  of  deciding  him  to  this  sacrifice  ;  and  in  all  this  the  cabinet 
of  Berlin  could  not  perceive  any  prospect  of  such  a  peace  as 
could  alone  satisfy  Prussia,  and  merit  her  active  intervention. 
It  was,  therefore,  prodigal  of  advice,  administered  in  a  dogmatic 
though  friendly  shape,  but  it  abstained  from  acting. 

Still  this  cabinet  might  be  useful  in  maintaining  the  neutrality 
of  the  north  of  Germany,  in  persuading  as  many  German  princes 
as  possible  to  enter  into  that  neutrality ;  lastly,  in  detaching 
the  Emperor  Paul  from  the  coalition.  As  for  these  objects, 
it  did  labour  with  zeal  to  accomplish  them,  because  it  was 
solicitous  to  strengthen  and  extend  the  neutrality  of  the  north 
of  Germany,  and  particularly  to  bring  over  Russia  to  its  views. 
Paul,  ever  extreme  in  his  sentiments,  became  every  day  more 
exasperated  against  Austria  and  England  ;  he  declared  publicly 
that  he  would  certainly  oblige  Austria  to  replace  the  Italian 
princes  on  their  thrones,  which  she  had  reconquered  with  the 
arms  of  Russia,  and  England  to  restore  to  the  Order  of  Malta 


JAN.  i8oo       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  109 

that  island  fortress,  which  she  was  on  the  point  of  reducing ;  he 
manifested  a  strange  passion  for  that  ancient  order  of  chivalry, 
and  had  made  himself  its  Grand  Master.  He  blamed  the 
manner  in  which  the  overtures  of  the  First  Consul  had  been 
received  in  London  and  Vienna,  and,  from  his  communications 
with  Prussia,  which  had  become  confidential,  it  might  be  per- 
ceived that  he  would  have  been  glad  if  similar  overtures  had 
been  addressed  to  himself.  The  First  Consul,  in  fact,  had  not 
ventured  upon  this  step,  for  fear  of  what  might  happen  with 
a  character  such  as  that  of  the  Czar.  Prussia,  apprised  of  all 
these  particulars,  communicated  them  to  the  French  cabinet, 
which  turned  them  to  its  advantage. 

Before  opening  the  campaign,  for  the  season  for  military 
operations  was  approaching,  the  First  Consul  desired  the  atten- 
dance of  M.  Sandoz,  the  Prussian  minister,  and  on  the  5th  of 
March  (14th  Ventose)  had  a  distinct  and  complete  explanation 
with  him.  After  recapitulating  at  length  all  that  he  had  done 
for  restoring  peace,  and  all  the  invincible  obstacles  and  want  of 
courtesy  which  he  had  met  with,  he  made  known  the  extent 
of  his  military  preparations,  and,  without  unveiling  his  pro- 
found combinations,  gave  the  Prussian  minister  a  glimpse  of 
the  magnitude  of  the  resources  which  France  still  possessed. 
He  then  declared  that,  full  of  confidence  in  Prussia,  he  ex- 
pected her  to  make  fresh  efforts  to  reconcile  the  belligerent 
powers,  while  he  should  be  engaged  in  fighting ;  that,  in  default 
of  a  general  peace,  of  which  there  was  little  probability  before 
a  new  campaign,  he  looked  for  two  services  from  King  Frederick 
William — the  reconciliation  of  the  Republic  with  Paul  I.,  and 
a  direct  interposition  with  the  Elector  of  Bavaria  to  withdraw 
that  prince  from  the  coalition.  "  Make  up  matters  for  us  with 
Paul,"  said  General  Bonaparte ;  "  decide,  at  the  same  time,  the 
Elector  of  Bavaria  to  refuse  his  troops  and  his  territory  to  the 
coalition,  and  you  will  have  rendered  us  two  services  which 
shall  not  be  forgotten.  If  the  Elector  accedes  to  our  requisi- 
tions, you  may  promise  him  all  the  consideration  he  can  desire 
during  the  war,  and  the  best  treatment  at  the  peace." 

The  First  Consul  explained  his  ulterior  views  to  the  Prussian 
envoy.  He  declared  to  him  that,  the  treaty  of  Campo-Formio 
being  the  basis  offered  for  the  future  negotiation,  our  frontier 
on  the  side  of  the  Rhine  would  be  a  question  to  be  discussed 
afterwards  with  the  Empire;  that  the  inde])endence  of  Hol- 
land, Switzerland,  and  the  Italian  States  should  be  formally 
guaranteed.  Without  explaining  himself  upon  the  point  where 
the  Rhine  should  cease  to  bound  the  French  frontier,  he  merely 
said  that  nobody  could  sup])ose  that  France  would  relinquish 
the  left  bank  at  all  events  above  Mayence,  but  that,  below  that 
place,    the   ]\Ioselle   or   the   ]\Ieuse   might   serve   i'or   boundary. 


no  HISTORY  OF  THE  jan.  1800 

There  could  be  no  question  as  to  France  retaining  Belgium 
and  Luxemburg.  He  added,  in  conclusion,  that,  if  Prussia 
rendered  France  the  services  which  she  was  in  a  position  to 
render  her,  he  would  engage  to  leave  to  the  cabinet  of  Berlin  a 
considerable  influence  in  the  negotiations  for  peace.  This  was,  in 
fact,  the  point  of  which  Prussia  was  most  tenacious,  for  she  wished 
to  take  part  in  these  negotiations  for  the  purpose  of  settling  the 
German  frontiers  in  the  manner  best  suited  to  her  views. 

This  communication,  so  seasonably  and  frankly  made,  pro- 
duced the  best  effect  in  Berlin.  The  king  replied  that,  with 
respect  to  the  Emperor  Paul,  he  had  already  employed  his  good 
offices,  and  would  further  employ  them,  to  reconcile  him  with 
France ;  that,  as  for  Bavaria,  encompassed  on  all  sides  by 
Austria,  he  could  do  nothing;  but  that,  if  the  Emperor  Paul 
could  be  brought  round,  it  might,  perhaps,  be  possible,  through 
the  combined  efforts  of  Prussia  and  Russia,  to  withdraw  the 
Elector  from  the  coalition. 

After  all  these  judiciously  concerted  proceedings,  nothing- 
remained  but  to  open  hostilities  as  speedily  as  possible.  The 
season  for  them,  however,  had  not  yet  quite  arrived,  and  it  was 
likely  to  arrive  later  than  usual  this  year,  because  France  had 
to  reorganise  her  armies,  in  part  disbanded,  and  Austria  had 
to  fill  the  chasm  left  by  Russia  in  the  ranks  of  the  coalition. 
The  First  Consul  thought  that  the  moment  was  come  for  settling- 
matters  in  La  Vendee  in  the  first  place,  for  putting  an  end 
to  the  odious  spectacle  of  civil  war ;  and,  in  the  second,  for 
rendering  disposable,  and  transferring  to  the  Rhine  and  the 
Alps,  the  excellent  troops  which  La  \"endee  detained  in  the 
interior  of  the  Republic. 

The  intimations  addressed  to  the  insurgent  provinces,  concur- 
rently with  the  offers  of  peace  made  to  the  foreign  powers,  had 
produced  the  greatest  effect  there.  These  intimations  had  been 
supported  by  an  imposing  force  of  about  60,000  men ;  drawn 
from  Holland,  from  the  interior,  and  even  from  Paris.  The 
First  Consul  had  had  the  boldness  to  stay  in  Paris,  then  full  of 
the  scum  of  every  party,  with  a  garrison  of  2300  men;  and  this 
boldness  he  had  carried  to  such  a  length  as  to  publish  the  fact. 
In  reply  to  the  English  ministers,  who  alleged  that  the  consular 
government  was  not  more  solid  than  the  preceding  governments, 
he  had  printed  a  comparative  statement  of  the  troops  in  Loudon 
and  in  Paris.  The  result  showed  that  London  was  guarded  by 
14,600  men,  Paris  by  2300.  This  number  was  scarcely  suffi- 
cient to  supply  the  ordinary  police  guards,  which  are  stationed 
at  the  great  public  establishments,  and  at  the  residences  of  the 
high  functionaries.  Evidently  the  name  of  General  Bonaparte 
guarded  Paris. 

Be  this  as  it  may,  the  insurgent  provinces  found  themselves 


JAN.  i8oo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  in 

enveloped,  before  they  were  aware,  by  a  formidable  army,  and 
thus  placed  between  an  immediate  and  generous  peace  and  the 
certainty  of  a  war  of  extermination.  Messrs.  d'Andigne  and 
Hyde  de  Neuville,  after  their  interviews  with  the  First  Consul, 
had  dismissed  all  their  illusions,  and  ceased  to  believe  that  he 
would  some  day  re-establish  the  Bourbons.  No  more  did  they 
believe  that  there  would  be  any  chance  of  conquering  such  a 
man.  M.  Hyde  de  Neuville,  who  had  been  sent  by  the  Count 
d'Artois  to  ascertain  the  state  of  things,  determined  to  return  to 
London,  unwilling,  for  his  own  jjart,  to  forsake  the  cause  of  the 
Bourbons,  but  convinced  of  the  impossibility  of  continuing  the 
war,  and  leaving  to  all  the  leaders  the  advice  to  do  what  the 
necessity  of  times  and  places  should  command  each  of  them,  M. 
d'Andigne  returned  to  Vendee,  to  report  what  he  had  seen. 

The  term  of  the  suspension  of  arms  was  about  to  expire.  It 
was  requisite  that  the  leaders  of  the  royalist  party  should  either 
sign  a  definitive  peace,  or  decide  to  engage  immediately  in  a 
mortal  struggle  with  a  formidable  army.  In  1793,  in  the  first 
enthusiasm  of  the  insurrection,  they  had  not  been  able  to 
conquer  the  1 6,000  men  of  the  garrison  of  Mayence,  and  had 
fought  heroic  and  sanguinary  battles,  with  no  other  result  than 
to  succumb  at  last.  What  could  they  now  do  against  60,000 
men,  the  first  ti'oops  in  Europe,  half  of  whom  only  had  just 
been  sufficient  to  drive  the  Ilussians  and  the  English  into  the 
sea  ?  Evidently  nothing :  and  this  opinion  was  universal  in  the 
insurgent  provinces ;  at  any  rate,  it  was  entertained,  more  or 
less,  in  each  of  them.  On  the  left  bank  of  the  Loire,  between 
Saumur,  Nantes,  and  Les  Sables,  in  short  in  old  Vendee,  drained 
of  men  and  of  everything,  people  were  wearied  out :  there  they 
estimated  this  last  assumption  of  arms,  occasioned  by  the  weak- 
ness and  the  severities  of  the  Directory,  at  its  real  value,  that  is 
to  say,  as  a  piece  of  folly.  On  the  right  bank,  about  Mans,  a 
country  which  had  also  been  the  theatre  of  a  desperate  struggle, 
these  sentiments  predominated.  In  Lower  Normandy,  where 
the  insurrection  was  of  more  recent  date,  where  M.  de  Frotte, 
a  young,  active,  crafty,  and  ambitious  chief,  was  the  leader  of 
the  royalists,  a  greater  disposition  was  shown  to  continue  the 
war.  This  was  also  the  case  in  the  Morbihan,  where  the  distance 
from  Paris,  the  vicinity  of  the  sea,  and  the  nature  of  the  ground, 
offered  more  resources,  and  where  Georges  Cadoudal.  a  chief  of 
ferocious  and  indomitable  energy,  upheld  the  courage  of  his 
partisans.  In  these  two  latter  ])rovinces,  tlie  more  rn>(|uent 
communications  with  tlie  English  contributed  to  ])roduce  a 
more  obstinate  resistance. 

From  one  end  of  ]^a  A^endee  and  Bretagne  to  the  otlier.  con- 
sultations were  held  resjiecting  tlie  course  to  be  pursued.  The 
emigrants  paid  by  England,  whose  attacliment  to  the  cause  was 


112  HISTORY  OF  THE  jan.  1800 

expressed  in  going  incessantly  to  and  fro,  and  who  had  not  to 
endure  all  the  consequences  of  the  insurrection,  were  in  fierce 
quarrel  with  the  country  people,  on  whom  the  burden  of  the 
civil  war  pressed  without  intermission.  The  former  insisted  that 
the  struggle  should  be  kept  up ;  the  latter,  on  the  contrary,  that 
it  should  be  relinquished.  These  representatives  of  an  interest 
more  English  than  royalist,  said  that  the  government  of  the 
Consuls  must  perish,  like  all  the  other  revolutionary  govern- 
ments, after  a  few  days  of  deceitful  appearance ;  that  it  must 
perish  from  the  disorder  of  the  finances  and  of  the  administra- 
tion; that  the  Russian  and  English  armies  were  to  send  a 
detachment  to  Vendee,  to  lend  a  hand  to  the  French  royalists ; 
that  the  latter,  if  they  would  but  have  patience  for  a  few  days, 
would  be  enabled  to  reap  the  fruit  of  ten  years'  efi:orts  and 
combats ;  and  that,  by  persisting,  they  would  probably  have  the 
honour  of  conducting  the  victorious  Bourbons  to  Paris.  Those 
insurgents,  who  were  not  in  the  habit  of  running  off  to  London, 
and  living  there  upon  English  money,  who  stayed  in  the  country 
with  their  peasants,  who  saw  their  estates  laid  waste,  their  houses 
burned,  their  wives  and  children  exposed  to  hunger  and  to 
death — these  said  that  General  Bonaparte  had  never  failed  in 
what  he  had  undertaken ;  that  in  Paris,  instead  of  believing  that 
all  was  falling  into  dissolution,  people  believed,  on  the  contrary, 
that  all  would  be  retrieved  by  the  lucky  hand  of  the  new  chief 
of  the  Republic ;  that  this  Republic,  which  was  said  to  be  ex- 
hausted, had  just  shown  them  an  army  of  6o,000  men  ;  that  those 
Russians  and  those  English  who  were  so  extolled  had  recently 
laid  down  their  arms  before  one-half  of  this  very  army ;  that  it 
was  easy  enough  in  London  to  form  fine  plans,  to  talk  of  attach- 
ment and  fortitude,  when  people  were  at  a  distance  from  the 
spot,  from  events,  and  from  their  consequences  ;  that  they  ought 
to  be  guarded  in  what  they  said  on  this  subject,  in  the  presence 
of  men  who,  for  eight  years,  had  borne  alone  the  brunt  of  a 
most  calamitous  civil  war.  Some  of  these  exhausted  royalists 
even  went  so  far  as  to  insinuate  that  General  Bonaparte,  in  his  im- 
pulsion towards  what  was  right,  after  restoring  peace,  putting  an 
end  to  persecution,  and  raising  the  altars  again,  would,  perhaps, 
re-establish  the  throne  also ;  and  they  repeated  the  idle  stories 
which  had  ceased  to  be  current  among  the  leading  royalists,  since 
the  interviews  between  Messrs.  d'Andigne  and  Hyde  de  Neuville 
with  the  First  Consul,  but  which  still  found  some  credence  among 
the  lowest  classes  of  the  insurgent  population,  and  contributed 
to  reconcile  their  minds  to  the  new  government. 

In  the  heart  of  old  Vendee,  there  was  an  humble  priest,  the 
Abbe  Bernier,  cur4  of  St.  Laud,  destined  soon  to  take  part  in 
the  affairs  of  the  Republic  and  of  the  Empire,  who,  by  supe- 
rior intelligence  and  natural  talents,  had  acquired  a  powerful 


JAN.  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  i  i  3 

ascendency  over  the  royalist  chiefs.  He  had  closely  observed  that 
long  insurrection,  which  had  led  to  nothing  but  calamities ;  he 
judged  that  the  cause  of  the  Bourbons  was  lost,  at  least  for  the 
moment ;  and  he  believed  that  it  was  not  possible  to  save  any- 
thing from  the  general  wreck  produced  by  the  PVench  Revolution, 
but  the  ancient  altar  of  Christianity.  Enlightened  on  this  point 
by  the  acts  of  the  First  Consul,  and  by  frequent  communica- 
tions with  General  Hedouville,  he  felt  no  further  doubt ;  and  he 
reckoned  upon  it  that,  in  submitting,  the  royalists  might  ensure 
peace,  the  end  of  their  persecutions,  and  toleration,  at  least,  if 
not  protection,  for  their  religious  worship.  He,  therefore,  re- 
commended submission  to  all  the  old  chiefs  of  the  left  bank, 
and,  by  his  influence,  silenced  the  braggarts  going  and  return- 
ing between  La  Vendee  and  London.  A  meeting  took  place  at 
Montfaucon,  and  there,  in  a  council  of  the  royalist  officers,  the 
Abbe  Bernier  decided  M.  d'Autichamp,  a  young  nobleman  of 
distinguished  bravery,  but  docile  towards  superior  intelligence, 
to  lay  down  arms  on  behalf  of  the  province.  The  capitulation 
was  signed  on  the  1 8th  of  January  (28th  Nivose).  The  Re- 
public promised  an  entire  amnesty,  respect  for  public  worship, 
remission  of  the  taxes  for  some  time  in  the  ravaged  provinces, 
and  erasure  of  all  the  chiefs  from  the  list  of  emigrants.  The 
royalists  promised,  in  return,  complete  submission,  and  the 
immediate  surrender  of  their  arms. 

On  the  same  day,  January  the  1 8th,  the  Abbe  Bernier  wrote 
to  General  Hedouville,  "Your  wishes  and  mine  are  accomplished. 
This  day,  at  two  o'clock,  peace  was  thankfully  accepted  by  all 
the  chiefs  and  officers  of  the  left  bank  of  the  Loire.  The  right 
bank  will  undoubtedly  follow  this  example,  and  the  olive  of 
peace  will  replace,  on  both  banks  of  tlie  Loire,  the  gloomy 
cypresses  which  war  has  planted  there.  I  charge  Messrs.  de 
Baurollicr.  Duboucher,  and  Renou  to  carry  you  the  hap])y 
tidings.  I  recommend  them  to  the  kindness  of  the  govei-nment 
and  to  yours.  Unjustly  inscribed  in  tlu'  fatal  list  of  1 793,  they 
have  been  stri]->ped  of  all  tlieir  ]iro]ierty.  This  sacrifice  tliey 
have  made  to  the  necessity  of  circumstances,  and  have  been  on 
that  account  not  the  less  desirous  of  peace.  This  peace  is  your 
work ;  maintain  it,  general,  by  justice  and  beneficence.  Your 
glory  and  your  happiness  are  linked  to  it.  I  will  do  all  that 
lies  in  my  power  in  fulfilment  of  your  salutary  intentions  ; 
wisdom  commands,  liuiuanity  wills  it.  ]\Iy  heart  belongs 
entirely  to  th(>  country  wherein  I  dwell,  and  its  ha])])iness  is 
the  most  ardent  of  my  wishes.  Bi:i;.\ii:i!." 

This  exam])le  produced  its  effect.  ^Fwo  days  afterwards  the 
insurgents  of  the  right  bank,  commanded  by  an  old  and  brave 
nobleman,  ls\.  de  Cliatillon,  and  disgusted,  like  him,  of  serving 

VO[,.    I.  H 


114  HISTORY  OF  THE  jan.  1800 

the  views  of  England  rather  than  the  cause  of  royalism,  sub- 
mitted :  all  old  Vendee  was  thus  pacified.  Extreme  was  the 
joy,  both  in  the  country,  where  royalism  prevailed,  and  in  the 
towns  where  reigned,  on  the  contrary,  the  spirit  of  the  Ke- 
volution.  In  several  towns,  such  as  Nantes  and  Angers,  the 
royalist  chiefs,  wearing  the  tri-coloured  cockade,  were  received  in 
triumph,  and  entertained  like  brothers.  In  all  quarters,  people 
began  to  surrender  their  arms,  and  to  submit  in  good  earnest, 
under  the  influence  of  an  opinion,  which  gradually  became 
general,  that  war,  without  restoring  the  Bourbons,  would  lead 
to  nothing  but  bloodshed  and  the  devastation  of  the  country ; 
that  submission,  on  the  contrary,  would  ensure  cpiiet,  safety, 
and  the  re-establishment  of  religion,  which,  of  all  things,  was 
most  fervently  desired. 

In  Ijretagne  and  Normandy,  however,  the  pacification  met  witli 
greater  obstacles.  The  war  in  these  parts  was  more  recent,  as 
we  have  just  observed,  and  had  not  so  completely  exhausted  the 
courage  of  those  engaged  in  it ;  besides,  it  produced  there  dis- 
graceful emolument,  while  in  La  Vendee  nothing  accrued  from 
it  but  sufferings.  It  was  in  the  centre  of  Bretaofne  and  towards 
Normandy,  that  all  the  Chouans,  that  is,  men  whom  insurrection 
had  habituated  to  plunder,  and  who  could  not  now  do  without 
it,  had  taken  refuge.  They  made  war  more  fiercely  upon  the 
chests  of  the  tax-collectors,  upon  the  diligences,  and  upon  the 
proprietors  of  national  domains,  than  vipon  the  Republic.  They 
were  in  connection  with  a  troop  of  persons  of  infamous  character 
resident  in  Paris,  and  from  these  received  the  information  which 
guided  them  in  their  expeditions.  Lastly,  in  L(^  JMorbihan,  which 
was  the  seat  of  the  most  obstinate  insurrection,  Georges,  the  only 
implacable  one  of  all  the  Vendean  chiefs,  received  from  the  Eng- 
lish, money  and  supplies  of  different  kinds,  to  enable  him  to  pro- 
long his  resistance  ;  hence  he  was  not  at  all  disposed  to  submit. 

But  preparations  had  been  made  for  crushing  such  of  the 
royalist  chiefs  as  would  not  submit.  On  the  2 1st  of  January 
(ist  of  Pluviose),  General  Cliabot,  breaking  the  suspension  of 
arms,  marched  against  the  bands  in  the  centre  of  Bretagne, 
commanded  by  ^Messrs.  de  Bourmont  and  de  la  Prevalaye. 
Near  the  commune  of  Melay,  he  overtook  M.  de  Bourmont, 
who,  at  the  head  of  4000  Chouans,  defended  himself  vigorously  ; 
but  was,  nevertheless,  obliged  to  give  way  to  the  republicans, 
acciistomed  to  put  to  rout  other  soldiers  tlian  peasants.  It 
was  not  without  great  difficulty  that  he  himself,  after  incur- 
ring the  greatest  danger,  found  means  to  escape.  Being  soon 
convinced  that  he  could  not  do  more  for  his  own  cause,  he 
surrendered  his  arms  on  the  24th  of  January  (4th  Pluviose). 

General  Chabot  then  marched  upon  Eennes,  intending  to 
joroceed    thence   towards    the    extremity    of    Bretagne,   where 


JAN.  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  115 

General  Brune  was  concentrating  a  large  force.  On  the  25tli 
of  January  (5tli  Pluviose),  several  columns,  setting  out  from 
Vannes,  Auray,  and  Elven,  under  Generals  Harty  and  Gency, 
fell  in  at  Grandchamp  with  the  bands  of  Georges.  The  two 
republican  generals  were  escorting  towards  Vannes  a  convoy 
of  corn  and  cattle,  which  they  had  seized  in  the  insurgent  dis- 
trict. The  Chouans,  having  attempted  to  retake  this  convoy, 
the  escorting  columns  enveloped  them,  and,  in  spite  of  the 
most  vigorous  resistance,  killed  400  men  and  several  chiefs,  and 
completely  routed  them.  Two  days  thereafter,  on  the  27th,  300 
more  Chouans  perished  in  a  very  smart  action  at  Heunebou, 
which  utterly  destroyed  all  the  hopes  of  the  insurrection.  Very 
near  the  coast  were  lying  an  English  80-gun  ship,  and  some 
frigates,  which  could  see  how  chimerical  were  the  illusions  with 
which  the  British  government  had  been  amused.  The  truth 
was,  each  party  had  deceived  the  other,  the  British  government 
in  promising  a  new  expedition  like  that  to  Holland,  the  Bretons 
in  announcing  a  general  rising.  Royalists,  recently  landed,  had 
great  difficulty  to  get  off  in  boats  to  the  English  squadron, 
and  were  received  like  emigrants  who  had  promised  much,  but 
performed  little.  Georges  was  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  laying 
down  his  arms,  and  gave  up  20,000  muskets  and  twenty  pieces 
of  cannon,  which  he  had  just  received  from  the  English. 

In  Lower  Normandy,  Generals  Gardanne  and  Chambarlhac, 
detached  from  the  garrison  of  Paris,  were  in  pursuit  of  M.  de 
Frotte,  a  young  chief  full  of  devotion  to  the  royalist  cause, 
and  who,  like  Georges,  was  bent  on  continuing  the  struggle. 
Some  severe  fighting  took  place  at  different  points.  At  length, 
on  the  25th  January  (5th  Pluviose),  M.  de  Frotte  was  over- 
taken by  General  Gardanne,  at  the  iron-works  of  Cosse,  near 
La  Motte-Fouquet,  and  lost  many  men.  On  the  26th  (6th 
Pluviose),  Duboisgny,  one  of  the  chiefs,  was  attacked  in  his 
chateau  of  the  same  name,  near  Fougeres,  and  like  Isl.  de  Frotte, 
sustained  considerable  loss.  Lastly,  on  the  27th  (7th  Pluviose), 
General  Chambarlhac  surrounded  some  companies  of  Chouans 
in  the  environs  of  St.  Christophe,  not  far  from  Alenron,  and  put 
them  to  the  sword. 

M.  de  Frotte,  percei^nng,  like  the  others,  but  unfortunately 
too  late,  that  all  resistance  was  useless  against  the  numerous 
columns  which  had  assailed  the  country,  M.  de  Frotte  thought 
it  high  time  to  submit.  He  wrote,  demanding  peace,  to  General 
Hedouville,  who.  at  that  moment,  was  at  Angers,  and,  while 
awaiting  an  answer,  proposed  a  suspension  of  arms  to  General 
Chambarlhac.  Tlie  latter  re^ilied  that  he  had  no  ]io\vers  to 
treat,  that  he  would  write  to  the  government  to  obtain  them, 
but  that,  in  the  m(\antime,  he  could  not  take  it  upon  him  to 
suspend  hostilities,  unless  i\I.  de  Frotte  consented  to  deliver  up 


ii6  HISTORY  OF  THE  feb.  1800 

the  arms  of  his  soldiers  immediately.  This  was  precisely  what 
M.  de  Frotte  had  the  greatest  objection  to  do.  He  consented, 
indeed,  to  submit,  and  to  sign  a  momentary  pacification,  but 
on  condition  of  remaining  armed,  so  that  he  might  afterwards 
seize  the  first  favourable  occasion  for  recommencing  the  war. 
He  even  wrote  letters  to  his  lieutenants,  in  which,  while  en- 
joining them  to  surrender,  he  recommended  to  them  to  retain 
their  arms.  During  this  interval,  the  First  Consul,  irritated 
at  the  obstinacy  of  M.  de  Frottd,  gave  orders  that  no  quarter 
should  be  given  to  him,  and  that  an  example  should  be  made 
on  his  person.  M.  de  Frotte,  uneasy  at  receiving  no  answer  to 
his  propositions,  wished  to  place  himself  in  communication 
with  General  Guidal,  commanding  the  department  of  the  Orne, 
and  was  apprehended  with  six  of  his  men  while  inquiring  for 
him.  The  letters  found  upon  him,  which  contained  orders  to 
his  followers  to  surrender,  but  to  keep  their  arms,  were  regarded 
as  treachery.  He  was  conducted  to  Verneuil,  and  given  up  to 
a  military  commission. 

The  news  of  his  apprehension  having  reached  Paris,  a  great 
number  of  intercessors  beset  the  First  Consul,  and  obtained  an 
order  for  suspending  the  proceedings ;  this  was  equivalent  to  a 
pardon.  But  the  courier  bearing  the  order  of  the  government 
arrived  too  late.  The  Constitution  being  suspended  in  the  in- 
surgent departments,  M.  de  Frotte  had  been  tried  summarily, 
and,  when  the  reprieve  arrived,  that  young  and  valiant  chief  had 
already  suffered  the  penalty  of  his  obstinacy.  The  duplicity  of 
his  conduct,  though  clearly  proved,  was  not  so  culpable  but  that 
we  must  deeply  regret  such  an  execution,  the  only  one,  by-the-by, 
which  stained  this  happy  conclusion  of  the  civil  war  with  blood. 

From  that  day,  the  departments  of  the  West  were  entirely 
pacified.  The  discretion  of  General  Hedouville,  the  vigour  and 
promptness  of  the  means  employed,  the  weariness  of  the  insur- 
gents, the  mixture  of  confidence  and  fear  infused  into  them  by 
the  First  Consul,  brought  about  this  rapid  pacification.  It  was 
completely  finished  by  the  end  of  February  1 800  (the  first  days 
of  Ventose).  The  disarming  was  carried  into  effect  everywhere. 
There  were  left  only  highway  robbers,  whom  active  and  relent- 
less justice  was  soon  to  overtake.  The  troops  on  duty  in  the 
West  were  put  in  march  for  Paris ;  they  were  required  to  carry 
out  the  vast  designs  of  the  First  Consul. 

The  Constitution,  suspended  in  the  four  departments  of  the 
Loire-Inferieure,  Hie  et  Vilaine,  Morbihan,  and  Cotes-du-Nord, 
was  again  put  in  force,  and  most  of  the  chiefs  who  came  to  lay 
down  their  arms,  were  successively  drawn  to  Paris,  with  the  in- 
tention of  placing  them  in  communication  with  the  First  Consul. 
The  latter  was  well  aware  that  it  was  not  sufficient  to  wrest  the 
arms  from  their  hands,  but  that  it  was  necessary  to  master  their 


FEB.  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  117 

spirits,  susceptible  of  enthusiasm,  and  to  direct  them  toward 
somen  oble  object.  He  wished  to  draw  the  royalist  chiefs  along 
with  him  in  the  immense  career  opened  at  that  moment  to  all 
the  French,  to  lead  them  to  fortune,  to  glory,  by  the  path  of 
danger,  which  they  were  accustomed  to  travel.  He  sent  them 
invitations  to  come  to  see  him.  His  renown,  which  awakened  a 
strong  desire  to  approach  him  in  all  those  who  had  opportunity 
for  doing  so;  his  beneficence,  already  much  extolled  in  La 
Vendde,  and  to  which  there  had  been  occasion  to  appeal  in 
behalf  of  the  numerous  victims  of  the  civil  war,  were,  with  the 
royalist  chiefs,  so  many  honourable  motives  for  visiting  him. 
The  First  Consul  admitted,  and  favourably  received,  in  the  first 
place,  the  Abb^  Bernier,  then  Messrs.  de  Bourmont,  d'Auti- 
champ,  de  Chatillon,  and,  lastly,  Georges  Cadoudal  himself. 
He  took  particular  notice  of  the  Abb^  Bernier,  and  resolved  to 
attach  him  to  himself,  by  employing  him  in  difficult  affairs  of 
the  Church.  He  conversed  frequently  with  the  military  chiefs, 
touched  them  bv  his  noble  lanefuaofe,  and  induced  some  of  them 
to  serve  in  the  French  armies.  He  even  found  means  to  win  the 
heart  of  M.  de  Chatillon,  who  returned  to  his  retreat,  married, 
and  became  the  usual  intercessor,  and  one  always  listened  to,  for 
his  fellow-citizens,  when  they  had  any  act  of  justice  or  humanity 
to  solicit  of  the  First  Consul.  It  is  by  means  of  glory,  clemency, 
and  beneficence,  that  an  end  is  put  to  revolutions. 

Georges  alone  withstood  this  high  influence.  When  he  was 
conducted  to  the  Tuileries,  the  aide-de-camp  ordered  to  introduce 
him  conceived  such  apprehensions  from  his  look,  that  he  deemed 
it  unsafe  to  shut  the  door  of  the  First  Consul's  cabinet,  and 
went  every  now  and  then  to  steal  a  glance  at  what  was  passing. 
The  interview  was  long.  In  vain  General  Bonaparte  addressed 
the  words  "native  country  and  glory  "  to  the  ears  of  Georges  ; 
in  vain  he  held  out  even  the  bait  of  ambition  to  the  heart  of 
that  fierce  champion  of  the  civil  war ;  he  had  no  success,  and 
he  felt  convinced  himself  that  he  had  failed  when  he  looked 
at  the  face  of  his  visitor.  Georges,  on  leaving  him,  set  out 
for  England  with  M.  Hyde  de  Xeuville.  Sevei'al  times,  when 
giving  his  fellow-traveller  an  account  of  this  interview,  he 
exclaimed,  showing  his  vigorous  arms,  "  What  a  blunder  I 
committed  in  not  strano-linj?  that  fellow  !  " 

This  prompt  pacification  of  La  Vendee  produced  a  strong 
effect  on  the  public  mind.  Some  malevolent  persons,  who  would 
not  account  for  it  by  its  natural  causes,  that  is  to  say,  by  the 
energy  of  the  physical  means  employed,  by  the  wisdom  of  the 
moral  means,  and  by  the  influence  of  the  great  name  of  the  First 
Consul,  asserted  that  secret  conventions  had  been  made  with 
the  Vendeans,  in  which  some  important  satisfaction  had  bet-n 
promised  them.     They  did  not  say  plainly,  but  they  insinuated. 


ii8  HISTORY  OF  THE  fee.  1800 

that  this  would,  perhaps,  turn  out  to  be  much  more  than  the 
re-establishment  of  the  principles  of  the  ancient  system,  that  of 
the  Bourbons  themselves.  It  was  the  newsmongers  of  the  revo- 
lutionary party  who  circulated  these  ridiculous  stories :  but 
sensible  people,  appreciating  better  the  acts  of  General  Bona- 
parte, said  to  themselves  that  men  never  did  such  great  things 
for  others,  and  felt  convinced  that,  if  he  was  not  labouring  solely 
for  France,  it  was  at  least  for  himself,  and  not  for  the  Bour- 
bons. On  the  whole,  the  pacification  of  La  Vendee  was,  in  the 
estimation  of  all,  one  of  the  most  fortunate  events,  foreboding  a 
more  important  and  more  difficult  peace — the  peace  of  Europe. 
Before  opening  the  campaign  this  year,  the  First  Consul 
hastened  to  close  the  session  of  the  Legislative  Body,  and  to 
press  the  adoption  of  the  numerous  bills  {projets  de  lot)  which 
he  had  presented.  Some  members  of  the  Tribunate  complained 
of  the  rapidity  with  which  they  were  required  to  discuss  and  vote. 
"  We  are,"  said  Sedillez,  an  impartial  and  moderate  man,  "we 
are  hurried  away  in  a  ivhMivmd  of  urgency,  the  rapid  movement 
of  which  is  directed  towards  the  object  of  our  wishes.  Is  it  not 
better  to  give  way  to  the  impetuosity  of  this  movement  than  to 
run  the  risk  of  impeding  its  progress  ?  Next  year  we  shall  exa- 
mine, with  more  deliberation,  the  bills  (projets)  presented,  and 
we  shall  rectify  what  may  need  rectifying."  Everything,  in 
fact,  was  advancing  hastily  towards  that  goal  which  the  First 
Consul  had  proposed  to  himself.  The  laws  voted  were  carried 
into  execution ;  the  functionaries  appointed  were  repairing  to 
their  posts.  The  new  prefects  entered  upon  office,  and  the  ad- 
ministration resumed,  in  all  its  parts,  a  harmony,  an  activity, 
which  it  had  never  before  had.  The  arrears  of  taxes  flowed 
into  the  coffers  of  the  treasury,  since  the  completion  of  the 
assessments  enabled  the  collectors  to  demand  payment  from  the 
tax-payers  in  legal  form.  Every  day,  new  measures  denoted 
more  clearly  the  political  march  of  the  government.  A  second 
list  of  prescripts  had  just  obtained  the  favour  of  recall.  Among 
these  figured  a  number  of  writers.  Messrs.  de  Fontanes,  de  la 
Harpe,  Suard,  Sicard,  Michaud,  Fievee,  were  recalled  from 
exile,  or  authorised  to  leave  their  retreats.  The  members  of  the 
Constituent  Assembly,  known  for  having  voted  the  abolition  of 
the  feudal  institutions,  were  exempted  from  all  the  severities 
launched  at  them  under  the  Convention  and  the  Directory.  A 
famous  prescript  of  the  18th  of  Fructidor,  who  negotiated  and 
signed  the  first  treaty  of  peace  concluded  by  the  Republic,  the 
ex-director,  Barth^lemy,  was,  on  the  proposition  of  the  Consuls, 
nominated  Senator.  Lastly,  another  prescript  of  the  same  date, 
Carnot,  recently  returned  from  exile,  and  since  then  appointed 
inspector  of  reviews,  was  now  appointed  minister  of  war,  in  lieu 
of  General  Berthier,  who  was  setting  out  to  take  the  command 


FEB.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  119 

of  one  of  the  armies  of  the  Republic.  The  name  of  Carnot  was 
then  a  great  military  name,  with  which  was  associated  the  recol- 
lection of  the  victories  of  the  Convention  in  '93  ;  and,  though 
the  name  of  General  Bonaparte  was  sufficient  to  make  the 
coalition  tremble,  still  that  of  Carnot,  added  to  his,  produced  an 
additional  sensation  among  the  foreign  staffs. 

The  session  drawing  towards  a  close,  the  opposition  in  the 
Tribunate  made  a  last  effort,  which  caused  some  agitation, 
though  it  was  repulsed  by  a  great  majority.  The  Legislative 
Body  was  to  sit  but  four  months.  No  term  had  been  fixed 
for  the  sessions  of  the  Tribunate.  That  body,  therefore,  was  at 
liberty  to  meet,  though  the  absence  of  the  Legislative  Body 
left  it  without  occupation.  A  motion  was  made  that  it  should 
create  an  employment  for  its  time  by  means  of  the  petitions 
which  it  alone  was  charged  to  receive,  and  the  wishes  which 
it  was  authorised  to  express  concerning  matters  of  general 
interest.  jVI.  Benjamin  Constant  proposed  to  refer  these 
petitions  to  distinct  commissions,  to  keep  them  continually  at 
work,  and  to  reserve  for  themselves,  by  this  method,  not  only 
the  discussion  of  all  the  acts  of  the  government,  a  thing 
perfectly  legitimate  in  itself,  but  their  permanent  discussion 
during  the  twelve  months  of  the  year.  This  proposition  was 
negatived,  in  so  far  as  it  was  objectionable.  It  was  decided 
that  the  Tribunate  should  meet  once  a  fortniglit,  to  hear  a  report 
on  petitions,  and  that  this  report  should  be  drawn  up  by  the 
bureau  of  the  assembly,  composed  of  the  president  and  the 
secretaries.  Confined  within  these  limits,  the  proposition  gave 
no  cause  for  uneasiness. 

With  the  exception  of  this  last  effort,  the  close  of  the 
session  was  perfectly  peaceable,  even  in  the  Tribunate.  The 
plans  of  the  government  had  there  obtained  such  a  majority,  that 
it  required  very  great  susceptibility  to  be  angry  with  that  body 
for  the  opposition  of  a  score  of  its  members.  The  First  Consul, 
disposed  as  he  was  not  to  ])ut  up  with  anything  unpleasant, 
resolved  to  let  that  pass.  Thus  this  first  session,  termed  that 
of  the  year  VIII..  realised,  in  no  respect,  tlie  fears  which  certain 
propagators  of  bad  news  afft'cted  to  ent(M"tain.  If.  at  a  later 
period,  tilings  had  continued  at  this  point,  people  would  have 
made  shift  with  this  last  semblance  of  deliberative  assemblies. 
That  alarined  generation  and  the  chief  whom  it  had  adopted 
would  alike  have  sup])orted  tliem. 

Shortly  before  the  close  of  the  session,  the  First  Consul  took 
a  measure  relative  to  the  ])eriodical  press,  which  would  now-a- 
days  be  nothing  less  than  utterly  impracticable,  but  which, 
at  that  time,  owing  to  tlie  silence  of  tiie  Constil  ution,  was  a 
measure  perfectly  legal,  and,  owing  to  1lie  s]>irit  of  the  time, 
nearlv  insio-nificant.      The  Constitution,  in  fact,  took   no   notice 


120  HISTORY  OF  THE  feb.  1800 

of  the  periodical  press,  and  it  will  aj)pear  astonishing  that  so 
important  a  liberty  as  that  of  writing  had  not  even  obtained 
special  mention  in  the  fundamental  law  of  the  State.  But,  in 
those  days,  the  tribune,  as  well  that  of  the  assemblies  as  that 
of  the  clubs,  had  been,  with  the  revolutionary  passions,  the 
favourite  channel  for  displaying  themselves  ;  and  the  liberty  of 
speech  had  been  so  much  used,  that  the  liberty  of  writing  was 
thought  little  of.  At  the  epoch  of  the  i8th  of  Fructidor,  the 
press  was  rather  more  employed,  but  chiefly  by  the  royalists,  and 
it  excited  such  irritation  against  itself  among  the  revolutionists 
that  they  afterwards  felt  very  little  interest  for  it.  It  was, 
therefore,  suffered  to  be  proscribed  on  the  1 8th  of  Fructidor,  and 
to  be  omitted  in  framing  the  Constitution  of  the  year  YIII.,  and 
thenceforth  abandoned  to  the  good  pleasure  of  the  government. 

The  First  Consul,  who  had  endured  with  little  patience  the 
attacks  of  the  royalist  journals,  when  he  was  merely  general  of 
the  army  of  Italy,  began  now  to  be  uneasy  about  the  indis- 
cretions committed  by  the  press  in  regard  to  his  military 
operations,  and  the  virulent  attacks  against  foreign  governments 
in  which  it  indulged.  Applying  himself  in  a  most  particular 
manner  to  reconcile  the  Eepublic  with  Europe,  he  was  appre- 
hensive lest  the  republican  papers,  launching  out  against  foreign 
cabinets,  especially  since  the  refusal  of  the  offers  of  France, 
should  frustrate  all  his  efforts  at  reconciliation.  The  King  of 
Prussia,  in  particular,  had  found  reason  to  complain  of  some 
French  journals,  and  had  expressed  his  displeasure.  The  First 
Consul,  who  was  desirous  to  efface  everywhere  the  traces  of 
violence,  and  who,  moreover,  was  not  restrained,  in  regard  to 
the  liberty  of  the  press,  by  any  firm  and  established  public 
opinion,  such  as  exists  in  our  days,  took  a  decision  by  which  he 
suppressed  a  great  number  of  journals,  and  specified  those  which 
should  have  the  privilege  of  continuing  to  appear.  This  ar- 
rangement was  to  remain  in  force  till  the  general  peace.  The 
journals  retained  were  thirteen  in  number.  These  were,  the 
Moniteur  Universel,  the  Journal  desDebats,  the  Journal  de  Paris, 
the  Bkn-Informi,  the  Publiciste,  the  Ami  des  Lois,  the  Clef  du 
Cahinet,  the  Citoycn  Francais,  the  Gazette  dc  France,  the  Jovr- 
nal  des  Hommes  Zibres,  the  Journal  die  Soir,  the  Journal  dcs 
Bdfenseurs  de  la  Fatrie,  and  the  Ddcadc  Fliilosophiquc. 

These  favoured  journals  were,  moreover,  apprised  that  such 
of  them  as  should  publish  articles  against  the  Constitution, 
against  the  armies,  their  glory,  or  their  intei'est,  or  should  pub- 
lish invectives  against  any  foreign  government,  friends  or  allies 
of  France,  should  be  immediately  suppressed. 

This  measure,  which  would  appear  so  extraordinary  at  the  pre- 
sent day,  was  received  without  murmur  and  without  astonishment, 
for  the  value  of  things  is  de2:»endent  on  the  sjoirit  that  prevails. 


FEB.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  121 

The  votes  required  of  the  citizens  on  the  subject  of  the  new 
Constitution  had  been  collected  and  counted.  The  result  of 
this  operation  was  communicated  to  the  Senate,  to  the  Legisla- 
tive Body,  and  to  the  Tribunate,  by  a  message  from  the  Con- 
suls. None  of  the  anterior  Constitutions  have  been  accepted 
by  so  large  a  number  of  votes. 

In  1793,  1,800,000  votes  had  been  recorded  in  favour  of 
the  Constitution  of  that  epoch,  and  1 1 ,000  against  it ;  for  the 
Directorial  Constitution  of  1795,  the  numbers  were  1,057,000 
favourable  votes,  and  49,000  negative  votes.  This  time,  more 
than  3,000,000  voters  had  come  forward;  of  these  3,000,000 
adopted  the  Constitution,  and  1500  only  rejected  it.*  Most 
assuredly  these  vain  formalities  have  no  weight  with  serious 
minds.  It  is  not  from  these  vulgar  and  frequently  lying  signs, 
but  from  the  moral  aspect  of  a  society,  that  its  will  is  to  be  in- 
ferred. But  the  difference  in  the  number  of  voters  had,  in  this 
case,  an  incontestable  signification.  It  proved,  at  least,  how 
general  was  the  sentiment  that  called  for  a  strong  and  reparative 
government,  capable  of  ensuring  order,  victory,  and  peace. 

The  First  Consul,  before  his  departure  for  the  army,  at  length 
decided  on  an  important  step :  he  took  up  his  abode  in  the 
Tuileries.  Considering  the  disposition  of  many  to  find  in  him 
a  Caesar,  a  Cromwell,  destined  to  put  an  end  to  the  reign  of 
anarchy  by  the  reign  of  power,  this  removal  to  the  palace  of 
kings  was  a  bold  and  delicate  step,  not  on  account  of  any 
resistance  that  it  could  provoke,  but  of  tlie  moral  effect  which 
it  might  possibly  produce. 

The  First  Consul  caused  it  to  be  ]ireceded  by  an  imposing 
and  skilfully  contrived  ceremony.  Washington  was  just  dead. 
The  decease  of  tliis  illustrious  personage,  who  had  filled  the  con- 
clusion of  the  last  century  with  his  name,  was  a  subject  of  regret 
for  all  the  friends  of  freedom  in  Europe.  The  First  Consul, 
judging  tliat  a  manifestation  on  this  subject  would  be  oppor- 
tune, addressed  the  following  order  of  the  day  to  the  armies  : — 

"Washington  is  dead!  That  great  man  fought  against 
tyranny ;  he  consolidated  the  independence  of  his  country. 
Jlis  name  will  ever  be  dear  to  the  French  nation,  as  to  all  tlie 
free  men  of  both  worlds,  and  especially  to  French  soldiers,  who. 
like  him  and  his  American  soldiers,  are  fighting  for  equality 
and  liberty."  In  consecpience,  a  ten  days'  mourning  was 
ordered.  'J'liis  monrning  was  to  consist  in  a  \)\ece  of  black 
crape  suspended  from  all  the  colours  of  the  Kepublic.  The 
First   Consul    did   not    sto])   there:    he    gave    directions    for    a 

*  Tlie  exact  rmnibers  wfic  as  follow:  in  1793.  1,801,918  favoiiral)k- votes, 
and  11,610  dissentient;  in  1795,  1,057,390  favourable  votes,  aii<l  40.95s  dis- 
sentient ;  in  1800,  out  of  3,012,569  voters,  3,011,007  were  la\ ourahlf,  and  1562 
diss(!ntient. 


1 2  2  HISTOR  Y  OF  THE  mar.  i  800 

noble  and  simple  ceremony  to  take  place  in  the  church  of 
the  Invalides,  called  in  the  ephemeral  language  of  the  time, 
"  the  Temple  of  Mars."  The  colours  taken  in  Egypt  had  not 
yet  been  presented  to  the  government.  General  Lannes  was 
charged  to  deliver  them,  on  this  occasion,  to  the  minister  of 
war,  beneath  the  magnificent  dome  erected  by  the  great  king 
for  our  country's  veterans. 

On  the  9th  of  February  (20th  Pliiviose),  all  the  authorities 
having  assembled  at  the  Invalides,  General  Lannes  presented 
to  Berthier,  minister  of  war,  ninety-six  pair  of  colours,  taken 
at  the  Pyramids,  at  Mount  Tabor,  and  at  Aboukir.  He  made 
a  short  martial  speech,  to  which  Berthier  gave  a  similar  reply. 
The  latter  was  seated  between  two  invalids  a  hundred  years  old, 
facing  the  bust  of  Washington,  overhung  by  a  thousand  flags, 
trophies  won  from  Europe  by  the  armies  of  republican  France. 

Not  far  from  this  spot  a  ti'ibune  was  prepared.  A  prescript, 
who  owed  his  liberty  to  the  policy  of  the  First  Consul,  ascended 
to  it :  this  was  M.  de  Fontanes ;  a  pure  and  brilliant  writer, 
the  last  who  employed  that  French  language,  formerly  so  per- 
fect, but  now  swept  with  the  eighteenth  century  into  the  abyss 
of  the  past.  In  studied  but  splendid  language,  M.  de  Fontanes 
delivered  a  funeral  oration  on  the  hero  of  America.  He  cele- 
brated the  military  virtues  of  Washington,  his  valour,  his  wisdom, 
his  disinterestedness :  he  placed  far  above  the  military  genius, 
which  knows  how  to  gain  victories,  the  reparative  genius, 
which  understands  how  to  put  an  end  to  civil  wars,  to  close 
the  wounds  of  the  country,  and  to  give  peace  to  the  world. 
Evoking  the  shade  of  Washington,  he  called  also  to  witness 
the  shades  of  Turenne.  of  Catinat,  of  Conde,  and  speaking,  as  it 
were,  in  the  name  of  these  great  men,  he  delivered,  in  the  most 
delicate  and  appropriate  language,  a  panegyric,  which  for  once 
was  full  of  nobleness,  because  it  was  full  of  lessons  of  wisdom. 

"Yes,"  he  exclaimed  in  conclusion;  "yes,  thy  counsels  will 
be  listened  to,  0  Washinp-ton !  0  warrior !  0  legislator !  0 
citizen  without  reproach !  He  who  while  yet  young  surpassed 
thee  in  battles,  shall  close,  like  thee,  with  his  triumphant  hands 
the  wounds  of  his  country.  Ere  long — we  have  pledges  for 
it  in  his  will,  and  in  his  martial  genius,  if  that  should  unfor- 
tunately be  necessary — ere  long  the  hymn  of  peace  will  resound 
in  this  temple  of  war ;  then  will  a  universal  feeling  of  joy  efface 
from  memory  all  injustices  and  all  oppressions  .  .  .  already 
the  oppressed  forget  their  sufferings  and  put  their  trust  in  the 
future !  .  .  .  The  acclamations  of  all  ages  will  celebrate  the 
hero  who  shall  confer  this  benefit  on  France,  and  on  the  world 
which  she  has  too  long  shaken." 

This  speech  being  finished,  black  crape  was  fastened  to  all 
the   colours,  and   the   French   Republic  was   deemed  to  be   in 


MAE.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  123 

mourning  for  the  founder  of  the  American  Republic,  like  the 
monarchies  which  put  themselves  in  mourning  for  the  losses 
sustained  by  each  other.     What  did  this  ceremony  still  require, 
before  it  could  equal  in  grandeur  those  funeral  scenes  at  which 
Louis  XIV.  was  wont  to  be  present,  and  to  hear  the  praise  of 
one  of  his  warriors  from  the  lips  of  Flechier  or  of  Bossuet  ?     Of 
a  surety  it  was  neither  in  the  greatness  of  the  events  or  of  the 
men  that  aught  was  lacking;  for  the  orator  was  speaking  of 
Washington  before  General  Bonaparte,  he  was  speaking  amidst 
an  audience  which   had  also  beheld   Charleses  ascending  the 
scaffold,  and  even  crowned  female  heads  following  them  to  it. 
He  might  introduce  at  choice  the  names  of  Fleurus,  Arcole, 
Rivoli,  Zurich,  the  Pyramids,  and  these  magnificent  ^actories 
would    assuredly    serve    to    impart    not    less    grandeur   to    an 
harangue,  than  those  of  the  Dunes  and  Rocroy !     What,  then, 
was  wanting  to  render  this  solemnity  truly  grand  ?     There  was 
wanting  what  the  greatest  of  men  himself  could  not  infuse  into 
it ;  there  was  wanting,  in  the    first   place,  religion ;  not    that 
which  men  affect  and  strain  to  possess,  but  that  which  is  sincere 
and  spontaneous,  and  without  which  the  dead  are  always  but 
coldly  celebrated  ;  there  was  wanting  the  genius  of  Bossuet,  for 
there  are  species  of  greatness  which  never  reappear  in  nations, 
and    if    the   Turennes    and   the    Condc^s    have    successors,   the 
Bossuets  have  none ;  lastly,  there  was  wanting  a  certain  sin- 
cerity, for  this  homage  to  a  hero  renowned  above  all  for  his  dis- 
interestedness was  too  visibly  affected.     Still,  let  us  not  believe, 
with  the  herd  of  vulgar  interpreters,  that  on  this  occasion  all 
was  pure  hypocrisy :  no  doubt  there  was  some,  but  there  were 
also  tlie  ordinary  illusions  of  the  time  and  of  all  times.     Men,  in 
fact,  deceive  themselves  more  frequently  than  they  deceive  others. 
Many  Frenchmen,  like  the  Romans  under  Augustus,  still  believed 
in  the  Republic,  because  its  name  was  assiduously  pronounced ; 
and  it  is  not  very  certain  that  the  institutor  of  this  funeral  cere- 
mony, that  General  Bonaparte  himself,  did  not  deceive  himself 
while  celebrating  Washington,  and  fancy,  in  fact,  that  in  France 
as  in  America,  a  man  might  be  the  first  citizen,  without  being 
king  or  emperor. 

This  ceremony  was  the  prelude  to  the  installation  of  the  three 
Consuls  in  the  Tuileries.  The  repairs  rerjuired  by  that  palace 
had  been  for  a  considerable  time  in  progress ;  the  traces  left  by 
the  Convention  were  effaced  :  the  red  caps,  which  it  had  ordered 
to  be  placed  amidst  the  gilded  ceilings,  were  removed.  The 
First  Consul  was  to  occupy  the  apartments  on  the  first  floor,  the 
same  appropriated  by  tlx'  ]->resent  reigning  family  for  evening 
rece])tions.  His  wife  and  her  children  were  to  occu]n'  a])ait- 
ments  on  the  entresol.  Tlie  gallery  of  Diana  was.  as  at  present, 
the  vestibule,  through  which  one  was  obliged  to  ])ass.  in  order  I0 


124  HISTORY  OF  THE  mar.  1800 

reach  the  abode  of  the  head  of  the  State.  The  First  Consul 
caused  it  to  be  adorned  with  busts  representing  a  series  of 
great  men,  and  took  pains  to  mark,  by  the  choice  of  these  busts, 
the  predilections  of  his  mind :  there  were  Demosthenes,  Alex- 
ander, Hannibal,  Scipio,  Brutus,  Cicero,  Cato,  Csesar,  Gustavus 
Adolphus,  Turenne,  Conde,  Duguai-Trouin,  Marlborough,  Eugene, 
Marshal  Saxe,  Washington,  Frederick  the  Great,  Mirabeau,  Du- 
gommier,  Dampierre,  Marceau,  Joubert,  that  is  to  say,  warriors 
and  orators,  champions  of  liberty  and  conquerors,  heroes  of  the 
ancient  monarchy  and  of  the  Republic ;  lastly,  four  generals  of 
the  Revolution,  who  had  fallen  in  battle.  To  assemble  around 
him  the  glories  of  all  ages  and  of  all  countries,  as  he  was  desirous 
of  assembling  all  the  parties  around  his  government — such  was 
on  all  occasions  the  disposition  which  he  was  fond  of  manifesting. 

But  he  was  not  to  occupy  the  Tuileries  exclusively.  His 
two  colleagues  were  to  reside  there  too.  Lebrun  was  lodged  in 
the  pavilion  of  Flora.  As  for  Cambac(5res,  who  ranked  before 
Lebrun,  he  refused  to  take  up  his  abode  in  this  palace  of  kings. 
This  personage,  possessing  consummate  prudence,  perhaps  the 
only  man  of  his  time  who  had  not  given  way  to  any  illusion, 
this  personage  said  to  his  colleague  Lebrun,  "  It  would  be  wrong 
for  us  to  go  and  live  in  the  Tuileries ;  it  is  not  a  fitting  place  for 
us,  and,  for  my  part,  I  shall  not  go.  General  Bonaparte  will 
soon  want  to  live  there  alone,  and  then  we  should  have  to  move 
out.  'Tis  better  not  to  go  there  at  all.  "  Neither  did  he  go, 
but  he  contrived  to  get  a  handsome  house  in  the  Place  du 
Carrousel  assigned  to  him,  and  this  he  retained  as  long  as 
Napoleon  retained  the  Empire. 

When  all  was  arranged,  a  few  days  after  the  funeral  ceremony 
at  the  Invalides,  the  First  Consul  resolved  to  take  possession  of 
the  Tuileries  publicly.     He  did  so,  in  great  state. 

On  the  19th  of  February  (the  30th  Pluviose),  he  quitted  the 
Luxembourg  to  repair  to  his  new  palace,  preceded  and  followed 
by  an  imposing  escort.  The  fine  regiments  which  had  recently 
marched  from  Holland  into  La  Yendc^e,  from  La  Vendee  to 
Paris,  and  which  were  soon  to  signalise  themselves  for  the 
hundredth  time  on  the  plains  of  Germany  and  Italy,  those  regi- 
ments, commanded  by  Lannes,  Murat,  Bessieres,  opened  the 
procession.  Then  came,  in  carriages  almost  all  hired,  the 
ministers,  the  Council  of  State,  the  public  authorities;  then  in 
a  handsome  coach,  drawn  by  six  white  horses,  the  three  Consuls 
themselves.  These  horses  were  particularly  suited  to  the  occa- 
sion; they  were  the  same  that  the  Emperor  of  Germany  had 
given  to  General  Bonaparte  on  concluding  the  peace  of  Campo- 
Formio.  The  general  had  also  been  presented  by  that  sovereign 
with  a  magnificent  sword,  which  he  took  care  to  wear  on  that 
dav.     Thus  he  exhibited  about  him  all  that  served  to  remind  the 


MAR.  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  125 

public  of  the  warrior-peacemaker.  The  concourse  of  people  col- 
lected in  the  streets  and  on  the  quays  leading  to  the  Tuileries 
hailed  his  presence  with  loud  acclamations.  These  acclamations 
were  sincere,  for  they  greeted  in  him  the  glory  of  France  and 
the  commencement  of  her  prosperity.  On  reaching  the  Car- 
rousel, the  coach  of  the  Consuls  was  received  by  the  consular 
guard,  and  passed  between  two  guard-houses,  erected,  one  on 
the  right,  the  other  on  the  left  of  the  palace-yard.  On  one  of 
these  was  still  seen  this  inscription:  "Royalty  in  France  is 
abolished,  and  shall  never  be  re-established." 

No  sooner  had  he  entered  the  court  than  the  First  Consul 
mounted  a  horse  and  reviewed  the  troops  drawn  up  before  the 
palace.  When  opposite  to  the  colours  of  the  96th,  the  43rd, 
and  the  30th  demi-brigades,  colours  blackened,  torn  by  balls,  he 
saluted  them,  and  was  saluted  in  his  turn  by  the  shouts  of  the 
soldiers.  After  passing  along  their  ranks,  he  stationed  himself 
before  the  pavilion  of  Flora,  and  saw  them  defile  before  him. 
Over  his  head,  on  the  balcony  of  the  palace,  were  the  other  two 
Consuls,  the  principal  authorities,  lastly,  his  family,  who  began 
to  have  rank  in  the  State.  When  the  review  was  over,  he  went 
up  to  the  apartments ;  the  minister  of  the  interior  presented  to 
him  the  civil  authorities ;  the  minister  of  war  presented  the 
military  authorities ;  the  minister  of  the  marine  all  the  naval 
officers  who  chanced  to  be  in  Paris.  In  the  course  of  the  day. 
entertainments  were  given  in  the  Tuileries  and  in  the  houses  of 
the  ministers. 

The  service  of  the  consular  palace  was  regulated  as  follows : 
M.  Beuezech,  councillor  of  state,  formerly  minister  of  the  in- 
terior, was  charged  with  the  general  administration  of  this 
palace.  The  aides-de-camp,  and  Duroc  in  particular,  were  to  do 
the  honours,  and  to  supply  the  place  of  that  multitude  of  officers 
of  all  kinds  that  usually  fill  the  spacious  apartments  of  Euro- 
pean sovereigns.  Every  fortnight,  on  the  2nd  and  17th  of  each 
month,  the  First  Consul  received  the  diplomatic  body.  Once  in 
the  decade,  on  different  days,  but  at  fixed  hours,  he  received  the 
Senators,  the  members  of  the  Legislative  Body,  of  the  Tribunate, 
and  of  the  Tribunal  of  Cassation.  The  functionaries  who  wished 
to  have  audience  with  him  had  to  address  themselves  to  the 
ministers,  to  whose  department  they  belonged,  in  order  to  be 
presented  to  him.  On  the  2nd  Ventose  (the  2ist  of  February), 
two  days  after  his  installation  at  the  Tuileries,  he  gave  auditnice 
to  the  diplomatic  body.  Surrounded  by  a  numerous  staff,  he 
received  the  envoys  of  tli(^  States  who  were  not  at  war  with  the 
Republic.  Introduced  by  M.  Benezecli.  pr(>S(>nted  by  the  iniiiister 
for  foreign  affairs,  they  delivered  their  credentials  to  the  First 
Consul,  who  handed  them  to  the  minister,  nearly  in  tlie  same 
manner  as  sovereitrns  do   in    monarchical    iT'ivernmeuts.     The 


126  HISTORY  OF  THE  CONSULATE.       mar.  1800 

foreign  ministers  who  figured  at  this  audience  were  M.  de 
Musquiz,  ambassador  of  Spain ;  M.  de  Sandoz  Rollin,  minister 
of  Prussia ;  M.  de  Schimmelpenninck,  ambassador  of  Holland ; 
M.  de  Serbelloni,  envoy  of  the  Cisalpine  Republic;  lastly,  the 
charges  d'affaires  of  Denmark,  Sweden,  Switzerland,  Baden, 
Hesse-Cassel,  Rome,  Genoa,  &c.  (3Ioniteur,  4th  Ventose,  year 
VIII) 

The  presentation  over,  these  different  ministers  were  intro- 
duced to  Madame  Bonaparte. 

Every  five  days,  the  First  Consul  reviewed  the  regiments  pass- 
ing through  Paris  on  their  way  to  the  frontiers.  It  was  then 
that  he  showed  himself  to  the  troops  and  to  the  multitude,  always 
eager  to  see  him.  Thin,  pale,  stooping  upon  his  horse,  he  inspired 
not  less  interest  than  admiration  by  a  severe  and  melancholy 
beauty,  by  an  appearance  of  ill-health,  which  began  to  excite 
great  uneasiness,  for  never  was  the  preservation  of  any  man  so 
ardently  wished  for  as  his. 

After  these  reviews,  the  officers  of  the  troops  were  admitted 
to  his  table.  The  foreign  ministers,  the  members  of  the  assem- 
blies, the  magistrates  and  functionaries,  were  invited  to  enter- 
tainments, at  which  a  moderate  luxury  prevailed.  At  this  nascent 
court,  there  were  not  yet  either  ladies  of  honour  or  chamberlains  : 
its  tone  was  certainly  austere,  but  already  rather  elegant.  Care 
was  taken  to  avoid  the  habits  of  the  Directory,  under  which  a 
ridiculous  imitation  of  ancient  costume,  joined  to  licentiousness 
of  manners,  had  taken  away  all  dignity  from  the  external  repre- 
sentation of  the  government.  There  was  little  conversation  ; 
people  observed  one  another:  their  eyes  were  fixed  upon  the 
extraordinary  personage  who  had  already  achieved  such  great 
things,  and  who  gave  reason  to  hope  for  still  greater.  They 
waited  for  his  questions ;  they  answered  with  deference. 

The  day  after  he  had  taken  up  his  abode  at  the  Tuileries, 
General  Bonaparte,  going  over  the  palace  with  M.  de  Bourrienne, 
his  secretary,  said  to  him,  "Well,  Bourrienne,  here  we  are,  then, 
in  the  Tuileries  !  .  .  .  .  And  here  we  must  stav  now.  " 


BOOK  III. 

ULM   AND   GENOA. 

AFTER  addressing  ui'gcut  overtures  to  Europe  to  obtain  peace, 
overtures  which  would  not  have  been  befitting  from  any 
one  but  a  general  covered  with  glory,  the  Eirst  Consul  had  no 
course  left  but  war,  preparations  for  which  had,  indeed,  been 
making  with  great  activity  during  the  whole  winter  of  1799- 
1800  (year  VIII.).  This  war  was  at  once  the  most  legitimate, 
and  one  of  the  most  glorious,  of  those  heroic  times. 

Austria,  though  observing  greater  moderation  in  forms  than 
England,  had  nevertheless  come  to  the  same  conclusions,  and 
refused  peace.  The  vain  hope  of  keeping  in  Italy  the  advan- 
tageous situation  which  she  owed  to  the  victories  of  Suwarow, 
the  English  sulisidies,  the  erroneous  opinion  that  France,  drained 
of  men  and  money,  could  not  undertake  another  campaign,  but 
above  all,  the  fatal  obstinacy  of  M.  de  Thugut,  who  represented 
the  war  party  at  Vienna,  with  as  much  infatuation  as  Mr.  Pitt 
in  London,  and  who,  in  regard  to  this  question,  was  instigated 
much  more  by  personal  passion  than  by  genuine  patriotism— all 
these  causes  conjoined  had  induced  the  Austrian  cabinet  to 
commit  one  of  the  greatest  political  faults,  that  of  not  profiting 
by  a  favourable  situation  for  negotiating.  It  required  a  most 
extraordinary  blindness,  to  believe  that  such  successes  as  had 
])een  owing  to  the  incapacity  of  the  Directory  would  continue 
to  be  obtained  in  the  face  of  a  new  government,  already  com- 
])letely  organised,  active  even  to  prodigy,  and  directed  by  the 
first  captain  of  the  age. 

The  Archduke  Charles,  who  united  to  real  military  talents 
great  moderation  and  modesty,  liad  pointed  out  all  tlie  dangers 
incident  to  the  continuance  of  tlic  war,  and  the  difficulty  of 
making  head  against  the  celebrated  adversary,  who  was  about 
to  enter  the  lists.  By  way  of  answer,  tlie  connnand  of  the  Aus- 
trian forces  was  taken  from  him  ;  and  the  government  had  thus 
deprived  itself  of  the  only  general  who  could  command  them 
with  any  chance  of  success.  His  disgrace  bad  been  disguised 
)inder  the  title  of  governor  of  I)ohemi;i.  I'bc  iinp(>rial  army 
bitterly  regretted  that  prince,  though  llic  IJaron  dc  Kray,  who 
WHS  appointed  his  successor,  had  liighly  (li.stinguishc(l  hiiuscir 


128  HISTORY  OF  THE  mar.  1800 

during  the  last  campaign  in  Italy.  Kray  was  a  brave,  able,  and 
experienced  officer,  and  proved  himself  not  unworthy  of  the 
command  that  had  been  conferred  upon  him. 

To  fill  the  chasm  left  by  the  Eussians  in  the  ranks  of  the 
coalition,  Austria,  seconded  by  the  subsidies  of  England,  obtained 
from  the  States  of  the  Empire  a  considerable  addition  to  their 
contingents.  A  special  treaty,  signed  on  the  i6th  of  March, 
by  Mr.  Wickham,  British  minister  to  the  Elector  of  Bavaria, 
bound  that  prince  to  furnish,  besides  his  legal  contingent  as 
a  member  of  the  Empire,  a  supplementary  corps  of  12,000 
Bavarians.  A  treaty  of  the  same  kind,  signed  on  the  12th  of 
April,  with  the  Duke  of  Wiirtemberg,  procured  another  corps  of 
6000  Wiirtembergers  for  the  army  of  the  coalition.  Lastly,  on 
the  30th  of  April,  the  same  negotiator  obtained  from  the  Elector 
of  Mayence  a  corps  of  from  4000  to  6000  of  his  subjects,  on  the 
same  financial  conditions.  Besides  the  expenses  of  recruiting, 
equipment,  and  maintenance  of  their  troops,  England  guaranteed 
to  the  coalesced  German  princes,  that  no  treaty  should  be  made 
with  France  without  them,  and  engaged  to  obtain  restitution  of 
their  dominions,  be  the  issue  of  the  war  what  it  might ;  and  she 
made  them  promise  in  return  not  to  listen  to  any  proposition 
for  a  separate  peace. 

Of  these  German  troops,  the  Bavarians  were  the  best ;  next 
came  those  of  Wiirtemberg;  but  the  Mayence  troops  were  but 
militia,  without  discipline  and  without  valour.  Independently 
of  these  regular  contingents,  the  peasants  of  the  Black  Forest  had 
been  instigated  to  arm  by  frightful  accounts  of  the  ravages  of  the 
French,  who,  at  this  period,  committed  much  less  devastation  than 
the  Imperialists  in  the  fertile  fields  of  unfortunate  Germany. 

The  imperial  army  in  Swabia,  including  all  these  auxiliaries, 
amounted  to  nearly  1 50,000  men,  30,000  of  whom  were  quartered 
in  the  fortresses,  and  1 20,000  present  with  the  active  army.  It 
was  provided  with  a  numerous  artillery,  good,  though  inferior  to 
the  French  artillery,  and,  above  all,  witli  a  superb  cavalry,  sucli 
as  it  is  customary  to  have  in  the  Austrian  armies.  The  emperor 
had,  moreover,  1 20,000  men  in  Lombardy,  under  Baron  de  Melas. 
An  English  squadron  of  considerable  force,  stationed  in  the 
Mediterranean,  and  cruising  incessantly  in  the  Gulf  of  Genoa, 
supported  all  the  operations  of  the  Austrians  in  Italy.  It  was 
to  disemliark  an  auxiliary  corps  of  English  and  emigrants,  then 
collected  at  Mahon,  and  amounting,  it  was  said,  to  20,000  meu. 
It  was  agreed  that  this  corps  should  be  landed  at  Toulon  itself,  in 
case  the  imperial  army,  ordered  to  operate  against  the  Apennines, 
should  be  fortunate  enough  to  force  the  line  of  the  Var. 

There  had  been  hopes  of  uniting  some  Eussian  with  English 
troops,  and  landing  them  on  the  coast  of  France,  in  order  to 
excite  insurrections  in  Belgium,  in  Bretagne,  and  in  La  Vendee. 


MAR.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  129 

The  perfectly  voluntary  inaction  of  the  Russians,  and  the  paci- 
fication of  La  Vendee,  had  thwarted  that  operation,  from  which 
the  allies  had  expected  much. 

It  was,  therefore,  a  mass  of  nearly  300,000  men;  150,000  in 
Swabia,  1 20,000  in  Italy,  20,000  at  Mahon,  supported  by  the 
whole  English  navy,  that  was  to  prosecute  the  war  against 
France.  This  force,  it  must  be  allowed,  would  have  been  very 
inadequate  against  France,  reorganised  and  in  possession  of  all 
her  means ;  but,  against  France,  scarcely  emerged  from  the 
chaos  into  which  she  had  l)een  plunged  by  the  weakness  of  the 
Directory,  it  was  a  considerable  force,  with  which  her  enemies 
might  have  obtained  important  results,  had  they  known  how  to 
employ  it.  It  must  be  added,  that  it  was  a  real  force,  liable  to 
suffer  little  diminution,  because  the  300,000  men  of  which  it 
was  composed  were  seasoned  to  hardship,  and  already  upon  the 
frontiers  which  they  were  to  attack — an  important  circumstance, 
for  every  raw  army  finds  it  difficult  to  withstand  the  first  shocks 
of  war,  and  if  it  has,  moreover,  a  long  march  to  make  before 
it  meets  an  enemy,  it  decreases  in  proportion  to  the  distance 
which  must  be  traversed. 

Let  us  now  see  how  the  allied  troops  were  distributed,  and 
the  plan  according  to  which  they  were  to  act. 

M.  de  Kray,  at  the  head  of  the  1 50,000  men  whom  he  com- 
manded, occupied  Swabia,  posted  in  the  middle  of  tlie  angle 
formed  in  that  country  Ijy  the  lihine,  when,  after  running  from 
east  to  west,  from  Constance  to  Basle,  it  turns  abruptly  to  the 
north  from  Basle  to  Strasburg.  In  tliis  position,  Kray,  having 
Switzerland  on  his  left  flank,  Alsace  on  his  right,  observed  all 
the  passages  of  the  Rhine  by  which  the  French  might  penetrate 
into  Germany.  He  had  not  the  presumption  to  cross  that 
river,  and  to  invade  the  territory  of  tlie  Republic ;  his  part,  at 
the  commencement  of  the  campaign,  required  him  to  be  less 
active.  The  initiative  of  the  operations  was  reserved  for  the 
army  of  Italy,  120,000  strong,  and  posted,  in  consequence  of 
the  advantages  wliich  it  had  obtained  in  1 799,  at  the  very  foot 
of  the  Apennines.  It  was  to  l)lockade  Genoa,  to  reduce  it,  if 
possible,  then  to  cross  the  Apennines  and  the  Var,  and  to 
march  upon  Toulon, — whore  the  Englisli,  and  tlie  emigrants  of 
the  South,  connnanded  l)y  General  Willot,  one  of  the  proscripts 
of  Fructidor,  were  to  join  the  Austriaus.  Tliis  new  invasion  of 
a  province  containing  our  ])rincipal  naval  establishment  was 
particularly  agreeable  to  the  Knglisli ;  and  to  tliem  must  be,  in 
a  great  measure,  attributed  this  ])lan,  afterwards  so  severely 
criticised.  AVhen  the  Austrian  army  in  Italy,  which,  owing  to 
the  climate  of  Liguria,  could  eonniieiiee  the  campaign  before 
that  in  Swabia,  should  have  penetrat('(l  into  riovcnee,  it  was 
sujiposed  that  the  First  Consul  would  witli(h'a\v  his  tron])s  from 
VOL.  I.  1 


130  HISTORY  OF  THE  mar  1800 

the  Ehine  to  cover  the  Var,  and  that  Marshal  Kray  would  then 
have  the  means  of  entering  into  action.  Switzerland,  being  thus 
hemmed  in,  and,  as  it  were,  strangled  between  two  victorious 
armies,  must  naturally  fall,  so  that  it  would  be  unnecessary  to 
renew  against  it  the  impotent  efforts  of  the  preceding  cam- 
paign. The  exploits  of  Lecourbe  and  Mass^na  in  the  Alps  had 
given  the  Austrians  a  great  distaste  for  any  great  operation, 
especially  directed  against  Switzerland.  In  regard  to  that 
country,  the  intention  was  to  confine  themselves  to  mere  obser- 
vation. The  extreme  left  of  Marshal  Kray  was  to  take  upon 
itself  this  duty  in  Swabia ;  the  cavalry  of  Melas,  useless  in  the 
Apennines,  was  to  perform  it  in  Lombardy.  The  plan  of  the 
Austrians  consisted,  therefore,  in  temporising  in  Swabia,  in 
operating  early  in  Italy,  in  advancing  on  that  side  to  the  Var ; 
then,  when  the  French,  drawn  towards  the  Var,  should  strip 
the  Ehine,  in  crossing  that  river  and  afterwards  advancing  in 
two  masses,  one  eastward  by  Basle,  the  other  to  the  south  by 
Nice,  and  in  thus  levelling,  without  attack,  the  formidable 
barrier  of  Switzerland. 

Competent  judges  of  military  operations  have  severely  cen- 
sured Austria  for  having  neglected  Switzerland,  as  this  per- 
mitted General  Bonaparte  to  debouch  from  it,  and  to  throw 
himself  on  the  flank  of  Marshal  Kray,  and  on  the  rear  of  Baron 
Melas.  We  are  of  opinion  that,  as  the  reader  will  presently 
be  enabled  to  judge  by  the  relation  of  the  facts,  no  absolutely 
sure  plan  was  possible,  in  presence  of  General  Bonaparte,  and 
with  the  irreparable  disadvantage  of  Switzerland  left  in  the 
hands  of  the  French. 

To  obtain  a  clear  conception  of  this  memorable  campaign, 
and  to  judge  soundly  of  the  precise  designs  of  the  belligerent 
parties,  we  must  figure  to  ourselves  exactly  the  position  of 
Switzerland,  and  the  influence  which  it  must  have  upon  the 
military  operations,  at  that  point  in  particular  at  which  the 
operations  had  arrived. 

It  is  towards  the  eastern  frontiers  of  France  that  the  Alps 
begin  to  rise  in  the  centre  of  tbe  European  continent.  They 
then  run  eastward,  separating  Germany  from  Italy;  and  from 
them  descend  on  one  side  the  Danube  and  its  tributaries,  on  the 
other,  the  Po  and  all  the  streams  of  which  that  large  river  is 
composed.  The  part  of  the  xVlps  nearest  to  France  is  that 
which  forms  Switzerland.  Their  prolongation  constitutes  the 
Tyrol,  belonging  for  ages  to  Austria. 

When  Austrian  armies  advance  towards  France,  they  are 
obliged  to  ascend  the  valley  of  the  Danube  on  the  one  hand, 
the  valley  of  the  Po  on  the  other,  divided  into  two  acting 
masses  by  the  long  chain  of  the  Alps.  While  they  are  in 
Bavaria  and  in  Loml)ardv,  these  two  masses  can  communicate 


MAR.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  TEE  EMPIRE.  131 

across  the  Alps  by  the  Tyrol,  which  belongs  to  the  emperor ; 
but,  when  they  arrive  in  Swabia,  on  the  Upper  Danube,  in 
Piedmont,  on  the  Upper  Po,  they  find  themselves  separated 
from  one  another,  without  any  possible  communication  across 
the  Alps,  because  Switzerland,  independent  and  neutral,  is 
usually  closed  against  them. 

This  neutrality  of  Switzerland  is  a  barrier  which  the  policy 
of  Europe  has  wisely  placed  between  France  and  Austria,  to 
diminish  the  points  of  attack  between  those  two  formidable 
powers.  If,  in  fact,  Switzerland  is  open  to  Austria,  the  latter 
may  advance  with  her  armies,  communicating  freely  from  the 
valley  of  the  Danube  to  the  valley  of  the  Po,  and  threatening 
the  frontiers  of  France  from  Basle  to  Nice.  This  is  an  immense 
danger  to  France,  for  she  is  obliged  to  be  on  her  guard  every- 
where, from  the  mouths  of  the  Pthine  to  the  mouths  of  the 
Ehone ;  whereas,  if  the  Swiss  Alps  are  closed,  she  can  concen- 
trate all  her  forces  on  the  Pihine,  regardless  of  the  attack  that 
comes  from  the  south,  since  the  Imperialists  never  succeeded 
in  any  operation  upon  the  Var,  on  account  of  the  length  of  the 
circuit.  The  advantage  of  the  Swiss  neutrality  is,  therefore, 
important  for  France. 

But  it  is  not  less  important  for  Austria,  nay,  perhaps  even 
more  so.  If,  in  fact,  Switzerland  becomes  the  theatre  of  hos- 
tilities, the  French  army  can  overrun  it  first ;  and,  since  its 
foot-soldiers  are  intelligent,  agile,  Ijrave,  and  as  fit  for  mountain 
warfare  as  for  that  of  the  plain,  it  has  many  chances  of  main- 
taining its  footing  there.  A  proof  of  this  is  exhibited  in  this 
very  campaign  of  1799.  If,  in  fact,  the  Alps  are  attacked 
by  the  great  chain,  on  the  side  next  to  Italy,  it  offers  the 
resistance  which  Lecourbe  offered  to  Suwarow,  in  the  gorges  of 
the  St.  Gothard ;  if  they  are  attacked  on  the  German  side,  in 
the  lower  part,  it  uffers,  Ijehind  the  lakes  and  rivers,  the  resist- 
ance which  ]\Iassc'na  offered  behind  the  Lake  of  Zurich,  and 
which  terminated  in  the  memorable  battle  of  that  name.  iSTow, 
when  the  French  army  retains  possession  of  Switzerland,  it 
has  a  most  threatening  position,  of  which  it  can  avail  itself  to 
produce  extraordinary  results,  as  will  be  seen,  by-and-by,  in  tlic 
account  of  the  operations  of  General  Bonaparte. 

In  fact,  the  two  Austrian  armies,  wliich  are,  the  one  in  Swabia, 
tlui  (jther  in  Piedmont,  separated  by  Llie  whole  extent  of  Switzer- 
land, have  no  means  of  ccnnniunicating  with  each  other:  and  the 
French,  del)ouching  by  the  Lake  of  Constance,  on  the  one  hand,  l)y 
the  high  Alps  on  the  other,  may  throw  themselves  either  upon  tlie 
flanks  of  the  army  in  Swabia,  or  on  the  rear  of  the  army  in  Italy. 
This  danger  it  is  ini])o.ssible  to  avoid,  whatever  ])lan  may  he, 
adopted,  unless,  l)y  retreating  fifty  leagues,  retrogiading  as  far  as 
I>avaria  on  the  one  side,  and  as  far  as  Lombardv  on  the  other. 


132  HISTORY  OF  THE  mar.  1800 

The  Austrians,  then,  must  do  one  of  these  things — either, 
giving  up  all  the  advantages  of  the  last  campaign,  they  must 
abandon  to  us  both  Swabia  and  Piedmont ;  or,  refusing  such  a 
sacrifice,  they  must  endeavour  to  carry  Switzerland  by  a  prin- 
cipal attack,  in  which  they  could  not  succeed,  for  it  would  be 
attacking  in  front  an  almost  insurmountable  obstacle,  against 
which  they  had  already  failed ;  or  they  must  divide  themselves 
into  two  great  armies,  as  they  did,  remaining  separated  by 
Switzerland,  which  would  thus  be  placed  on  their  flanks  and  on 
their  rear.  By  this  latter  course  they  would  have  it  in  their 
power,  it  is  true,  to  diminish  one  of  their  armies  considerably, 
in  order  to  strengthen  the  other,  and,  for  instance,  leave  Baron 
Melas  but  few  troops,  only  just  suflicient  to  keep  Massena  in 
check,  and  increase  the  army  in  Sw^abia  to  200,000  men ;  or  do 
the  contrary,  by  collecting  their  principal  force  in  Piedmont. 
But,  in  one  case,  it  would  be  abandoning  Italy — Italy,  the  sole 
object  and  the  ardently  desired  prize  of  the  war ;  in  the  other  it 
would  be  giving  up,  without  a  battle,  the  Phine,  the  Black  Forest, 
the  sources  of  the  Danube,  and  shortening,  by  so  much,  the  route 
of  the  French  to  Vienna ;  it  would  be,  in  fact,  in  either  case, 
doing  the  most  advantageous  thing  in  the  world  for  us ;  for,  by 
the  increase  of  one  of  the  two  armies  to  200,000  men,  the  victory 
would  be  given  to  that  power  of  the  two  which  had  General 
Bonaparte  on  its  side.  He  was,  in  fact,  the  only  general  of  that 
time  capable  of  manoeuvring  200,000  men  at  once. 

There  was  then  no  perfectly  safe  plan  for  Austria,  when  the 
French  were  masters  of  Switzerland,  which,  be  it  observed  by- 
the-by,  proves  that  the  Swiss  neutrality  is  a  very  happy  device 
for  both  powers.  It  adds,  in  fact,  to  their  defensive  means, 
by  diminishing  their  offensive  means ;  that  is  to  say,  it  gives 
to  their  security  all  that  it  takes  away  from  their  aggressive 
power.  Nothing  better  could  be  contrived  for  the  preservation 
of  general  peace. 

The  Austrians,  then,  had  not  many  courses  to  take,  and, 
notwithstanding  all  that  has  been  said,  they  took,  perhaps,  the 
only  one  they  could  take,  by  deciding  to  temporise  in  Swabia, 
to  operate  energetically  in  Italy,  remaining  separated  by  the 
barrier  of  Switzerland,  which  it  was  impossible  for  them  to 
remove.  But  in  this  position  tliere  was  more  than  one  w^ay  of 
conducting  themselves,  and  it  must  be  acknowledged  that  they 
did  not  adopt  the  best ;  that  they  did  not  even  foresee  any  of 
the  dangers  which  threatened  them.  Persisting  in  their  belief 
that  the  French  armies  were  exhausted ;  not  supposing  that 
the  army  of  Germany  was  capable  of  taking  the  offensive, 
and  crossing  the  Phine,  before  1 50,000  Austrians  posted  in  the 
Black  Forest ;  still  less  supposing  it  possible  to  cross  the  Alps, 
without  road,  and  in  the  snowy  season  ;  not  seeing,  besides. 


MAR.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  133 

the  third  army  which  might  be  tempted  to  cross  them,  they 
indulged  a  confidence  which  proved  fatal  to  them.  To  do  them 
justice,  it  must  also  be  acknowledged  that  many  persons  would 
have  made  the  same  mistake  which  they  did  ;  for  their  security 
reposed  on  obstacles  apparently  invincible.  But  experience 
soon  taught  them  that,  before  an  adversary  like  General  Bona- 
parte, all  security,  even  though  founded  on  insurmountable 
barriers,  whether  rivers  or  mountains  of  ice,  was  deceitful, 
and  might  become  fatal. 

France  had  two  armies,  that  of  Germany,  increased  by  the 
jvmction  of  the  armies  of  the  Ehine  and  of  Helvetia  to  1 30,000 
men ;  that  of  Liguria,  reduced  to  40,000  at  most.  In  the 
troops  of  Holland,  La  Vendee,  and  the  interior,  there  were  the 
widely  scattered  elements  of  a  third  army ;  but  superior  ad- 
ministrative ability  could  alone  assemble  it,  and  on  the  sudden, 
at  the  point  where  its  presence  was  wanted.  General  Bonaparte 
formed  a  plan  for  employing  these  various  means  as  follows. 

Masstina,  with  the  army  of  Liguria.  not  augmented,  merely 
supplied  with  provisions  and  ammunition,  was  ordered  to  keep 
on  the  Apennines,  between  Genoa  and  Nice,  and  there  take 
post  as  at  Thermopylae.  The  army  of  Germany,  under  Moreau, 
strengthened  as  much  as  possiljle,  was  to  make,  along  the  whole 
course  of  the  Ehine  from  Strasburg  to  Basle,  from  Basle  to 
Constance,  feigned  demonstrations  of  crossing,  then  march 
rapidly  behind  the  curtain  formed  by  that  river,  ascend  it  to 
Schafi'hausen,  there  throw  over  it  four  bridges  at  once,  debouch 
in  mass  on  the  flank  of  Marshal  Kray,  surprise  him,  drive  him 
in  disorder  upon  the  Upper  Danube,  outmarch  him,  if  possible, 
cut  him  off  from  the  route  to  Vienna,  perhaps  envelop  him, 
and  inllict  on  him  one  of  those  memorable  disasters  of  which 
the  present  century  has  furnished  more  than  one  example.  If 
the  army  of  Moreau  had  not  this  luck,  it  might,  at  least,  drive 
Kray  upon  Ulm  and  Eatisbon,  oblige  him  thus  to  descend  the 
Danube,  and  remove  him  from  the  Alps,  so  as  to  prevent  him 
from  ever  sending  succours  tliitlier.  This  done,  it  had  orders 
to  detach  its  right  wing  towards  Switzerland,  for  the  purpose  of 
seconding  there  the  perilous  operation  which  General  Bonaparte 
had  reserved  for  himself  to  execute.  The  third  army,  called 
the  army  of  reserve,  the  elements  of  which  scarcely  existed, 
was  to  form  ])etween  Geneva  and  Dijon,  and  to  await  the  issue 
of  the  iirst  events,  in  readiness  to  succour  Moreau,  in  case  of 
need.  ]3ut,  if  ^loreau  had  succeeded  in  a  part,  at  least,  of  liis 
plan,  tliis  army  of  reserve,  advancing  under  (Tcneral  Bonaparte 
to  Geneva,  from  Geneva  into  the  Valais,  giving  the  hand  to  the 
detachment  drawn  from  the  army  of  Germany,  tlien  crossing 
the  St.  Bernard,  over  ice  and  snow,  was.  by  a  ])r()(ligy  greater 
than  that  of  Hannibal,  to  fall  u])on  riedmont,  to  take  the  Baron 


134  HISTORY  OF  THE  mar.  1800 

de  Melas,  occupied  with  the  siege  of  Genoa,  in  the  rear,  envelop 
him,  bring  him  to  a  decisive  battle,  and,  if  it  won  it,  to  oblige 
him  to  lay  down  his  arms. 

Assuredly,  if  the  execution  were  correspondent  with  such  a 
plan,  never  would  a  finer  conception  have  honoured  the  genius 
of  a  commander,  ancient  or  modern.  But  it  is  the  execution 
alone  that  gives  their  value  to  great  military  combinations,  for, 
deprived  of  this  merit,  they  are  but  vain  chimeras. 

The  execution,  in  this  case,  consisted  in  an  infinity  of  diffi- 
culties to  be  overcome — in  the  reorganisation  of  the  armies  of 
the  Rhine  and  of  Liguria,  in  the  creation  of  the  army  of  reserve, 
in  keeping  secret  the  creation  and  destination  of  that  army ; 
lastly,  in  the  twofold  passage  of  the  Rhine  and  of  the  Alps, — 
the  second  equal  to  the  most  extraordinary  things  which  the 
art  of  war  has  ever  attempted. 

The  very  first  care  of  General  Bonaparte  had  been  to  recruit 
the  army.  The  desertions  to  the  interior,  disease,  and  battle, 
had  reduced  it  to  250,000  men,  which  one  would  scarcely 
believe,  at  a  moment  when  France  made  head  against  a  general 
coalition,  if  the  fact  were  not  attested  by  authentic  documents. 
Fortunately,  these  250,000  men  were  perfectly  inured  to  war, 
capable  of  withstanding  an  enemy  double  in  number.  The 
First  Consul  had  demanded  100,000  conscripts  of  the  Legis- 
lative Body,  which  had  granted  them  with  truly  patriotic  cheer- 
fulness. The  war  was  so  legitimate,  so  evidently  necessary, 
after  the  offers  of  peace  were  refused,  that  mere  hesitation 
would  have  been  criminal.  Of  this,  however,  there  was  no 
reason  to  be  apprehensive,  and  the  eagerness  of  the  Legisla- 
tive Body  was  carried  to  enthusiasm.  These  100,000  young 
conscripts,  combined  with  250,000  old  soldiers,  could  not  fail  to 
form  an  excellent  composition  for  an  army.  The  prefects  re- 
cently instituted,  and  who  were  already  at  their  posts,  imparted 
to  the  recruiting  an  activity  which  it  had  never  yet  had.  But  it 
would  take  five  or  six  months  before  these  conscripts  could  join 
their  corps,  drilled  and  fit  for  service.  The  First  Consul  resolved 
to  keep  in  the  interior  all  the  corps  exhausted  by  the  war,  and  to 
employ  them  as  skeletons,  in  which  the  new  levy  should  be  placed. 
On  the  other  hand,  he  moved  towards  the  frontiers  all  the  corps 
capable  of  taking  the  field,  and  took  care  to  transfer  all  the 
soldiers  fit  for  service  from  the  ranks  of  those  who  were  to 
remain  in  the  interior  into  the  ranks  of  those  who  were  going  to 
fight.  If,  in  proceeding  thus,  he  could  find  200,000  men  to  place 
immediately  in  line,  it  was  as  much  as  he  could  do.  Under  his 
powerful  and  skilful  hand,  however,  this  number  was  sufficient. 

He  made  an  appeal,  at  the  same  time,  to  the  patriotic  senti- 
ments of  France.  Addressing  himself  to  the  soldiers  of  the 
first  requisitions,  whom  the  general  discouragement  produced 


MAR.  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  135 

by  our  reverses  had  brought  back  to  their  homes,  he  made  those 
rejoin  by  force  who  had  left  their  corps  without  leave,  and  he 
appealed  to  the  zeal  of  those  who  had  regular  furloughs  ;  he  en- 
deavoured to  excite  military  tastes  in  all  the  young  men  whose 
imaginations  were  inflamed  by  the  name  of  General  Bonaparte. 
Though  the  enthusiasm  of  the  first  days  of  the  lievolution  had 
cooled,  the  sight  of  the  enemy  on  our  frontiers  reanimated  all 
hearts  ;  and  that  assistance  which  was  still  to  be  derived  from  the 
devotedness  of  volunteers  was  an  advantage  not  to  be  despised. 

To  this  attention  bestowed  on  the  recruiting  the  First 
Consul  added  some  useful  reforms  relating  to  the  adminis- 
tration and  the  composition  of  the  army.  In  the  first  place, 
he  instituted  inspectors  of  reviews,  charged  to  ascertain  the 
number  of  men  present  under  arms,  and  to  save  the  treasury 
from  paying  for  soldiers  who  were  present  only  on  paper.  In 
the  artillery  he  made  a  change  of  the  greatest  importance. 
The  horses  which  drew  the  gun-carriages  were  then  driven  by 
men  belonging  to  the  waggon-train,  who,  not  being  restrained 
by  a  sense  of  honour,  like  the  other  soldiers,  cut  the  traces  of 
their  horses  at  the  first  danger,  and  fled,  leaving  their  guns  in 
the  hands  of  the  enemy.  The  First  Consul  jvistly  thought  that 
the  driver,  whose  duty  it  is  to  bring  the  piece  to  the  place  of 
battle,  renders  as  valuable  a  service  as  the  gunner,  whose  busi- 
ness it  is  to  work  it ;  that  he  incurs  the  same  danger,  and  needs 
the  same  moral  motive,  that  is,  honour.  He  therefore  converted 
the  artillery-drivers  into  soldiers,  wearing  the  uniform,  and 
constituting  part  of  the  regiments  of  that  arm.  They  formed 
10,000  or  12,000  horsemen,  who  were  expected  to  show  as  much 
zeal  in  bringing  up  their  guns  liefore  an  enemy,  or  in  carrying 
them  off  with  speed,  as  those  did  whose  duty  it  was  to  load, 
point,  and  fire  them.  This  reform  was  only  begun,  and  could 
not  produce  all  its  useful  consequences  till  a  later  period. 

The  artillery  and  the  cavalry  were  likewise  in  want  of  horses. 
The  First  Consul  ordered  a  forced  and  extraordinary  levy  of  every 
thirtieth  horse,  having  neither  time  nor  means  to  make  pur- 
chases. It  was  a  hard  but  inevitable  necessity.  The  armies  were 
first  to  supply  themselves  in  the  country  around  tliem,  and  then, 
by  degrees,  further  and  further  off,  in  the  contiguous  provinces. 

The  First  Consul  liad  sent  to  Massena  such  pecuniary 
supplies  as  could  l)e  spared,  for  the  relief  of  the  unfortunate 
army  of  Liguria.  From  60,000  men,  of  wliom  it  was  c()ni])osed 
by  the  junction  of  the  army  of  Lombardy  and  thai  of  Naples, 
after  the  sanguinary  battle  of  the  Trebbia,  it  was  re(hicf(l  by 
privations  to  40,000  at  most,  presenting  liut  lliirty  and  some 
odd  thousand  fighting  men.  Corn,  whieli  could  iR'itlu'r  come 
from  I'iedmont,  occupied  by  the  Ausirians,  nor  fi'om  the  sea, 
guarded  by  the  English,  was  very  scarce.     Thcsr  unfortunate 


136  HISTORY  OF  THE  mar.  1800 

soldiers  had  nothing  to  subsist  upon  but  the  crops  of  the 
Apennines,  little  better  than  nothing,  as  everybody  knows. 
They  would  not  go  into  the  hospitals,  destitute  of  the  most 
needful  articles  of  food ;  and  they  were  seen,  on  the  road  from 
Nice  to  Genoa,  wasted  by  famine  and  fever,  exhibiting  the  most 
deplorable  of  sights — that  of  brave  men  left  by  the  country 
which  they  were  defending  to  perish  for  w^ant. 

Massena,  on  receiving  the  money  sent  by  the  government, 
had  made  some  purchases  at  Marseilles,  bought  up  all  the  corn 
in  that  city,  and  shipped  it  for  Genoa.  Unfortunately,  during 
this  winter,  the  wind,  not  less  rigorous  than  the  enemy,  con- 
tinually retarded  arrivals  at  Genoa  from  Marseilles,  and  re- 
placed, in  some  measure,  the  blockade  which  the  English  could 
not  keep  up  in  the  stormy  season.  A  few  vessels  had,  neverthe- 
less, got  in  with  their  cargoes,  and  bread  was  again  dealt  out  to 
the  soldiers  of  Liguria.  The  government  had  sent  them  arms, 
shoes,  some  clothing,  and  hopes.  As  for  military  energy, 
nothing  needed  to  be  done  to  inspire  them  with  that ;  for  never 
had  France  seen  soldiers  endure  such  reverses  with  such  forti- 
tude. Those  conquerors  at  Castiglione,  at  Arcole,  at  Ptivoli, 
had  borne  unflinchingly  the  defeats  of  Cassano,  of  Novi,  of  the 
Trebbia ;  the  temper  which  they  had  acquired  could  not  be 
impaired  under  the  strokes  of  Fortune.  Besides,  the  presence 
of  General  Bonaparte  at  the  head  of  the  government,  and  of 
General  Massena  at  the  head  of  the  army,  would  have  infused 
into  them  new  courage,  had  they  needed  it.  So  they  were  but 
fed,  clothed,  and  armed,  the  most  important  services  might  be 
obtained  from  them.  In  these  respects  the  government  did  its 
best.  Massena,  by  some  examples  of  severity,  re-established 
discipline,  shaken  among  them,  and  collected  thirty  and  some 
thousand  men,  impatient  to  start  again,  under  his  command, 
for  fertile  Italy. 

The  instructions  given  hy  the  First  Consul  for  his  guidance 
were  ably  conceived.  Three  narrow  passages  led  across  the 
Apennines  from  the  inland  slope  to  the  maritime  slope ;  these 
were  the  passage  of  the  Bocchetta,  debouching  upon  (ienoa ; 
that  of  Cadibona,  upon  Savona  ;  that  of  Tende,  upon  Nice. 
The  First  Consul  enjoined  Massena  to  leave  only  weak  de- 
tachments at  the  Col  de  Tende  and  at  the  Col  de  Cadibona, 
just  sufficient  to  observe  them,  and  to  concentrate  a  force  of 
25,000  or  30,000  men  upon  Genoa.  That  city  being  strongly 
occupied,  an  invasion  of  the  south  of  France  was  scarcely  to  be 
presumed,  and,  at  any  rate,  nut  much  to  be  feared  ;  for  the 
Austrians  would  certainly  not  be  rash  enough  to  advance 
beyond  the  Var  upon  Toulon  and  the  Bouches  du  Bhone,  while 
Massena  was  in  their  rear.  Massena  might,  moreover,  fall, 
with   his    30,000   assembled  troops,  upon   those   corps  which 


MAR.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  137 

should  have  passed  the  defiles  of  the  Apennines.  It  was  not 
likely,  considering  the  nature  of  the  country,  with  its  narrow 
ravines  and  steep  precipices,  that  he  should  meet  with  more 
than  30,000  men  at  once.  He  had,  therefore,  the  means  of 
making  head  everywhere  against  the  enemy.  Unluckily,  this 
plan  could  not  be  carried  into  execution  but  by  a  general  pos- 
sessing the  prodigious  dexterity  of  the  conqueror  of  Alontenotte. 
For  the  rest,  the  First  Consul  was  sure  of  having  in  ]\Iassena  an 
obstinate  defender  of  the  steep  heights  of  the  Apennines,  and 
who  would  find  such  employment  for  Melas  as  should  detain 
him  in  Liguria  during  the  whole  time  necessary  for  the  combined 
movement  of  the  French  armies. 

Nevertheless,  it  must  be  confessed,  the  army  of  Liguria  was 
treated  somewhat  like  a  sacrificed  army  :  not  an  additional  man 
was  sent  to  it ;  it  was  merely  supplied  with  some  maUrid,  and  no 
more  of  that  than  was  l)arely  necessary.  It  was  elsewhere  that 
the  principal  efforts  of  the  government  were  directed,  because 
it  was  elsewhere  that  the  great  blows  were  to  be  struck.  The 
army  of  Liguria  was  exposed  to  the  risk  of  perishing,  in  order  to 
give  others  time  to  be  victorious.  Such  is  that  dire  fatality  of 
war,  which  passes  from  the  head  of  the  one  to  the  liead  of  the 
other,  obliging  these  to  die  that  those  may  live  and  triumph ! 

The  army  treated  with  most  particular  attention  was  that 
commanded  by  Moreau,  and  destined  to  act  in  Swabia.  To  this 
was  sent  all  that  could  be  spared,  both  in  men  and  in  mater  id. 
The  utmost  efforts  were  made  to  ensure  to  it  a  complete  artillery 
and  abundant  means  of  passage,  that  it  might  be  able  to  cross 
the  lihiue  on  a  sudden,  and,  if  possible,  at  a  single  point. 
General  Moreau,  of  whom  it  has  been  said  the  First  Consul  was 
so  jealous,  was,  therefore,  about  to  have  under  his  command  the 
finest  and  most  numerous  army  of  the  Eepuljlic,  about  1 30,000 
men,  while  Alassena  was  to  have  no  more  than  36,000,  and  the 
First  Consvil  40,000  at  most.  This  was  not,  liowever,  a  mere 
compliment  paid  to  the  vanity  of  ]\Ioreau.  More  serious  motives 
had  determined  this  distribution  of  the  forces.  The  operation 
destined  to  throw  Kray  upon  Ulm  and  Ifatisbon  was  of  the 
highest  importance  for  the  general  success  (^f  the  campaign  ;  for, 
in  presence  of  those  two  powerful  .Vustrian  armies,  which  were 
advancing  towards  our  frontiers,  it  was  requisite  first  to  drive 
Ijack  the  one  Ix'fore  it  was  possible  to  cross  the  Alps  in  I  lie  rear 
of  tlie  other.  This  first  operation,  therefore,  was  to  b(>  attempted 
with  d(!cisive  means,  which  should  reiulev  the  success  infallible. 
The  First  Consul,  hiuhly  as  he  estimated  Moreau,  estimated 
himself  much  higher;  if  eithei'  of  them  must  dispense  with 
great  means,  he  thought  that  he  could  shift  witlutut  them  better 
than  Moreau.  Tlie  sentiment  which  guided  him  on  ibis  occasion 
was  a  nobler  sentiment  than  even  generosity  in  gi'eat  aH'airs  of 


138  HISTORY  OF  TEE  mae.  1800 

State ;  it  was  love  of  the  public  weal ;  this  he  preferred  to  the 
interest  of  every  body,  to  that  of  others,  and  to  his  own. 

This  army  of  the  Rhine,  though  wearing,  like  the  other  armies 
of  the  Eepublic,  the  rags  of  indigence,  was  superb.  Some  con- 
scripts had  joined  it,  but  in  small  number,  just  svifficient  to  infuse 
youth  into  it.  By  far  the  greater  part  of  it  was  composed  of 
those  old  soldiers,  who,  under  the  command  of  Pichegru,  Kleber, 
Hoche,  and  Moreau,  had  conquered  Holland  and  the  banks  of 
the  Rhine,  crossed  that  river  several  times,  and  even  penetrated 
to  the  Danube.  It  could  not  have  been  said,  without  injustice, 
that  they  were  braver  than  the  soldiers  of  Italy ;  but  they 
exhibited  all  the  qualities  of  accomplished  troops — they  were 
discreet,  sober,  well  disciplined,  intelligent,  and  intrepid.  The 
officers  were  worthy  of  the  men.  The  distribution  of  this  army 
into  detached  divisions,  complete  in  all  arms,  and  acting  in 
separate  corps,  had  developed  to  the  highest  point  the  talents  of 
each  general  of  division.  These  generals  had  equal  but  diverse 
merits.  There  was  Lecourbe,  the  ablest  officer  of  his  time  in 
mountain  warfare, — Lecourbe,  whose  glorious  name  was  repeated 
by  the  echoes  of  the  Alps  :  there  was  Richepanse,  who  combined 
rare  intelligence  with  audacious  bravery,  and  who  soon  afterwards 
rendered  Moreau,  in  the  fields  of  Hohenlinden,  the  most  impor- 
tant service  that  lieutenant  ever  rendered  to  his  general :  there 
was  St.  Cyr,  with  a  mind  cool  and  profound,  and  a  disposition 
not  the  most  sociable,  but  endowed  with  all  the  qualities  of 
commander-in-chief  :  there  was,  lastly,  young  ISTey,  whom  heroic 
courage,  guided  by  a  happy  instinct  for  war,  had  already 
rendered  popular  in  all  the  armies  of  the  Republic.  At  the 
head  of  these  lieutenants  was  Moreau,  a  man  of  sluggish,  some- 
times indecisive,  but  solid  mind,  and  whose  indecisions  termi- 
nated in  wise  and  firm  resolutions,  when  he  was  face  to  face  with 
the  danger.  Experience  had  singularly  formed  and  extended 
his  military  coii])  cVoiil.  But,  while  his  military  genius  expanded 
in  the  school  of  war,  his  civil  character,  weak,  yielding  to  all 
influences,  had  already  succumbed,  and  was  destined  again  to 
succumb,  under  the  trials  of  politics,  which  strong  and  truly 
exalted  minds  alone  are  capable  of  surmounting.  At  any  rate, 
the  unhappy  passion  of  jealousy  had  not  yet  stained  the  purity 
of  his  heart  and  corrupted  his  patriotism.  From  his  experience, 
his  habit  of  command,  his  high  renown,  he  was,  after  General 
Bonaparte,  the  only  man  capable,  at  that  time,  of  commanding 
100,000  men. 

The  plan  of  operations  prescribed  to  him  by  the  First  Consul 
consisted  in  debouching  in  Swabia,  at  the  point  which  would 
best  permit  him  to  act  on  the  extreme  left  of  Marshal  Kray,  in 
such  a  manner  as  to  outflank  him,  to  cut  him  off  from  Bavaria, 
to  shut  him  up  between  the  Upper  Danube  and  the  Rhine ;  in 


MAE.  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  139 

which  case  the  Austrian  army  in  Swabia  would  be  undone.  To 
accomplish  this,  it  would  be  necessary  to  cross  the  Ehine,  not 
at  two  or  three  points,  but  at  one  only,  the  nearest  possible  to 
Constance ;  an  operation  singularly  bold  and  difficult,  for  it  con- 
sisted in  transporting  across  a  river,  and  in  presence  of  an  enemy, 
100,000  men,  with  all  their  materiel ;  and,  it  must  be  confessed 
that,  before  Wagram,  no  general  ever  crossed  a  river  under  the 
conditions  stated.  Accordingly,  it  required  great  address  to 
deceive  the  Austrians  as  to  the  point  that  would  be  chosen ;  with 
great  address,  great  boldness  in  the  execution  of  the  passage, 
and,  lastly,  what  is  always  needed,  good  luck.  The  First  Consul 
had  ordered  a  considerable  quantity  of  boats  to  be  collected  in 
the  tributaries  of  the  Rhine,  and  particularly  in  the  Aar,  that 
three  or  four  bridges  might  be  thrown  over  at  once,  at  the  dis- 
tance of  a  few  hundred  fathoms  from  each  other.  The  only  point 
then  was  to  gain  access  for  these  combinations  to  the  cold  and 
far  from  audacious  mind  of  Moreau. 

After  these  attentions  paid  with  unremitting  zeal  to  the 
troops  of  Liguria  and  Germany,  the  First  Consul  had  applied 
his  energies  to  the  creation  of  an  army  which  soon  accomplished 
the  greatest  things,  under  the  title  of  army  of  reserve. 

In  order  that  it  might  fulfil  its  object,  it  was  requisite  not 
only  to  create  it,  but  to  create  it  while  encouraging  an  universal 
disbelief  in  the  possibility  of  the  thing.  "We  shall  show  in  what 
manner  he  proceeded  to  obtain  this  twofold  result. 

The  First  Consul  had  contrived  to  find  in  Holland,  and  in 
the  forces  accumulated  in  Paris  by  the  Directory,  the  means  of 
pacifying  La  Vendee  at  a  seasonable  time ;  he  contrived  to  find 
in  La  Vendee,  when  pacified,  the  necessary  resources  for  creat- 
ing an  army,  which,  thrown  unexpectedly  on  the  theatre  of 
military  operations,  must  change  the  destinies  of  war.  In 
writing  to  General  Brune,  commander-in-chief  in  the  West,  he 
addressed  to  him  these  beautiful  words,  which  so  well  express 
his  manner  of  operating,  and  that  of  the  great  masters  in  the 
art  of  administration  and  of  war : — "  Let  me  know  if,  besides 
the  five  demi-brigades  for  which  I  have  applied  to  you  by  my 
last  courier,  you  can  spare  one  or  two  demi-brigades  more,  on 
condition  of  their  being  sent  back  in  three  months.  We  must 
make  up  our  minds  to  stride  over  France  as  we  formerly  did 
over  the  valley  of  the  Adige  ;  after  all.  it  is  only  performing  ten 
days'  march  in  one."  (14th  of  Ventose,  year  VIII. ;  ]\Iarch  5, 
1800.     Archives  in  tlio  State  Paper  Office.) 

Though  the  English  nnist  have  conceived  an  aversion  to 
further  descents  on  tlie  continent  since  their  adventure  at  the 
Texel,  and  particularly  since  the  withdrawal  of  the  Pussians 
from  tlie  coalition,  the  immense  extent  of  our  coast  from  the 
Zuyder  Zee  to  the  (hilf  of  Gascony,  could  not  be  relinquished 


140  HISTORY  OF  THE  mar.  1800 

to  them  without  any  means  of  defence,  the  pacification  of  La 
Vend(^e  being  moreover  so  recent.  The  First  Consul,  therefore, 
left  in  Holland  a  force  half  French,  half  Dutch,  to  guard  that 
valuable  country :  he  gave  the  command  of  it  to  Augereau.  It 
was  formed  into  active  divisions,  complete  in  all  arms  and  ready 
to  march.  When  it  was  pretty  certain,  from  the  course  of  the 
operations,  that  no  landing  w^as  to  be  apprehended,  this  corps  of 
Augereau's  was  to  march  up  the  Rhine,  and  to  cover  the  rear  of 
Moreau  in  Germany.  Out  of  the  60,000  men  collected  on  the 
coast  of  Normandy  and  Bretagne,  the  First  Consul  selected  the 
thinnest  demi-brigades,  and  charged  them  to  guard  the  insur- 
gent country.  He  took  care  still  further  to  reduce  their  effec- 
tive strength,  by  sending  off  to  the  active  army  the  soldiers 
capable  of  serving,  and  thus  fitted  them  for  receiving  a  greater 
number  of  conscripts,  whom  they  were  to  train  at  the  same 
time  that  they  guarded  the  coast.  He  formed  them  into  five 
small  camps,  comprising  artillery,  cavalry,  infantry,  ready  to 
march  at  the  first  signal,  and  commanded  by  good  officers.  Two 
of  these  camps  were  in  Belgium,  one  at  Liege,  another  at  Maes- 
tricht,  both  destined  to  secure  that  country,  agitated  by  the 
priests,  and  to  co-operate,  if  need  were,  in  the  defence  of  Hol- 
land. There  was  one  at  Lille,  ready  to  throw  itself  upon  the 
Somme  and  Normandy,  another  at  St.  L6,  and  a  third  at  Eennes. 
This  last  was  the  most  numerous :  it  contained  from  7000  to  8000 
soldiers.  The  others  were  from  4000  to  5000.  The  camps  con- 
tained about  30,000  men.  They  were  about  to  be  doubled,  at 
least,  by  the  arrival  of  the  fresh  recruits.  They  were  to  per- 
form the  duty  of  the  police  both  in  the  recently  conquered 
countries,  such  as  Belgium,  and  in  the  recently  pacified 
countries,  such  as  ISTormandy,  Bretagne,  and  Poitou.  The 
First  Consul  had  ordered  search  to  be  made  in  the  woods 
for  concealed  arms.  He  had  begun  to  form,  by  the  allurement 
of  high  pay,  three  or  four  battalions,  composed  of  all  those 
men  who  had  contracted  adventurous  habits  in  the  civil  war ; 
and  he  purposed,  but  without  saying  so,  to  send  them  to 
Egypt.  As  for  the  chiefs,  he  had  assigned  to  them  residences 
remote  from  the  theatre  of  the  civil  war,  and  had  soothed 
the  mortification  of  this  exile  by  pensions  amply  sufficient  to 
make  them  truly  comfortable. 

These  arrangements  made,  there  remained,  of  the  60,000 
men  collected  for  the  pacification  of  the  interior,  about  30,000 
excellent  soldiers,  embodied  in  the  demi-brigades  which  had 
suffered  least.  Some  had  returned  to  Paris,  after  the  operations 
executed  in  Normandy  against  M.  de  Frotte.  The  others  were  in 
Bretagne  and  in  La  Vendee.  The  First  Consul  formed  them  into 
three  fine  war  divisions,  two  in  Bretagne  itself,  at  Eennes  and 
at  Nantes,  the  third  in  Paris.     These  divisions  were  to  prepare 


MAR.  1800       CONSULATE  AND  TEE  EMPIRE.  141 

for  service  with  the  utmost  despatch,  to  provide  themselves  with 
such  maUricl  as  was  at  hand,  and  to  procure  the  rest  on  their 
march,  by  such  means  as  we  shall  presently  specify.  They  had 
orders  to  repair  to  the  eastern  frontier,  with  rapid  strides, 
to  use  the  words  of  the  First  Consul,  as  the  army  of  Italy  for- 
merly strode  over  the  valley  of  the  Adige.  It  was  certain  that 
they  would  arrive  in  Switzerland  in  the  montli  of  April. 

There  was  another  resource,  namely,  the  depots  of  the  army 
of  Egypt,  stationed  in  the  south  of  France,  and  which  had 
never  been  able  to  send  recruits  to  their  corps,  because  it  was 
impossible  for  them  to  cross  the  sea,  incessantly  watched  by  the 
English.  By  throwing  a  few  conscripts  into  these  depots,  there 
might  be  formed  fourteen  very  fine  battalions,  quite  capable  of 
taking  the  field.  Orders  were  given  to  despatch  them  towards 
Lyons,  as  soon  as  they  should  be  equipped.  This  formed  a  fourth 
excellent  division,  and  capable  of  rendering  good  service. 

What  is  most  difficult  and  takes  the  longest  time  in  the  com- 
position of  an  army  is  the  organisation  of  the  artillery.  The 
First  Consul,  by  resolving  to  form  this  array  of  reserve  in  the 
east,  had,  in  the  depots  of  Auxonne,  Besanqon,  and  Brianqon, 
the  means  of  collecting,  \n2:icrsonnel  and  mat&riel,  a  force  of  sixty 
pieces  of  cannon.  Two  very  able  officers  of  artillery.  Generals 
Marmont  and  Gassendi,  and  who  were  devotedly  attached  to  the 
First  Consul,  were  despatched  from  Paris  with  orders  to  get  ready 
these  sixty  pieces  of  cannon  in  the  different  depots,  but  without 
divulging  where  they  were  to  be  concentrated  or  used. 

A  place  of  rendezvous  for  all  these  scattered  forces  was  yet 
to  be  indicated.  If  an  attempt  had  been  made  to  conceal  such 
preparations  by  silence,  that  very  silence  would  have  had  the 
effect  of  giving  the  alarm.  The  First  Consul  wished  to  deceive 
the  enemy  by  the  very  noise  that  he  was  about  to  make.  He 
inserted  in  the  Monitcur  a  decree  of  the  Consuls  for  the  crea- 
tion of  an  army  of  reserve,  which  was  to  be  formed  at  Dijon,  and 
to  be  composed  of  60,000  men.  Bertliier  set  off  post  for  Dijon, 
to  commence  the  organisation  of  it.  Tiie  reader  will  recollect 
that  Berthier  was  more  master  of  liis  tiiiu^  since  the  entry  of 
Carnot  upon  the  ministry  of  war.  A  warm  appeal  was  made 
to  the  old  volunteers  of  the  lievohuion,  who,  after  one  or  two 
campaigns,  had  returned  to  their  homes.  Tliey  were  besc^eehed 
to  repair  to  Dijon.  A  small  quantity  of  uiateriii  and  a  few 
conscripts  were  sent  thither  witli  great  parade.  Old  officers, 
despatched  to  that  point,  exhibited  an  appearance  of  skeletons, 
for  connnencing  the  instruction  of  the  conscrii)ts.  The  news- 
paper writers,  who  were  not  permitted  to  loucli  on  militaiy 
affairs  without  great  circumspection,  were  allowed  to  say  what 
they  i)leascd  about  the  ai'my  organising  at  Dijon,  and  to  till 
their  cobnnns  with  ])articulars  concerning  it.    This  was  sufficient 


142  HISTORY  OF  THE  mar.  1800 

to  attract  the  spies  of  all  Europe,  and  accordingly  they  did  not 
fail  to  repair  thither  in  great  number. 

If  the  divisions  formed  at  Nantes,  Eennes,  and  Paris,  with 
the  troops  drawn  from  La  Vendee ;  if  the  division  formed  at 
Toulon,  Marseilles,  Avignon,  with  the  depots  of  the  army  of 
Egypt ;  if  the  artillery  prepared  at  Besancjon,  Auxonne,  and 
Briancjon,  with  the  resources  of  these  arsenals,  had  been 
assemtiled  at  Dijon,  it  would  have  been  all  over  with  the 
secret  of  the  First  Consul :  everybody  would  have  been  aware 
of  the  existence  of  the  army  of  reserve.  But  he  took  good  care 
not  to  act  in  that  manner.  Those  divisions  were  marched  off 
towards  Geneva  and  Lausanne  by  different  routes,  so  that  the 
public  attention  was  not  particularly  drawn  to  any  one  point. 
They  passed  for  reinforcements  destined  for  the  army  of  the 
Ehine,  which,  being  spread  from  Strasburg  to  Constance,  might 
well  appear  to  be  the  goal  towards  which  these  reinforcements 
were  marching.  The  preparations  in  materiel,  ordered  in  the 
arsenals  of  Auxonne  and  Besanc^on,  passed  for  a  supplement 
of  artillery  destined  for  the  same  army.  Those  making  at 
Briangon  were  supposed  to  relate  to  the  troops  in  Liguria.  The 
First  Consul  caused  a  quantity  of  spirits  to  be  sent  to  Geneva ; 
but  neither  did  this  supply  betray  its  real  destination,  since  our 
army  in  Germany  had  its  base  of  operations  in  Switzerland. 
He  ordered  2,000,000  rations  of  biscuit  to  be  made  in  the 
departments  bordering  on  the  Ehone :  these  were  destined  for 
the  subsistence  of  the  army  of  reserve  amidst  the  sterility  of 
the  Alps ;  i  ,800,000  rations  were  secretly  sent  up  the  Ehine  to 
Geneva,  and  the  other  200,000  despatched  with  ostentation  to 
Toulon,  to  induce  a  ))elief  that  these  unusual  supplies  were 
made  for  the  navy.  Lastly,  the  di\'isious  in  march,  conducted 
slowly  and  without  fatiguing  them,  towards  Geneva  and  Lau- 
sanne— they  had,  in  fact,  half  of  starch  and  the  whole  of  April 
to  perform  the  distance — received  by  the  way  such  things  as 
they  were  in  need  of — shoes,  clothing,  muskets,  horses.  The 
First  Consul,  having  settled  in  his  own  mind  the  route  which 
they  were  to  follow,  and  carefully  ascertained  the  nature  of 
their  wants,  forwarded  to  every  place  through  which  they  were 
to  pass  a  supply,  sometimes  of  one  thing,  sometimes  of  another, 
taking  good  care  not  to  excite  attention  by  a  large  assemblage 
of  stores  at  a  single  point.  The  correspondence  relative  to  these 
preparations  was  not  carried  on  through  the  war-office,  but  con- 
fined between  himself  and  the  commanders  of  corps,  and  sent  by 
trusty  aides-de-camp,  who  travelled  post  to  and  fro,  saw  every- 
thing with  their  own  eyes,  did  everything  directly,  furnished 
with  the  irresistible  orders  of  the  First  Consul,  and  ignorant  all 
the  while  of  the  general  plan  which  they  were  furthering. 

The  secret,  confined  to  the  First  Consul  and  Berthier,  and 


MAR.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  143 

two  or  three  generals  of  engineers  and  artillery,  to  whom  it  was 
absolutely  necessary  to  communicate  the  plan  of  the  campaign 
was  strictly  kept.  None  of  them  would  have  betrayed  it,  be- 
cause secrecy  is  an  act  of  obedience,  which  governments  obtain 
in  proportion  to  the  ascendency  which  they  exercise.  On  this 
grovmd,  that  of  the  First  Consul  had  no  indiscretion  to  fear. 
The  foreign  spies  who  thronged  to  Dijon,  finding  there  only  a 
few  conscripts,  a  few  volunteers,  and  a  few  old  officers,  fancied 
themselves  extremely  shrewd  in  discovering  that  there  was 
nothing  serious  in  the  matter ;  that  the  First  Consul  evidently 
made  all  this  noise  merely  to  frighten  Baron  de  Melas,  to  prevent 
him  from  penetrating  by  the  mouths  of  the  Khone,  and  per- 
suading him  that  he  should  find  in  the  south  of  France  an  army 
of  reserve  capable  of  stopping  him.  Such  was  the  construction 
put  upon  the  matter  by  all  who  believed  themselves  to  be  good 
judges  of  it ;  and  the  English  newspapers  were  soon  filled  with 
thousands  upon  thousands  of  squibs.  Among  the  caricatures 
of  the  day,  was  one  on  the  army  of  reserve ;  it  represented  a 
child  leading  an  invalid  with  a  wooden  leg. 

This  was  just  what  the  First  Consul  wanted :  his  only  wish 
was  to  see  himself  laughed  at  for  the  moment.  Meanwhile, 
his  divisions  were  marching,  his  materiel  was  preparing  towards 
the  eastern  frontiers,  and,  in  the  first  days  of  May,  an  army, 
formed  in  a  trice,  would  be  ready  either  to  support  Moreau,  or 
to  throw  itself  on  the  other  side  of  the  Alps,  and  change  the 
face  of  events  there. 

The  First  Consul  had  not  neglected  the  navy.  After  the 
cruise  which  Admiral  Bruix  had  made  in  the  preceding  year  in 
the  Mediterranean,  with  the  combined  forces  of  Franco  and 
Spain,  the  grand  fleet,  under  his  command,  had  returned  to 
Brest.  It  was  composed  of  fifteen  Spanish  ships,  and  about  a 
score  of  French,  in  the  whole  little  short  of  forty  sail.  Twenty 
English  sliips  were  l)lockading  it  at  the  moment.  The  First 
Consul  took  advantage  of  the  first  financial  resources  which  he 
had  succeeded  in  creating,  to  send  some  provisions  and  part  of 
the  arrears  of  pay  to  this  fleet.  He  enjoined  it  not  to  suffer 
itself  to  be  blockaded ;  if  it  had  but  thirty  sail  against  twenty 
to  put  to  sea  on  the  first  occasion,  were  it  even  obliged  to  light : 
and  if  it  was  possible  to  keej)  at  sea,  to  pass  the  Straits  of 
CJibraltar,  to  steer  thence  for  Toulon,  to  take  in  convoy  there 
some  vessels  laden  with  su])])lies  for  Egypt,  and  then  to  raise 
the  lilockadc  of  ]\lalta  and  Alexandria.  Tlie  coast  once  clear, 
commerce  alone  would  suffice  for  revictualling  the  I'rt'uch  gar- 
risons scattered  along  the  shores  of  tlie  Mediterranean. 

.Such  was  the  attention  paid  by  the  First  Consul  to  militarv 
affairs,  while,  with  Messrs.  Sieyes,  Canibaci'res,  Talleyrand, 
Caudin,  and  other  ])aitieii>ators  in  his  labours,  lie  was  engaged  in 


144  HISTORY  OF  THE  mar.  1800 

organising  the  government,  in  re-establishing  the  finances,  in 
creating  a  civil  and  judicial  administration,  lastly,  in  negotiating 
with  Europe.  But  it  was  not  enough  to  conceive  plans,  to  pre- 
pare for  the  execution  of  them ;  it  was  necessary  to  instil  his 
ideas  into  the  heads  of  his  lieutenants,  who,  though  amenable 
to  his  consular  authority,  were  not  so  completely  subservient 
then  as  they  were  afterwards,  when,  with  the  titles  of  marshals 
of  the  Empire,  they  obeyed  an  Emperor.  The  plan  prescribed 
to  ]\loreau,  in  particular,  had  turned  his  cold  and  timid  head 
topsy-turvy.  That  general  was  frightened  at  the  boldness  of 
the  operation  which  he  was  ordered  to  perform.  We  have 
already  described  the  country  on  which  he  was  to  operate.  The 
Ehine,  we  have  said,  runs  from  east  to  west  between  Constance 
and  Basle,  turns  northward  at  Basle,  passing  by  Brisach,  Stras- 
burg,  and  Mayence.  In  the  angle  which  it  thus  describes  is 
what  is  called  the  Black  Forest,  a  woody  and  mountainous  tract, 
intersected  by  defiles,  which  lead  from  the  valley  of  the  Rhine 
to  that  of  the  Danube.  The  French  army  and  the  Austrian 
army  occupied,  in  some  measure,  the  three  sides  of  a  triangle  : 
the  French  army  occupied  two,  from  Strasburg  to  Basle,  from 
Basle  to  Schaffhausen  ;  the  Austrian  army  one  only,  from  Stras- 
burg to  Constance.  The  latter,  therefore,  had  the  advantage  of 
a  more  easy  concentration.  Kray,  having  his  left  under  Prince 
Keuss  in  the  environs  of  Constance,  his  right  in  the  defiles  of 
the  Black  Forest,  nearly  to  Strasburg,  his  centre  at  Donau- 
Eschingen,  at  the  point  of  intersection  of  all  the  roads,  could  con- 
centrate his  forces  speedily  before  tlie  very  spot  which  Moreau 
might  choose  for  crossing  the  Ehine,  whether  between  Strasburg 
and  Basle,  or  between  Basle  and  Constance.  Such  was  the  sub- 
ject of  the  French  general's  uneasiness.  He  feared  that  Kray, 
presenting  himself  with  his  whole  force  at  the  point  of  passage, 
might  render  that  passage  impracticable,  perhaps  qxqw  disastrous. 
Tlie  First  Consul  had  no  such  apprehensions.  He  conceived, 
on  the  contrary,  that  the  French  army  miglit  very  easily  concen- 
trate itself  on  the  left  flank  of  Kray,  and  thus  turn  it.  On  this 
account,  he  desired,  as  we  have  already  said,  that,  taking  advan- 
tage of  the  curtain  which  covered  it,  that  is  to  say,  of  the  Ehine, 
it  should  ascend  that  river  on  a  sudden  ;  that  it  should  assemble 
between  Basle  and  Schaff  havisen ;  that,  with  boats  secretly 
provided  in  the  trilnitary  streams,  it  should  throw  across  four 
bridges  on  one  and  the  same  morning ;  and  that  it  should  debouch 
to  the  number  of  80,000  or  100,000  men,  between  Stockach  and 
Donau-Eschingen,  falling  upon  the  flank  of  Kray,  cutting  him 
off  from  his  reserves  and  from  his  left,  and  driving  him  in  dis- 
order upon  the  Upper  1  )anube.  He  thought  that,  if  this  operation 
were  executed  with  promptness  and  vigour,  the  Austrian  army 
in  Germany  might  be  destroyed.    AVliat  he  did  at  a  later  period, 


MAR.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  145 

setting  out  from  a  different  point,  but  in  the  same  parts,  about 
Ulm ;  what  he  did  this  same  year  by  the  St.  Bernard,  proves 
that  this  plan  had  in  it  nothing  l)ut  what  was  perfectly  practi- 
cable. He  was  of  opinion  that  the  French  army,  not  operating 
in  an  enemy's  country,  since  it  would  ascend  by  the  left  bank, 
having  only  to  march  without  fighting,  might,  with  certain 
precautions,  steal  two  or  three  marches  upon  Kray,  and  that 
it  would  be  at  the  point  of  passage  before  that  general  had 
collected  sufticient  means  to  prevent  it. 

This  was  the  plan  which  had  disturbed  the  mind  of  Moreau, 
unaccustomed  to  these  bold  combinations.  He  was  fearful  that 
Kray,  receiving  timely  intelligence,  would  advance  with  the  mass 
of  his  forces  to  meet  the  French  army,  and  would  drive  it  into 
the  river.  Moreau  would  rather  avail  himself  of  the  existing 
bridges  at  Strasburg,  Brisach,  and  Basle,  for  debouchinfj  in 
several  columns  on  the  right  bank ;  he  proposed  in  this  manner 
to  divide  the  attention  of  the  Austrians,  to  draw  them  princi- 
pally towards  the  defiles  of  the  Black  Forest,  corresponding 
with  the  bridges  of  Strasburg  and  Brisach,  then,  after  enticing 
them  into  these  defiles,  slip  away  suddenly,  march  along  the 
Rhine  with  the  columns  which  should  have  crossed  that  river, 
and  post  himself  before  Schaffhausen,  to  cover  the  rest  of  the 
army  while  debouching  there. 

Moreau's  plan  was  not  without  merit,  but  neither  was  it 
without  serious  inconveniences ;  for,  if  it  tended  to  avoid  the 
danger  of  a  single  passage  executed  in  mass,  it  had,  l)y  dividing 
this  operation,  the  inconvenience  of  dividing  the  forces,  of 
throwing  two  or  three  detached  columns  upon  the  enemy's 
ground,  of  making  them  perform  a  dangerous  flank  march  as  far 
as  Schaffhausen,  where  they  were  to  cover  the  last  and  principal 
passage  of  the  river.  Lastly,  this  plan  had  tlie  disadvantage  of 
securing  few  or  no  results  ;  for  it  did  not  throw  the  Frcneli  army 
entire  and  all  at  once  upon  the  left  Hank  of  ]Marslial  Kray : 
wliich  would  have  Ijeen  the  only  way  to  overpower  tlie  Austrian 
general,  and  to  cut  him  off  from  Bavaria. 

It  is  a  sight  worthy  of  the  attention  of  History,  that  of  these 
two  men,  opposed  to  each  other  in  an  interesting  circumstance, 
which  exhibited  so  conspicuously  their  diversities  in  mind  and 
character.  The  plan  of  ]\Ioreau,  as  is  frequently  tlie  case  with 
the  plans  of  second-rate  men,  had  only  tlie  ap])('aranccs  of 
prudence;  but  it  niiglit  succeed  in  the  execution,  for,  we  must 
incessantly  repeat  it,  the  execution  redeems  evcrylln'ng :  some- 
times it  causes  the  l)est  combinalions  to  misearrv,  and  the  worst 
to  succeed.  ]\Iorcau  persisted,  therefore,  in  liis  idras.  The 
First  Consul,  wishing  to  jiersuatle  liini  by  nie;ins  of  a  chosen 
agent,  summoned  to  I'aris  General  J)ess()Ies,  chief  of  the  staff  of 
the  army  of  Germany,  possessing  an  acute,  penetrating  mind, 

VOL.  I.  K 


146  HISTORY  OF  THE  mar.  1800 

worthy  of  serving  for  a  link  between  two  powerful  and  sus- 
ceptible men ;  for  he  had  a  desire  to  conciliate  his  superiors, 
which  is  not  always  found  in  subordinates.  The  First  Consul, 
therefore,  called  him  to  Paris  about  the  middle  of  March  (end 
of  Ventose),  and  kept  him  there  several  days.  After  explaining 
his  ideas  to  him,  he  made  him  perfectly  comprehend  them, 
and  even  prefer  them  to  those  of  Moreavi.  General  Dessoles, 
nevertheless,  persisted  in  advising  the  First  Consul  to  adopt 
Moreau's  plan,  because  it  was  necessary,  in  his  opinion,  to  leave 
the  general  who  operates  to  act  according  to  his  own  ideas  and 
character,  when  he  is  moreover  a  man  worthy  of  the  command 
entrusted  to  him.  "  Your  plan,"  said  he  to  the  First  Consul, 
"  is  grander,  more  decisive,  probably  also  more  sure ;  but  it  is 
not  adapted  to  the  genius  of  him  who  is  to  execute  it.  You 
have  a  way  of  carrying  on  war,  which  is  superior  to  any  other ; 
Moreau  has  his,  inferior,  no  doubt,  to  yours,  but  yet  excellent. 
Leave  him  to  act;  he  will  act  well;  slowly  perhaps,  but  surely; 
and  he  will  procure  for  you  all  the  results  that  you  need  for 
the  success  of  your  general  combinations.  If,  on  the  other 
hand,  you  insist  on  the  execution  of  your  ideas,  you  will  upset 
him,  you  will  even  offend  him,  and  you  will  obtain  nothing  from 
him,  by  wanting  to  obtain  too  much."  The  First  Consul,  as 
well  versed  in  the  knowledge  of  men  as  in  that  of  his  profession, 
appreciated  the  wisdom  of  the  advice  of  General  Dessoles,  and 
gave  way.  "You  are  right,"  said  he;  "Moreau  is  not  capable 
of  appreciating  and  executing  the  plan  which  I  have  conceived. 
Let  him  do  as  he  pleases,  provided  he  throws  Marshal  Kray 
upon  Ulm  and  Eatisbon,  and  afterwards  sends  back  his  left 
wing,  in  time,  upon  Switzerland.  The  plan,  which  he  does  not 
comprehend,  which  he  dares  not  venture  to  execute,  I  will 
execute  myself,  on  another  part  of  the  theatre  of  war.  What 
he  dares  not  do  on  the  Ehine,  I  will  do  on  the  Alps.  He 
may,  by-and-by,  regret  the  glory  which  he  relinquishes  to  me." 
Proud  and  profound  words,  containing  an  entire  military  pro- 
phecy, as  the  reader  will  be  able  to  judge  presently.* 

The  manner  of  crossing  the  Ehine  being  thus  left  to  Moreau, 
there  was  still  one  point  left  to  settle.  The  First  Consul  much 
wished  that  the  right  wing,  commanded  by  Lecourbe,  should 
remain  in  reserve  on  the  Swiss  territory,  quite  ready  to  support 
Moreau,  if  he  needed  it,  but  that  it  should  not  penetrate  into 
Germany,  if  its  presence  there  was  not  indispensable ;  in  order 
that  it  might  not  have  to  retrograde  for  the  purpose  of  co- 
operating among  the  Alps.  He  knew,  however,  what  a  difficult 
thing  it  is  to  take  from  a  commander-in-chief  a  detachment 
of  his  army,  when  operations  are  once  commenced.     Moreau 

*  I  had  the  honour,  in  my  youth,  to  receive  this  account  from  the  lips  of 
General  Dessoles  himself. 


APRiLiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  147 

insisted  on  having  Lecourbe,  engaging  to  return  him  to  General 
Bonaparte  as  soon  as  he  should  have  driven  Marshal  Kray  upon 
Ulm.  The  First  Consul  complied  with  this  desire,  resolved  to 
concede  everything  to  maintain  harmony;  but  he  required 
Moreau  to  sign  an  agreement,  by  which  he  engaged,  after  he 
had  thrown  the  Austrians  upon  Ulm,  to  detach  Lecourbe,  with 
20,000  or  25,000  men,  towards  the  Alps.  This  agreement  was 
signed  at  Basle,  between  Moreau  and  Berthier,  the  latter  being 
officially  considered  as  general-in-chief  of  the  army  of  reserve. 

General  Dessoles  had  left  Paris,  after  he  had  completely 
settled  all  the  points  in  discussion  with  the  First  Consul.  Their 
plans  were  concerted :  everything  was  ready  for  opening  the 
campaign,  and  it  was  important  to  commence  operations  imme- 
diately, in  order  that,  Moreau  having  executed  early  the  part  of 
the  plan  which  concerned  him,  the  First  Consul  might  throw 
himself  to  the  other  side  of  the  Alps,  and  extricate  Massena 
before  he  was  overwhelmed,  for  he  was  struggling  with  36,000 
men  against  120,000.  The  First  Consul  wished  that  Moreau 
should  open  the  campaign  by  the  middle  of  April,  or  the  end  of 
that  month  at  latest.  But  his  solicitations  were  vain  :  Moreau 
was  not  ready,  and  he  had  neither  activity,  nor  a  mind  fertile  in 
resources,  which  make  amends  for  the  insufficiency  of  means. 
While  he  was  delaying,  the  Austrians,  adhering  to  their  plan 
of  taking  the  initiative  in  Italy,  attacked  Massena,  and  com- 
menced with  that  general  a  struggle  which  the  disproportion 
of  strength  has  rendered  worthy  of  everlasting  remembrance. 

The  army  of  Liguria  comprehended,  at  most,  36,000  men  fit 
for  active  service,  and  distributed  in  the  following  manner. 

Thirteen  or  fourteen  thousand  men,  under  General  Suchet, 
forming  the  left  of  the  army,  occupied  the  Col  de  Tende,  Nice, 
and  the  line  of  the  Yar.  A  corps  detached  from  that  wing, 
aliout  4000  strong,  under  the  command  of  General  Thureau, 
was  posted  on  Mont  Cenis.  There  were  consequently  18,000 
men  engaged  in  guarding  the  frontier  of  France,  from  Mont 
Cenis  to  the  Col  de  Tende. 

Ten  or  twelve  thousand  men,  under  General  Soult,  forming 
the  centre  of  the  army,  defended  the  two  principal  deliouches 
of  the  Apennines,  that  which  descends  from  the  Upper  Bor- 
mida  upon  Savona  and  Finale,  and  tliat  of  the  Bocchetta,  whicli 
descends  upon  Genoa. 

Seven  or  eight  tliousand  men,  very  nearly,  under  the  intrepid 
^liollis,  occupied  Genoa,  and  a  col  wliicli  debouches  near  that 
city,  on  tlie  opposite  side  to  tiiat  of  the  liocchetta.  Thus,  tlie 
second  lialf  of  this  army,  i8,O0O  men,  or  thereal)0uls,  defended 
the  Apennines  and  Liguria.  The  danger  of  a  separation  between 
these  two  portions  of  the  army,  tliat  which  occupied  Xice,  and 
that  which  occupied  Genoa,  was  evident. 


148  HISTORY  OF  THE  ai-kiliSoo 

These  36,000  French  had  opposed  to  them  the  120,000 
Austriaiis  under  the  Baron  de  Melas,  perfectly  recruited,  fed, 
revictualled,  thanks  to  the  abundance  of  all  things  in  Italy, 
and  to  the  subsidies  with  which  England  furnished  Austria. 
General  Kaim,  with  the  heavy  artillery,  the  cavalry,  and  a 
corps  of  infantry,  in  all  50,000  men,  had  been  left  in  Piedmont, 
to  serve  for  rear-guard  there,  and  to  observe  the  debouches 
from  Switzerland.  Melas,  with  70,000  men,  the  greater  part 
infantry,  had  advanced  towards  the  defiles  of  the  Apennines. 
He  had,  besides  the  superiority  in  number,  the  advantage  of 
concentric  position ;  for  Massena  was  obliged  with  30,000  men 
(the  surplus  occupying  Mont  Cenis)  to  guard  the  semicircle 
formed  by  the  Maritime  Alps  and  the  Apennines,  from  Nice 
to  G-enoa — a  semicircle  not  less  than  forty  leagues  in  extent. 
General  Melas,  on  the  contrary,  placed  on  the  other  side  of 
the  mountains,  in  the  centre  of  this  semicircle,  between  Coni, 
Ceva,  and  Gavi,  had  but  a  little  way  to  go  in  order  to  reach 
one  or  the  other  of  the  points  which  he  proposed  to  attack. 
He  could  easily  make  false  demonstrations  on  one  of  these 
points,  and  then,  striking  off  rapidly  for  the  other,  act  upon 
it  en  masse.  Massena,  threatened  in  this  manner,  had  forty 
leagues  to  travel,  in  going  from  Nice  to  the  relief  of  Genoa, 
or  from  Genoa  to  the  relief  of  Nice. 

It  was  upon  these  circumstances  viewed  as  a  whole  that  the 
instructions  given  by  the  First  Consul  to  Massena  were  founded 
— instructions  already  referred  to  in  a  general  manner,  but 
which  it  is  necessary  to  recapitulate  rather  more  in  detail. 
Three  roads,  fit  for  artillery,  led  from  one  side  of  the  mountains 
to  the  other :  that  which,  by  way  of  Turin,  Coni,  and  Tende, 
debouches  upon  Nice  and  the  A'^ar ;  the  second,  ascending  the 
valley  of  the  Bormida,  leads  by  the  Col  of  Cadibona  towards 
Savona ;  lastly,  that  of  the  Bocchetta,  which,  by  Tortona  and 
Gavi,  descends,  on  the  left  of  Genoa,  into  the  valley  of  the 
Polcevera.  The  danger  was  lest  Baron  de  Melas  should  bring 
his  whole  force  to  bear  upon  the  second  of  these  debouches, 
cut  the  French  army  in  two,  and  throw  lialf  upon  Nice  and 
half  upon  Genoa.  Perceiving  this  danger,  tlie  First  Consul 
addressed  to  Massena,  in  letters  full  of  admirable  foresight 
(March  5  th  and  12th),  instructions,  the  substance  of  which  I 
shall  here  give.  "  Beware,"  said  he,  "  of  having  too  extended  a 
line.  Have  few  men  upon  the  Alps  and  at  the  Col  de  Tende, 
where  the  snow  will  clef  end  you.  Lea^'e  some  detachments 
about  Nice  and  the  surrounding  forts ;  have  four-fifths  of  your 
force  at  Genoa  and  in  the  environs.  The  enemy  will  debouch 
upon  your  right  towards  Genoa,  upon  your  centre  towards 
Savona,  probably  on  both  points  at  once.  Eefuse  one  of  the 
two  attacks,  and  fall  with  your  whole   united  force  upon   one 


APKiLiSoo       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  149 

of  the  enemy's  columns.  The  ground  will  not  permit  him  to 
avail  himself  of  his  superiority  in  artillery  and  cavalry;  he 
will  be  able  to  attack  you  with  infantry  alone ;  yours  is  in- 
finitely superior  to  his,  and,  favoured  by  the  nature  of  the 
ground,  it  may  make  amends  for  deficiency  in  number.  In  this 
broken  country,  if  you  mana3uvre  well,  you  may,  with  30,ocxD 
men,  beat  60,000,  and  to  carry  60,000  infantry  into  Liguria, 
M.  de  Melas  must  have  90,000,  which  presupposes  a  total 
army  of  120,000  men,  at  least.  M.  de  jMelas  has  neither  your 
activity  nor  your  talents :  you  have  no  reason  to  be  afraid  of 
him.  If  he  appears  towards  Nice  while  you  are  at  Genoa,  let 
him  march ;  don't  stir :  he  will  not  venture  to  push  very  far 
while  you  remain  in  Liguria,  ready  to  fall  upon  his  rear,  or 
upon  the  troops  left  in  Piedmont." 

Various  causes  prevented  Massena  from  following  this  pru- 
dent advice.  In  the  first  place,  he  was  surprised  by  the  sudden 
irruption  of  the  Austrians,  before  he  had  time  to  rectify  the 
position  of  his  troops,  and  to  make  his  definitive  arrangements : 
secondly,  he  had  not  sufficient  provisions  in  the  city  of  Genoa 
to  concentrate  his  whole  ai'my  tliere.  Fearful  of  consuming  the 
provisions,  which  the  place  w"ould  have  great  need  of,  in  case  of 
a  siege,  he  wislied  to  make  use  of  the  resources  of  Nice,  which 
were  much  more  abundant.  Lastly,  it  must  be  confessed, 
Massena  did  not  sufficiently  comprehend  all  the  profundity  of 
the  instructions  of  his  superior,  to  disregard  the  inconveniences,' 
real  enough,  it  is  true,  of  a  general  concentration  upon  Genoa. 
Massena  was,  perhaps,  the  first  of  the  generals  of  his  time  on  a 
field  of  battle  ;  in  point  of  character,  he  was  equal  to  the  most 
resolute  generals  of  any  age  ;  but,  though  he  had  abundance  of 
)iatural  talent,  the  extent  of  his  views  fell  short  of  the  prompt- 
ness of  his  cou}:)  d'ceil  and  the  energy  of  his  mind. 

Thus,  for  want  of  time,  for  want  of  provisions,  for  want  also 
of  being  sufficiently  impressed  with  the  importance  of  the  step, 
he  did  not  concentrate  his  forces  soon  enough  upon  Genoa,  and 
was  surprised  by  the  Austrians.  The  latter  opened  the  campaign 
on  the  5th  of  April  (the  15th  Germinal),  that  is  to  say,  much 
earlier  than  one  would  have  expected  hostilities  to  be  resumed. 
Baron  de  ]\Ielas  advanced,  with  about  70,000  or  75,000  men,  to 
force  the  chain  of  the  Apennines.  His  lieutenants,  Ott  and 
Jlohenzollern,  were  despatched  witli  25,000  men  ui)on  C!enoa. 
General  Ott,  with  15,000,  asceiuling  the  Trebl)ia,  ajtproached 
by  tlie  cols  of  Scoffi-ra  and  ^loiite  Greto,  which  debouch  upon 
the  riglit  of  Genoa;  Hohenzollern,  with  10.000,  threatened  tlie 
lUx'chetta,  wliich  debouches  upon  the  left  of  that  city.  I'aron 
de  ]M('las,  with  50,000  men,  ascended  the  Uorniida.  ami  attacked 
simultaneously  all  the  ]iositions  of  whrtt  we  liave  called  tlie 
niiddlc  road,  which  runs  i)V  wav  of  Caililiona   to  Savona.     His 


150  HISTORY  OF  THE  apkiliSoo 

intention,  as  the  First  Consul  had  foreseen,  was  to  force  our 
centre  and  to  separate  General  Suchet  from  General  Soult,  who 
gave  the  hand  to  each  other  at  about  this  point.  A  violent 
struggle  ensued,  from  the  sources  of  the  Tarano  and  of  the 
Bormida  to  the  scarped  summits  overlooking  Genoa,  Generals 
Elsnitz  and  Melas  sustained  obstinate  encounters  with  Suchet 
at  Eocca-Barbena,  Sette-Pani,  Melogno,  and  Santo  Jacobo  ;  with 
Soult  at  Montelegino,  Stella,  Cadibona,  and  Savona.  The  sol- 
diers of  the  Eepublic,  profiting  by  this  mountainous  country, 
availing  themselves  of  all  the  accidents  of  the  ground,  defended 
themselves  with  incomparable  bravery,  inflicted  on  the  enemy  a 
loss  three  times  as  great  as  their  own,  for  their  fire  was  poured 
down  upon  dense  and  deep  masses  ;  but,  obliged  to  fight  without 
ceasing  against  troops  continually  renewed,  they  were  at  length 
forced  to  fall  back,  vanquished  by  exhaustion  and  fatigue  more 
than  by  the  Austrians.  Generals  Suchet  and  Soult  were  com- 
pelled to  separate,  and  to  retire,  the  one  upon  Borghetto,  the 
other  upon  Savona.  The  French  line  was  thus  broken,  as  might 
easily  be  foreseen ;  one-half  of  the  army  of  Liguria  was  thrown 
upon  Nice;  the  other  doomed  to  shut  itself  up  in  Genoa. 

On  the  side  of  Genoa  itself,  the  success  had  been  equally 
balanced.  The  attack  on  the  Bocchetta,  attempted  by  Count 
Hohenzollern,  with  too  few  troops  to  worst  the  French,  that 
is,  with  about  10,000  men  against  5000,  was  repulsed  by  Gazan's 
division.  But,  on  the  right  of  Genoa,  that  is,  tow^ards  the  posi- 
tions of  the  Monte  Creto  and  of  Scoff'era,  which  afford  access  to 
the  valley  of  Bisagno,  General  Ott,  having  vanquished  the  division 
of  Miollis,  which  had  not  4000  men  to  oppose  to  15,000,  de- 
scended on  the  back  slope  of  the  Apennines,  and,  surrounding  all 
the  forts  which  covered  the  city,  displayed  the  Austrian  colours 
to  the  affrighted  Genoese.  The  English  squadron  at  the  same 
time  hoisted  the  British  flag.  If  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  were 
patriots  and  partisans  of  the  French,  the  peasants  of  the  neigh- 
bouring valleys,  attached  to  the  aristocratic  party,  as  the  Cala- 
brese  in  the  kingdom  of  jSTaples  were  to  Queen  Caroline,  as  the 
Yendeans  in  France  were  to  the  Bourbons,  rose  at  the  sight  of 
the  soldiers  of  the  coalition.  They  rang  the  alarm-bell  in  all  the 
villages.  A  Baron  d'Aspres,  attached  to  the  imperial  service, 
and  possessing  some  influence  in  the  country,  excited  them  to 
revolt.  In  the  evening  of  the  6th  of  April,  the  unfortunate 
inhabitants  of  Genoa,  seeing  the  fires  of  the  Austrians  on  the 
surrounding  mountains,  on  the  sea  the  English  flag  flying,  began 
to  be  afraid  that  the  oligarchy,  already  mad  witli  joy,  would  in 
a  few  days  re-establish  its  detested  empire. 

But  the  intrepid  Masscna  was  amidst  them.  Though  sepa- 
rated from  Suchet  by  the  attack  directed  against  his  centre,  he 
still  numbered  from  15,000  to  18,000  men;  and,  supported  by 


APKiLiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  151 

such  a  garrison,  he  could  defy  any  enemy  whatever  to  force 
before  his  face  the  gates  of  Genoa. 

To  enable  the  reader  to  comprehend  the  operations  executed 
by  the  French  general  during  the  memorable  siege,  it  is  neces- 
sary to  describe  the  theatre  on  which  it  took  place. 

Genoa  is  seated  at  the  very  bottom  of  the  beautiful  gulf  which 
bears  its  name,  at  the  foot  of  a  spur  of  the  Apennines.  This 
spur,  running  from  north  to  south  down  to  the  very  water, 
before  plunging  into  it,  separates  into  two  ridges,  one  turning 
to  the  east,  the  other  to  the  west,  thus  forming  an  inclined 
triangle,  the  apex  of  which  is  connected  with  the  Apennines, 
while  the  base  is  supported  upon  the  sea.  It  is  at  the  base  of 
this  triangle,  and,  be  it  remarked,  with  the  ordinary  irregularity 
of  nature,  that  Genoa  spreads  itself  out  in  long  streets,  bordered 
with  magnificent  palaces.  Nature  and  art  had  done  much  for  its 
defence.  On  the  side  next  the  sea,  two  moles,  running  towards 
one  another  so  as  almost  to  cross,  formed  the  port,  and  defended 
it  against  hostile  squadrons.  On  the  land  side,  a  first  bastioned 
rampart  surrounds  the  densest  and  most  populous  part  of  the 
city.  An  outer  rampart  of  vast  extent,  and  bastioned  like  the 
preceding,  was  carried  along  the  heights,  which,  as  we  have  just 
said,  describe  a  triangular  figure  around  Genoa.  Two  forts,  con- 
structed storey  wise,  one  above  another,  Spur  Fort  and  Diamond 
Fort,  were  placed  at  the  apex  of  this  triangular  figure,  and  covered 
by  their  commanding  fire  the  whole  of  the  fortifications. 

But  this  was  not  all  that  was  done  to  keep  the  enemy  at  a 
great  distance.  If  you  turn  your  back  to  the  sea  and  your  face 
to  Genoa,  you  have  the  east  on  your  right,  the  west  on  your  left. 
Two  small  rivers,  tlie  Bisagno  on  the  east,  or  the  right,  the  Pol- 
cevera  on  the  west,  or  the  left,  wash  the  two  sides  of  the  outer 
rampart.  The  Bisagno  descends  from  those  same  heights  of  the 
Monte  Creto  and  Scofi'era,  which  you  must  cross  when  you  come 
from  the  back  of  the  Apennines,  in  ascending  the  Trebbia.  That 
side  of  the  valley  of  the  Bisagno,  wliich  is  opposite  to  the  city,  is 
called  the  ^lonte  Katti,  and  presents  several  positions,  from  the 
heights  of  which  great  mischief  might  have  been  done  to  Genoa, 
if  they  had  not  been  occupied.  Great  care  had,  therefore,  been 
taken  to  crown  them  with  three  forts,  those  of  Quezzi,  Eichelieu, 
and  St.  Tecle.  The  valley  of  the  Polcevera,  on  the  contrary, 
situated  on  the  left  of  Genoa,  and  descending  from  the  heights 
of  the  Bocchetta,  offers  no  commanding  position  requiring  works 
of  art  for  the  defence  of  tlie  city.  But  a  straggling  suburb,  on 
the  seaside,  that  of  San  Bietro  di  Arena,  presented  a  mass  of 
building  useful  and  easy  to  be  defended. 

Thus  the  fortification  of  Genoa  presented  a  triangle,  inclined 
fifteen  degrees  to  the  horizon,  having  an  extent  of  9000  fathoms, 
connected  l)y  its  apex  with  the  Apennines,  washed  at  the  base 


1 5  2  HIST  OB  Y  OF  THE  apeil  i  800 

by  the  sea,  and  bordered  on  its  two  sides  by  the  Bisagno  on  the 
east,  and  the  Polcevera  on  the  west.  The  Spur  Port,  and  above 
that  Fort  Diamond,  covered  its  summit.  Forts  Richelieu,  St. 
Tecle,  and  Quezzi,  prevented  destructive  fires  from  being  poured 
from  the  flanks  of  Monte  Eatti  upon  the  city  of  marble  palaces. 

Such  was  Genoa  at  that  day ;  such  were  its  defences,  which 
art,  time,  and  contributions  imposed  upon  France  have  since 
greatly  improved. 

Massena  had  it  still  in  his  power  to  assemble  18,000  men. 
If,  with  such  a  garrison,  in  so  strong  a  fortress,  he  had  had  a 
sufficient  stock  of  provisions,  he  would  have  been  invincible. 
We  shall  see  what  character  can  effect  in  war,  for  retrieving  a 
fault  of  combination  or  of  foresight. 

Massena,  determined  to  oppose  an  energetic  resistance  to  the 
enemy,  purposed  to  do  immediately  two  very  important  things ; 
the  first  consisted  in  driving  back  beyond  the  Apennines  the 
Austrians  who  pressed  Genoa  too  closely ;  the  second  in  effect- 
ing a  junction  with  General  Suchet,  by  a  movement  in  concert 
with  that  general,  along-  the  line  of  the  Corniche. 

To  execute  the  first  design,  it  was  requisite  that  he  should 
dislodge  the  Austrians  from  the  Bisagno  on  the  one  hand, 
and  the  Polcevera  on  the  other,  and  that  he  should  drive  them, 
by  the  Monte  Creto  and  the  Bocchetta,  to  the  other  side  of  the 
mountains  from  which  they  had  come.  Without  losing  a  day,  on 
the  very  next  after  their  first  appearance,  that  is,  on  the  7th  of 
April  (17th  Germinal),  he  sallied  from  Genoa,  on  the  east  side, 
and  traversed  the  valley  of  the  Bisagno,  followed  by  the  brave 
division  of  Miollis,  which  had  been  obliged,  two  days  before,  to 
withdraw  from  before  the  greatly  superior  forces  of  General  Ott. 
He  reinforced  it  with  part  of  the  reserve,  and,  placing  himself 
at  its  head,  marched  in  two  columns  :  the  right,  under  General 
d'Arnaud,  kept  close  to  the  shore,  and  proceeded  towards  Quinto  ; 
the  left,  under  Miollis,  directed  its  course  tow^ards  the  acclivities 
of  Monte  Eatti.  A  third  column,  under  General  Petitot,  followed, 
marching  up  the  bottom  of  the  valley  of  the  Bisagno,  which 
winds  at  the  foot  of  Monte  Eatti.  Such  was  the  precision  of  the 
movement  of  these  three  columns,  that  their  fire  was  heard  at  the 
same  moment  on  all  the  points  at  once.  G^eneral  d'Arnaud  by 
one  slope.  General  Miollis  by  the  other,  forced  their  way  with 
the  utmost  vigour  to  the  heights  of  the  Monte  Eatti. 

The  presence  of  Massena  himself,  and  the  desire  of  revenging 
the  surprise  of  the  preceding  day,  animated  the  soldiers.  The 
Austrians  were  hurled  into  the  torrents,  and  lost  all  their 
positions.  General  d'Arnaud  passed  on,  and,  following  the  crest 
of  the  heights,  reached  the  very  summit  of  the  Apennines,  tlie 
Col  of  Scoffera.  Massena,  followed  by  some  companies  of  re- 
serve, descended  into  the  valley  of  the  Bisagno,  to  join  Petitot's 


APRIL  1 800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  153 

column.  Thus  reinforced,  this  latter  column  repulsed  the 
enemy  everywhere,  and,  ascending  the  river,  lent  its  support 
to  General  d'Arnaud's  movement  on  Scoffera.  Entangled  in 
the  winding  valleys,  the  Austrians  left  Massdna  1500  prisoners, 
and  at  their  head  that  Baron  d'Aspres,  who  had  instigated  the 
revolt  of  the  peasants  of  La  Fonte  Buona. 

When,  on  the  evening  of  the  same  day,  Massena  returned  to 
Genoa,  after  delivering  the  Genoese  from  the  sight  of  the  enemy, 
and  bringing  back  as  prisoner  that  officer  whose  speedy  triumphal 
arrival  was  announced,  the  joy  of  the  patriotic,  and  most  nume- 
rous, portion  of  the  population,  was  extreme.  He  was  greeted 
with  acclamations.  The  inhabitants  had  provided  litters  for 
carrying  the  wounded,  and  wine  and  broth  to  refresh  them,  and 
they  disputed  the  honour  of  receiving  them  into  their  houses. 

After  this  act  of  vigour  towards  the  east,  the  most  important 
side  to  clear,  because  upon  that  only  the  city  was  closely  pressed 
by  the  Austrians,  Massena  resolved  to  take  advantage  of  the 
respite  procured  him  by  the  last  success  for  making  an  effort 
towards  the  west,  that  is,  towards  Savona,  and  thereby  re- 
establishing his  communications  with  General  Suchet.  To  secure 
Genoa  from  all  attack  during  his  aljsence,  he  divided  the  troops 
left  him  into  two  corps  ;  the  right  under  General  ]Miollis,  the  left 
under  General  Soult.  The  corps  of  General  Miollis  was  destined 
to  guard  Genoa  with  two  divisions.  DArnaud's  division  was  to 
defend  the  east  side,  fronting  the  Bisagno  ;  Spital's  division,  the 
west,  fronting  the  Polcevera.  The  left  corps,  under  General 
Soult,  was  charged  to  keep  the  field  with  the  two  divisions  of 
Gardanne  and  Gazan.  It  was  with  this  force,  of  about  10,000 
men,  that  Massena  purposed  to  ap^uoach  Savona,  sending  a 
secret  express  to  Suchet,  with  orders  to  attempt  a  simultaneous 
movement  upon  the  same  point.  Gardanne's  division  was 
directed  along  the  shore,  and  Gazan's  upon  the  crests  of  the 
Apennines,  with  the  intention  of  inducing  tlie  enemy,  by  th(^ 
appearance  of  two  separate  columns,  to  split  his  forces.  After- 
wards manoeuvring  rapidly  on  this  ground,  with  which  he  was 
perfectly  acquainted,  ^^hissena  meant,  according  to  circumstances, 
to  unite  these  two  divisions  into  one,  so  as  to  cut  to  pieces,  either 
on  the  tops  of  the  Apennines,  or  along  the  coast,  any  corps  of 
tlie  enemy  that  might  be  most  exposed  to  liis  attacks,  lie  com- 
manded CJardanne's  division  in  person,  and  had  consigned  ( iazan's 
to  General  Soult.  His  intention  was  to  follow  tlie  coast  by  A'oltri, 
A^araggio,  and  Savona :  his  lieutenant,  General  Sovilt,  had  orders  to 
asceiul  l)y  Aqua  Bianca  and  San  I'ietro  del  Alba  u])on  Sassc^llo. 

On  the  morning  of  the  9th  of  April,  our  troojis  coninicnced 
their  movement.  The;  Baron  dc  ]\Ielas,  after  culling  the  Fiencli 
army  in  two,  purposed  to  shut  u])  i\Iass('na  in  (ienoa.and  at 
the  same  time  to  contract  his  own  line,  which  was  too  extended, 


154  HISTORY  OF  THE  apkiliSoo 

for  it  embraced  a  space  of  at  least  fifteen  leagues,  from  the 
valley  of  the  Tanaro  to  that  of  the  Trebbia.  The  two  armies 
met  in  their  movement,  and  upon  this  broken  ground  ensued  a 
most  obstinate  and  at  the  same  time  confused  conflict.  While 
Massena  marched  in  two  columns,  the  Baron  de  Melas  was 
marching  in  three,  and  Count  Hohenzollern,  forming  a  fourth, 
tried  a  new  attack  on  the  Bocchetta.  Ten  thousand  French  were 
about  to  meet  more  than  40,000  Austrians. 

General  Soult,  defiling  by  Voltri,  perceived  on  his  right  the 
Austrians,  who  had  passed  the  Bocchetta,  and  crowned  the  sur- 
rounding heights.  On  arriving  at  a  place  called  Aqua  Santa 
they  might  threaten  the  rear  of  the  French  columns,  and  prevent 
their  return  towards  Genoa.  General  Soult  thought  it  prudent 
to  drive  them  back :  a  brilliant  action  was  the  consequence ; 
Colonel  Mouton,  since  marshal,  and  Count  Lobau,  commanding 
the  3rd  demi-brigade,  displayed  extraordinary  valour.  General 
Soult  took  some  cannon  and  prisoners,  and,  in  spite  of  a  host  of 
enemies,  gained  the  mountain  road  to  Sassello.  The  time  spent 
in  this  action  (which  could  not  prevent  the  ulterior  advance  of 
the  Austrians  upon  the  rear  of  our  columns),  made  it  impossible 
for  Soult  to  reach  Sassello,  on  the  other  side  of  the  Apennines, 
by  the  time  that  General  Massena  was  awaiting  him  there.  The 
latter  had  marched  along  the  sea,  and  next  day,  April  the  loth, 
he  was  in  the  environs  of  Varaggio,  formed  into  two  columns, 
and  seeking  to  enter  into  communication  by  the  heights  with 
the  corps  of  General  Soult,  whom  lie  supposed  to  be  at  Sassello. 
The  enemy,  whose  force  was  ten  times  the  number  of  ours,  endea- 
voured to  envelop  Massena's  two  small  columns,  and  especi- 
ally the  left,  which  he  commanded  in  person.  Massena,  relying 
upon  his  right  column  and  upon  the  movement  of  General 
Soult  towards  Sassello,  resisted  for  a  long  time,  with  1 200  men, 
a  corps  of  from  8000  to  10,000,  and  displayed  extraordinary 
firmness  on  this  occasion.  Being  obliged  to  retreat,  and  having 
lost  sight  of  his  rig'ht  colunm,  which  had  fallen  behind,  in  con- 
sequence of  a  tardy  distribution  of  provisions,  he  set  out  in 
search  of  it,  amidst  frightful  precipices  and  bands  of  revolted 
peasants.  Having  at  last  fallen  in  with  it,  he  ordered  it  to 
rejoin  the  rest  of  Gardanne's  division,  which  had  continued  to 
follow  the  coast  by  Varaggio  and  Cogoletto.  The  difficulty  of 
concerting  his  movements  among  this  multitude  of  enemies,  and 
in  so  broken  a  country,  having  prevented  the  timely  meeting  of 
General  Soult's  corps  with  the  corps  of  General  Massena,  the 
latter  resolved  to  rally  his  troops,  to  ascend  the  crest  of  the 
Apennines  on  his  right,  to  join  his  lieutenant,  and  then  fall 
upon  the  Austrian  corps  scattered  in  those  valleys.  But  our 
harassed  troops  had  dispersed  upon  the  roads,  and  could  not  be 
collected  in  time.     Massena  then  determined  to  send  to  General 


APEiLiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  155 

Soult  all  who  were  capable  of  marching,  to  serve  for  a  reinforce- 
ment ;  and  with  the  rest,  consisting  of  wounded  and  exhausted 
soldiers,  he  continued  to  follow  the  sea-coast,  and  regained  the 
approaches  of  Genoa,  in  order  to  cover  the  retreat  of  the  corps 
d'arm6e,  and  to  ensure  its  re-entry  into  the  place.  Eeduced 
to  a  handful  of  men,  he  had  several  times  to  sustain  the  most 
disproportionate  conflicts ;  and,  in  one  of  these  actions,  a  French 
battalion,  taken  unawares,  having  given  way  before  a  charge  of 
Szekler  hussars,  he  himself  charged  those  hussars  with  thirty 
horse,  and  drove  them  back.  He  Anally  posted  himself  at  Voltri, 
for  the  purpose  of  awaiting  there  the  return  of  General  Soult. 
The  latter,  thrown  into  the  mountains,  among  detachments  of 
the  enemy  five  or  six  times  as  numerous,  was  exposed  to  great 
dangers  there  ;  and,  after  the  most  glorious  efforts,  he  must  have 
succumbed  at  Jast  but  for  the  succours  so  seasonably  sent  to  him 
by  Massena.  lieinforced  in  time,  he  was  enabled  to  regain  the 
road  to  Genoa,  after  sustaining  with  advantage  a  most  arduous 
and  most  vmequal  contest.  He  at  length  rejoined  his  general-in- 
chief,  and  both  re-entered  Genoa,  cutting  their  way,  and  bringing 
with  them  4000  prisoners.  General  Suchet,  on  his  part,  had  en- 
deavoured to  rejoin  his  general-iu-chief,  but  lie  had  found  it  im- 
possible to  penetrate  the  enormous  mass  of  the  Austrian  army. 

The  Genoese  were  transported  with  admiration  at  the  sight 
of  the  French  general  entering  their  (dty  for  the  second  time, 
preceded  by  columns  of  prisoners.  His  ascendency  had  become 
all-powerful.  The  army  and  the  population  obeyed  him  with 
the  profoundest  submission. 

Massena  might,  from  that  moment,  consider  himself  as  defi- 
nitively shut  up  in  Genoa ;  but  he  had  no  intention  to  suffer 
himself  to  be  pressed  too  closely.  His  design  was  to  keep  the 
enemy  continually  at  a  distance  from  the  walls,  to  exhaust  him 
by  incessant  fights,  to  occupy  him  in  such  a  manner  that  he 
could  neither  force  the  Yar,  nor  retire  to  Lonibardy,  nor  oppose; 
the  projected  march  of  the  First  Consul  across  the  Alps. 

Xo  sooner  had  he  returned,  on  the  i8th  of  April  (28th  Ger- 
minal), than  he  directed  his  attention  to  the  internal  police  anil 
the  provisioning  of  the  place.  Fearful  lest  the  Genoese  nobles 
might  practi.se  treachery,  he  took  precautions  against  any  sur- 
prise on  their  part.  The  national  guard,  composed  of  Ligurian 
patriots,  supported  by  a  French  force,  encamped  in  tlie  principal 
square  in  the  city,  with  lighted  matches  to  the  gun.-^,  the  national 
guard  was  to  assemble  wlieiiever  the  drums  shuuld  beat  io  arms. 
Such  of  the  inhabitants  as  did  not  belong  to  it  were  ordei'e(l  to 
retire,  at  this  signal,  to  iheir  houses.  Tlie  armed  troops  alone 
were  authorised  to  traverse  the  streets.  At  oinhnaiy  times,  the 
inhabitants  were  to  be  at  home  by  ten  o'clock  at  night,  and 
assemblages  at  any  time  were  strictly  ])rnliil)ite(l. 


156  HISTORY  OF  THE  aprili8oo 

Massena  had  collected  the  corn  to  be  found  in  Genoa,  pro- 
mising to  pay,  and  actually  paying  for  it,  when  it  was  l)rought 
cheerfully  ;  seizing  it  by  means  of  domiciliary  visits  when  the 
owners  refused  to  deliver  it.  After  securing  all  the  corn,  he 
put  both  army  and  populace  upon  rations,  and  had  thus  pro- 
cured wherewithal  to  feed  his  soldiers  and  the  poor  inhabitants 
during  the  first  fortnight  of  the  siege.  This  fortnight  had 
nearly  elapsed ;  but  there  were  still  left  provisions,  which  the 
money  of  the  wealthy  drew  forth  at  a  high  price  from  certain 
secret  stores,  and  for  their  sole  use.  By  order  of  Massena  a 
fresh  search  was  made,  and  there  was  found  a  sufficiency  of  the 
ordinary  kinds  of  grain,  rye,  oats,  and  others,  to  supply  the  citizens 
and  the  army  with  coarse  bread  for  another  fortnight.  It  was 
hoped  that  some  lucky  gale  of  wind  might  drive  off  the  English, 
and  bring  some  cargoes  of  provisions  into  the  harbour.  Some  as- 
sistance was  expected  from  the  Corsican  and  Ligurian  privateers, 
which  had  been  furnished  with  letters  of  marque  for  the  capture 
of  vessels  laden  with  corn.  In  short,  Massena  had  determined 
to  hold  out  to  the  last  extremities,  and  he  had  resolved,  rather 
than  submit,  to  feed  the  troops  upon  the  cacao  with  which  the 
warehouses  of  Genoa  were  abundantly  stocked.  Being  supplied 
with  some  money,  sent  by  the  First  Consul,  he  hoarded  this  for 
extreme  cases,  and  also  made  use  of  it  for  affording  occasional 
relief  to  his  unfortunate  soldiers,  under  their  cruel  privations. 
Already,  in  this  series  of  encounters,  several  thousand  men  had 
been  pvit  hors  cle  covihat,  and  a  great  number  were  in  the  hospitals. 
In  the  forts,  upon  the  two  ramparts  of  the  place,  and  in  reserve, 
there  was  left  an  active  force  of  about  12,000  combatants. 

In  this  desperate  state  of  things,  Massena,  appearing  every 
day  with  calm  and  serene  countenance,  at  length  communicated 
to  others  the  courage  with  which  he  was  himself  animated.  His 
aide-de-camp,  Franceschi,  embarked  in  a  small  boat  to  proceed 
to  the  coast  of  Nice,  and  thence  to  repair  to  the  First  Consul, 
in  order  to  acquaint  him  with  the  hardships,  the  exploits,  and 
the  pressing  dangers  of  the  army  of  Liguria. 

On  the  morning  of  the  30th  of  April  (loth  Floreal),  a  general 
cannonade,  thundering  on  all  points  at  once  ;  on  the  east  towards 
the  Bisagno,  on  the  west  towards  the  I'olcevera,  lastly,  along  the 
coast  itself,  proceeding  from  a  division  of  gunboats,  announced 
some  grand  attempt  of  the  enemy's.  The  Austrians,  in  fact, 
brought  forward  a  great  force  on  that  day.  The  Count  of  Ilohen- 
zollern  attacked  the  plateau  of  the  Two  Brothers,  on  which  Fort 
Diamond  was  erected.  After  some  fierce  efforts,  lie  made  himself 
master  of  the  plateau,  and  summoned  Fort  Diamond.  In  reply 
to  this  summons,  the  brave  officer  who  commanded  it  declared, 
that  he  would  not  surrender  the  post  committed  to  his  honour 
till  he  was  compelled  by  main  force.    This  fort  was  of  the  greatest 


APRiLiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  157 

importance,  since  it  commanded  the  Spur  Fort,  and,  consequently, 
the  whole  ramparts.  The  Austrian  camp  of  Coronata,  situated 
on  the  banks  of  the  Polcevera,  towards  the  west  front,  opened 
a  vehement  fire  on  the  suburb  of  San  Pietro  di  Arena,  and  several 
attacks  were  made  at  the  same  time,  for  the  purpose  of  cooping 
us  in  a  narrower  space  than  we  occupied  in  this  quarter.  On  the 
opposite  side,  that  is  to  say,  towards  tlie  Bisagno,  the  enemy  sur- 
rounded Fort  liiclielieu,  and  unluckily  took  Fort  Quezzi,  which 
was  not  completely  finished  when  the  siege  began.  Lastly, 
he  made  himself  master  of  the  village  of  St.  Martin  d'Albaro, 
situated  below  Fort  St.  Tecle,  and  he  was  near  occupying  a  for- 
midable position,  that  of  La  ]\ladona  del  ]\Ionte,  from  which  the 
city  of  Genoa  might  be  cannonaded.  The  soldiers  of  General 
d'Arnaud  had  already  abandoned  the  last  houses  of  the  village 
of  St.  j\Iartin  d'Albaro ;  scarcely  any  of  them  now  kept  their 
ranks,  many  having  dispersed  themselves  in  irregular  parties. 
Massena  hastened  to  the  spot,  rallied  them  himself,  renewed 
the  fight,  and  arrested  the  enemy. 

Half  the  day  was  already  gone :  it  was  high  time  to  repair  the 
mischief.  Massena  instantly  repaired  to  Genoa,  and  made  suit- 
able dispositions.  He  gave  to  General  Soult  the  73rd  and  io6th 
demi-brigades,  and  ordered  him  to  retake  the  plateau  of  the 
Two  Brothers.  But,  wishing  first  to  recover  Fort  Quezzi,  and  to 
force  the  enemy  to  evacuate  St.  Martin  d'Albaro,  he  himself  led 
the  Miollis  division  against  that  point,  after  reinforcing  it  with 
battalions  borrowed  from  the  2nd  and  the  3rd  of  the  line. 

D'Arnaud's  division,  returning  to  the  charge,  turned  St. 
Martin  d'Albaro,  drove  back  the  enemy  who  had  occupied  it 
into  the  ravine  of  the  Sturla,  took  from  him  some  prisoners,  and 
thus  covered  the  right  of  the  French  columns  advancing  upon 
Fort  Quezzi.  While  the  brave  Colonel  Mouton,  at  the  head  of 
two  battalions  of  the  3rd,  attacked  this  Fort  Quezzi  in  front, 
Adjutant-General  Hector  was  directed  to  turn  the  ^lonte  IJatti 
by  the  heights  of  Fort  Richelieu.  In  spite  of  unparalleled  elTorts, 
the  brave  Colonel  Mouton  was  repulsed,  but  he  did  not  yield 
ground  till  he  received  a  ball  which  went  through  his  chest,  and 
left  him  nearly  dead  on  the  field  of  battle.  Massena,  who  had 
no  more  than  two  l)attalions,  pushed  one  upon  the  right  fiank 
of  the  position  occupied  by  the  enemy,  and  directed  half  of  the 
other  upon  the  left  fiank  of  the  same  position.  X  fierce  encounter 
took  place  around  this  Fort  (,^)uezzi.  Too  close  to  fire,  tlie  com- 
batants fought  with  stones  and  with  the  butt  of  the  musket.  Our 
soldiers  were  nearly  overpowei-ed  by  nuiiil)crs.  Massrna  then 
took  the  half  battalion  which  he  had  left,  ])ut  himself  at  tlie 
head  of  it,  and  decided  the  victoiy.     Fort  (,,)u('zzi  was  retaken. 

Tbe  Austrians,  driven  from  positi(jn  to  position,  left  a  great 
number   of    dead,    wounded,  and    prisoners.     At    this    instant 


1 5  8  HIS  TOR  Y  OF  THE  apriL  i  800 

Massc'na,  who  had  deferred  the  attack  on  th.e  plateau  of  the 
Two  Brothers,  profiting  by  the  effect  produced  by  these  advan- 
tages, sent  orders  to  General  Soult  to  take  it.  The  general 
of  brigade,  Spital,  was  sent  to  attack  this  plateau,  which  was 
long  disputed.  At  length  our  soldiers  retook  it,  and  thus,  after 
a  whole  day's  fighting,  they  recovered  at  once  the  plateau  of 
the  Two  Brothers,  which  commanded  the  extreme  point  of  the 
place,  Fort  Quezzi,  the  posts  of  St.  ]\Iartin  d'Albaro  and  of  La 
Madona  del  Monte,  in  short,  all  the  important  positions,  without 
which  the  siege  of  Genoa  was  impossible  for  the  Austrians. 
Massc'na  returned  in  the  evening  to  Genoa,  carrying  with  him 
the  ladders  which  the  enemy  had  provided  for  scaling  the  walls. 
The  Austrians  had  lost  on  this  day  1600  prisoners,  2400  killed 
and  wounded — about  4000  men.  Including  these,  Massena 
had  taken  from  them,  or  killed,  12,000  or  15,000  men  since 
the  opening  of  hostilities ;  and,  what  was  a  still  more  serious 
matter,  he  had  exhausted  the  moral  force  of  their  army  by  the 
unparalleled  efforts  which  he  had  obliged  them  to  make. 

No  time  was  lost  in  setting  about  the  repair  of  Fort  Quezzi. 
This  work,  which  seemed  likely  to  take  a  month,  was  finished 
in  three  days,  by  means  of  five  or  six  hundred  barrels  of  earth, 
which  were  brought  by  the  soldiers,  and  served  to  form  the 
entrenchments.  On  the  5th  of  May  (15th  Floreal),  a  small 
vessel  laden  with  corn  brought  a  supply  for  five  days.  It  was 
a  most  valuable  addition  to  the  stock  of  provisions,  by  this 
time  reduced  very  low.  But  it  l)ecame  urgent  to  relieve  the 
place,  otherwise  it  could  not  hold  out  long.  Of  bread  it  was 
likely  to  be  very  soon  destitute. 

General  Suchet,  on  his  part,  finding  himself  overpowered 
from  the  crests  of  the  Apennines,  had  been  obliged  to  quit  the 
position  of  Borghetto,  to  abandon  even  the  Pioya,  which  was 
no  longer  tenable,  the  enemy  marching  at  full  liberty  by  the  Col 
de  Tende,  and  threatening  Nice  and  the  Var.  Nice  was  even 
occupied  by  the  P)aron  de  Melas,  who  entered  that  city  trium- 
phantly, glad  to  tread  a  soil  which  the  IJepublic  had  declared 
to  be  French  territory.  But  General  Suchet  rallied  behind  the 
Var,  in  a  position  which  has  long  furnished  a  study  for  our 
officers  of  engineers.  The  bridge  of  St.  Laurent  on  the  Yar, 
covered  by  a  Utc  de  ijont,  presented  a  defile  of  400  fathoms  to 
pass,  and  might  be  considered  as  an  insurmountable  obstacle. 
The  whole  right  bank,  guarded  by  the  French,  was  covered  with 
batteries,  from  the  mouth  of  the  river  to  the  mountains.  The 
forts  of  Montalban  and  Vintimille,  situated  in  advance  of  the 
Var,  had  been  occupied  by  French  garrisons  at  the  moment  of 
the  evacuation  of  Nice.  That  of  Montalban,  situated  on  the 
rear  of  the  Austrians,  at  an  elevation  which  rendered  it  visible 
from  the  camp  of  the  French,  was  surmounted  by  a  telegraph. 


APRiLiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  159 

by  means  of  which  General  Suchet  received  notice  of  all  the 
movements  of  the  enemy.  All  the  disposaljle  troops  of  all  arms 
had  been  brought  together  from  the  contiguous  departments, 
so  that  he  still  numbered  14,000  men,  who,  screened  by  good 
entrenchments,  were  in  a  position  difficult  to  be  stormed. 

On  the  receipt  of  these  tidings  from  Liguria,  the  First  Consul 
despatched  urgent  remonstrances  to  Moreau,  to  decide  him  to 
commence  hostilities.  It  was  a  month  since  everything  had 
been  settled  between  them,  and  no  further  difficulty  imputable  to 
the  government  impeded  the  army  of  the  Khine.  IJut  Moreau, 
naturally  rather  slow,  unwilling  to  commit  himself  upon  an 
enemy's  territory  but  with  the  full  certainty  of  success,  deferred 
wrongly  the  commencement  of  the  operations.  In  fact,  any 
delay  made  by  him  in  opening  the  campaign  was  a  delay  to 
the  opening  of  the  campaign  by  the  army  of  reserve,  and  a 
cruel  prolongation  of  the  extremities  which  Massena  and  his 
brave  soldiers  were  suffering.  "Hasten  " — such  was  the  language 
addressed  to  IVIoreau  from  Paris — "  hasten,  by  your  successes,  to 
accelerate  the  moment  w^hen  Massena  may  be  relieved.  That 
general  is  in  want  of  provisions  ;  for  this  fortnight  he  has  been 
maintaining  a  desperate  struggle  with  his  emaciated  soldiers. 
I  address  myself  to  your  patriotism,  to  y(jur  own  interest ;  for, 
if  Massena  should  be  obliged  to  capitulate,  it  would  be  necessary 
to  take  from  you  part  of  your  forces,  and  hurry  to  the  lihone,  to 
the  succour  of  the  southern  departments."  At  last  a  formal 
order  was  given  to  him,  l)y  the  telegraph,  to  pass  the  lihine. 

The  reasons  which  prevented  ]Moreau  from  opening  the  cam- 
paign would  have  been  good  under  less  urgent  circumstances. 
Alsace  was  exhausted ;  Switzerland,  in  particular,  overrun  for 
two  years  by  the  armies  of  all  Europe,  was  totally  drained  of 
resources.  The  inhabitants,  unable  to  support  their  children, 
were  under  the  necessity  of  emigrating  with  them  from  the 
poor  cantons  into  the  rich  ones.  The  ruined  families  thus  con- 
signed them  to  the  l;)0unty  of  families  which  still  possessed 
some  means  of  subsistence.  Nothing  could  ])e  demanded  from 
such  a  country,  which,  besides,  it  would  have  been  impolitic  to 
exasperate,  for  it  was  the  i^oint  d'apjnd  of  our  two  principal 
armies.  ]\Ioreau,  as  we  have  seen,  was  living  upon  the  stores 
provided  for  our  fortresses  on  the  Khine,  in  case  of  siege.  This, 
however,  was  not  the  real  motive  of  his  delay ;  it  would  have 
been  a  motive,  on  the  contrary,  for  hastening,  with  all  possible 
speed,  to  procure  subsistence  in  an  enemy's  country ;  l)ut  his 
artillery  and  cavalry  were  in  want  of  horses.  He  liad  no  camp 
equipage,  no  inij)lenients  ;  if  he  had  materials  for  tiirowing  a 
bridge,  that  was  tlie  utmost.  Kevertheless,  considering  the 
urgency  of  the  circumstances,  he  consented  to  make  shift 
without  such   things    as  were  yet  wanting,  hoping  lo  procure 


i6o  HISTORY  OF  THE  apeil  1800 

them  by  the  way.  So  excellent  was  the  composition  of  his 
army,  that  it  could  make  amends  for  the  deficiency  of  what  it 
had  not,  dispense  with  it,  or  take  it  by  force.  At  the  end  of 
April  (the  first  days  of  Floreal),  Moreau,  therefore,  decided  to 
open  this  campaign,  the  most  glorious  in  his  life,  and  one  of  the 
most  memorable  in  our  annals. 

He  had  at  his  disposal,  as  we  have  seen,  about  1 30,000  men, 
rather  more  than  fewer.  About  30,000  men  occupied  the  for- 
tresses of  Strasburg,  Landau,  Mayence,  the  tetes  de  pont  of  Basle, 
Brisach,  Kehl,  and  Cassel.  Out  of  these  30,000,  6000  or  7000, 
under  General  Moncey,  guarded  the  valleys  of  the  St.  Gothard 
and  the  Simplon,  to  close  them  against  the  Austrians,  in  case  they 
attempted  to  penetrate  into  them.  The  active  army  thus  num- 
bered 100,000  men,  ready  to  take  the  field.  The  infantry,  in 
particular,  was  superb  ;  it  numbered  82,000  men  ;  the  artillery 
5000,  with  116  pieces  of  cannon;  the  cavalry  13,000.  As  the 
reader  will  perceive,  the  numbers  of  the  artillery  and  the  cavalry 
were  far  below  the  usual  proportions ;  but  their  composition  was 
excellent ;  and,  besides,  the  quality  of  the  infantry  enabled  it  to 
dispense  with  those  auxiliary  arms. 

Moreau  divided  his  army  into  four  corps ;  Lecourl)e  com- 
manded the  right,  25,000  strong,  and  stationed  from  the  Lake  of 
Constance  to  Schaffhausen.  A  second  corps,  called  the  corps  of 
reserve,  amounting  to  nearly  30,000  men,  and  under  the  imme- 
diate command  of  Moreau,  occupied  the  territory  of  Basle.  A 
third,  of  25,000  men,  forming  the  centre,  under  St.  Cyr,  was 
distributed  about  Old  and  New  Brisach.  Lastly,  General  St. 
Suzanne,  at  the  head  of  about  20,000  men,  after  ascending  from 
Mayence  to  Strasburg,  occupied  Strasburg  and  Kehl,  and  formed 
the  left  of  the  army. 

Moreau  had  for  years  past  adopted  this  system  of  splitting  his 
forces  into  separate  corps,  each  complete  in  infantry,  artillery, 
and  cavalry,  capable  of  shifting  for  themselves,  wherever  they 
might  be,  but  subject  to  the  inconvenience,  as  experience  soon 
demonstrated,  of  readily  parting  company  and  acting  by  them- 
selves, especially  when  the  commander-in-chief  did  not  exercise 
his  authority  with  sufficient  vigour  to  enforce  at  all  times  their 
co-operation  in  the  general  plan.  This  inconvenience  was  further 
aggravated  by  one  step  in  particular,  which  Moreau  adopted  in 
this  campaign ;  it  was  that  of  assuming  to  himself  the  direct 
command  of  one  of  the  corps  d'arm6e,  under  the  name  of  reserve. 
St.  Cyr,  who  had  long  served  with  Moreau,  and  who  had  great 
influence  with  him,  strongly  opposed  this  combination,*  alleging 
that  it  absorbed  the  general-in-chief,  made  him  stoop  to  a  part 
that  was  not  his,  and,  above  all,  that  it  was  injurious  to  the  other 
portions  of  the  army,  rarely  so  well  treated  as  the  troops  placed 

*  See  on  this  subject  the  Memoircs  du  Mardchal  Saint-Cyr,  campaign  of  1800. 


APRiLiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  i6i 

under  the  general  staff.  But  these  animadversions,  the  justice 
of  which  was  more  than  once  demonstrated  in  this  campaign, 
did  not  prevail.  Moreau  persisted  in  his  resolution,  out  of  com- 
plaisance for  the  wishes  of  a  coterie.  Having  already  entrusted 
the  direction  of  his  staff  to  General  Dessoles,  and  desirous,  never- 
theless, of  creating  an  appointment  for  General  Lahorie,  one  of 
those  dangerous  friends  who,  at  a  later  period,  contributed  to  his 
ruin,  he  made  him  second  in  command  of  the  reserve.  This 
circumstance  produced  a  coolness  between  Moreau  and  St.  Cyr, 
which  soon  waxed  into  open  rupture. 

M.  de  Kray,  the' adversary  of  Moreau,  had,  as  we  have  said, 
1 50,000  men,  40,000  of  whom  were  in  the  fortresses  on  the  Ehine 
and  Danube,  and  110,000  in  the  active  army.  The  infantry, 
mixed  with  Bavarians,  Wurtembergers,  Mayencers,  was  middling. 
The  cavalry  was  superb;  it  numbered  26,000  horse.  The  numer- 
ous and  well-served  artillery  consisted  of  300  pieces  of  cannon. 
The  right  of  the  Austrians,  under  the  command  of  M.  de  Sztarray, 
observed  the  course  of  the  Ithine,  between  ]\Iayence  and  Eastadt, 
connecting  itself  with  the  levies  of  Mayence  peasants  commanded 
by  the  Baron  d'Albini.  General  de  Kienmayer  covered  the 
cUhoucM  of  Strasburg,  in  advance  of  Kinzig.  Major  G inlay 
with  a  brigade,  held  the  Hollengrund,  and  observed  Old  Brisach. 
The  bulk  of  the  Austrian  army  was  encamped  behind  the  defiles 
of  the  Black  Forest,  at  Donau-Eschingen  and  Willingen,  at  the 
junction  of  the  roads  leading  from  tlie  lihine  to  the  Danube. 
Forty  thousand  men  were  assembled  at  this  point.  M.  de  Kray 
had  placed  in  the  Forest  Towns  a  strong  advanced  guard,  under 
the  Archduke  Ferdinand,  with  directions  to  observe  the  Basle 
road ;  he  had  left  a  numerous  rear-guard,  under  Prince  Joseph 
of  Lorraine,  at  Stockach,  to  cover  the  magazines  established  in 
that  town,  to  guard  the  roads  to  Ulm  and  ]\iunich,  and  to  connect 
himself  with  the  Lake  of  Constance,  where  Williams,  an  English- 
man, commanded  a  flotilla.  Lastly,  Prince  Peuss,  at  the  head 
of  30,000  men,  partly  Austrian  regiments,  partly  Tyrolese  militia, 
occupied  the  liheinthal,  from  the  Grisons  to  the  Lake  of  Con- 
stance. This  was  considered  as  the  left  of  the  imperial  army. 
M.  de  Kray,  at  the  centre  of  this  net,  spread  around  him, 
flattered  liimself  that  lie  sliould  l)e  informed  of  the  slightest 
movement  of  the  French. 

The  plan  of  Moreau  already  detailed,  and  which  consisted 
in  debouching  l)y  the  three  bridges  of  Straslnirg,  P)risach,  and 
Basle,  and  in  then  stealing  away  and  ascending  the  lihine  to 
Schal'l'hausen.  had  l)een  adopted  without  niodilieation.*     On  the 

*  Mar-lial  St.  Cyr,  in  liis  Mi'.moircs,  appears  to  he  in  error  on  this  point. 
The  I'irst  Consul  had  adopted  the  jjlan  entire,  'i'his  fact  is  attested  by  a 
letter  of  General  Dessoles,  contained  in  the  Mimurial  de  la  Guerre,  and  h\  the 
rnanuscrij)t  correspondence. 

VOL.   I.  I. 


1 62  HISTORY  OF  THE  apriliSoo 

25th  of  April,  Moreau  put  his  troops  in  motion.  He  proceeded 
himself  to  Strasburg,  where  he  joined  the  corps  of  St.  Suzanne, 
that,  by  his  presence  at  that  point,  he  might  cause  it  to  be 
inferred  that  it  was  his  intention  to  act  by  the  direct  road 
from  Strasburg  across  the  Black  Forest.  He  had  taken  another 
precaution  the  better  to  mask  his  movements,  which  was  not  to 
assemble  his  forces  beforehand.  The  demi-brigades  marched 
from  their  very  cantonments  directly  to  the  place  where  they 
were  to  pass  the  Ehine,  and  thus  joined  on  their  route  the  corps 
of  which  they  formed  part.  Everything  being  thus  arranged, 
three  imposing  heads  of  columns,  acting  simultaneously  within 
a  space  of  thirty  leagues,  crossed  at  the  same  instant  the 
bridges  of  Strasburg,  Old  Brisach,  and  Basle.  This  was  on  the 
25  th  of  April. 

General  St.  Suzanne,  who  commanded  the  extreme  left  and 
had  crossed  at  Strasburg,  swept  all  that  he  found  before  him. 
He  fell  in  here  and  there  with  detached  corps,  which  made 
no  great  resistance.  However,  not  desiring  to  involve  himself 
in  serious  actions,  he  halted  between  Eenchen  and  Offenburg, 
threatening  at  once  the  valleys  of  the  Eenchen  and  of  the 
Kinzig ;  but  striving  most  especially  to  persuade  the  Austrians 
that  his  intention  was  to  gain  the  Danube  by  way  of  the  Black 
Forest,  and  by  following  the  valley  of  the  Kinzig.  At  the  same 
instant,  St.  Cyr  debouched  from  Old  Brisach,  and  advanced  to 
Freiburg,  briskly  driving  the  enemy's  detachments  before  him ; 
but  observing,  like  St.  Suzanne,  the  precaution  not  to  push  on 
too  far.  He  experienced  some  resistance  before  Freiburg.  The 
Austrians  had  entrenched  the  heights  surrounding  that  town, 
and  placed  behind  the  entrenchments  troops  of  peasants,  raised 
in  the  mountains  of  Swabia,  upon  pretext  of  defending  their 
homes  against  the  ravages  of  the  French.  These  could  not  keep 
their  ground.  Freiburg  was  occupied  in  a  twinkling.  Some  of 
these  unfortunate  peasants  were  slaughtered,  and  the  others  were 
not  again  seen  during  the  remainder  of  the  campaign,  St.  Cyr 
posted  himself  in  such  a  manner  as  to  induce  a  belief  that  he 
had  designs  on  the  Hollengrund  (Yal  d'Enfer). 

The  reserve  debouched  on  the  same  day  by  tlie  bridge  of  Basle, 
and,  not  meeting  witli  any  obstacle,  puslied  a  division,  that  of 
Eichepanse,  towards  Schlingen  and  Kandern,  to  give  the  hand 
to  St.  Cyr's  corps,  which,  in  two  days,  was  to  ascend  the  Ehine. 

During  the  whole  of  the  26th  of  April  (6th  Floreal),  St. 
Suzanne  remained  in  position  in  advance  of  Strasburg,  St.  Cyr 
in  advance  of  Brisacli.  The  reserve,  which  had  debouched  from 
Basle,  finished  deploying,  while  awaiting  the  movement  of  the 
two  corps  destined  to  ascend  the  Ehine,  till  they  were  in  a 
line  with  itself.  Moreau  left  Strasburg,  to  return  to  his  head- 
quarters, which  were  in  the  centre  of  the  reserve. 


APRIL  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  163 

The  27th  was  likewise  spent  in  misleading  the  enemy  as  to 
the  direction  of  our  columns.  The  Austrians  might  naturally 
expect  a  decided  movement  by  the  Kinzig  and  the  Hollengrund. 
These  two  defiles  are,  in  fact,  the  most  direct  route  for  an  army 
advancing  from  the  Rhine  to  the  Danube,  for  they  open  at  some 
distance  from  one  another,  run  in  the  same  direction,  and  at 
length  unite  between  Donau-Eschingen  and  Hufingen,  not  far 
from  Schaffhausen,  at  which  point  was  the  corps  of  General 
Lecourbe.  It  was  natural  to  suppose  that  the  two  strong  columns, 
of  from  20,000  to  25,000  men  each,  which  appeared  at  the 
entrance  of  these  defiles,  would  really  pursue  that  direction,  to 
give  the  hand  to  Lecourbe.  In  order  to  guard  them  the  better, 
M.  de  Kray  detached  twelve  squadrons  and  nine  battalions  from 
Willingen,  and  sent  them  as  reinforcements  to  General  Kien- 
mayer.  He  was  obliged  to  weaken  Stockach,  to  supply  the  place 
of  the  troops  which  he  had  detached  from  Willingen. 

But,  in  the  night  of  the  27th,  and  on  the  28th,  while  M.  de 
Kray  was  falling  into  the  snare,  the  direction  of  the  French 
columns  was  suddenly  changed.  St.  Suzanne  fell  l^ack  upon 
Strasburg,  recrossed  the  IHiine  with  his  whole  corps,  and 
ascended  the  left  bank,  that  he  might  not  have  to  make  too 
long  a  tiank  movement  in  an  enemy's  country.  On  reaching 
New  Brisach,  he  again  crossed  to  the  right  bank,  and  took  the 
place  of  St.  Cyr  before  Freiburg,  as  if  he  was  about  to  enter  the 
Hollengrund.  St.  Cyr,  on  his  part,  turning  off  to  the  right,  but 
without  quitting  the  German  side,  marched  along  the  bank  of 
the  river  with  his  artillery,  his  cavalry,  and  his  baggage ;  and, 
while  his  heavy  maUriel  thus  followed  the  level  country,  a  great 
part  of  his  infantry  marched  on  the  flank  of  the  mountains,  by 
St.  Hubert,  Neuhof,  Todnau,  and  St.  Blaise.  Moreau's  object  in 
pursuing  this  course  was  to  avoid  encumbering  the  lianks  of  the 
iihine,  to  reconnoitre  the  heights  of  the  Black  Forest,  full  of 
Austrian  detachments,  and  to  cross  nearer  to  their  sources  the 
rivers  which  descend  from  those  heights  to  the  Bhine,  through 
the  territory  of  the  Forest  Towns.  These  rivci-s  are  the  Wiesen, 
the  Alb,  and  the  Wutacli.  Unluckily,  St.  Cyr  had  reckoned  on 
finding  roads  where  noue  really  existed.  He  was  obliged  to 
traverse  a  frightful  country,  always  near  the  enemy,  and  without 
artillery.  Still  lie  was  not  too  long  delayed,  nor  prevented  from 
arriving  at  St,  Blaise,  on  the  Alb.  liy  the  ai)]iointed  day. 

At  the  same  time,  ^Morcau  ascended  the  Khine  with  tlie  re- 
serve, remaining,  like  St.  ( 'vr,  on  the  German  bank.  Bicliepanse, 
wlio  commanded  the  advancetl  guard,  after  he  had  seen  St.  Cyr's 
artillery  and  cavalry  debouch,  which  artillery  and  cavalry,  as 
we  hav(^  just  said,  followed  the  bank  of  the  Bliine,  set  out  f(jr 
St.  Blaise,  to  connect  himself,  in  the  mountains,  with  the  in- 
fantry of  the  same  corps.     Generals  Delmas  and  Leelerc,  who 


i64  HISTORY  OF  THE  may  1800 

commanded  the  two  other  divisions  of  the  reserve,  were  directed 
upon  Sockingen,  and  then  upon  Alb,  before  the  Bridge  of 
Albruck.  This  bridge  was  covered  by  entrenchments.  Adju- 
tant-General Cohorn,  marching  at  the  head  of  a  battalion  of 
the  14th  light,  two  battalions  of  the  50th,  and  of  the  4th  hussars, 
advanced  in  columns  upon  the  entrenchments,  and  carried 
them.  He  then  leaped  upon  the  shoulders  of  a  grenadier, 
passed  the  Alb  in  that  manner,  and  did  not  leave  the  enemy 
time  to  destroy  the  bridge.  He  took  some  cannon  and  prisoners. 
On  the  29th  of  April  (9th  Floreal),  the  centre,  under  St.  Cyr, 
and  the  reserve,  under  Moreau,  were  in  line  on  the  Alb,  from 
the  abbey  of  St.  Blaise  to  the  influx  of  the  Alb  into  the  Ehine. 
St.  Suzanne  arrived  at  New  Brisach,  by  the  left  bank ;  on  our 
extreme  right,  Lecourbe  assembled  his  corps  between  Diesen- 
hofen  and  Schaffhausen,  ready  to  execute  his  passage,  when  St. 
Cyr  and  Moreau  should  have  ascended  the  Ehine  till  they  were 
on  a  line  with  him.  On  the  30th  of  April,  St.  Suzanne  crossed 
the  Ehine,  and  appeared  at  the  entrance  of  the  Hollengrund. 
St.  Cyr  remained  in  the  environs  of  St.  Blaise.  Moreau 
advanced  towards  the  Wutach.  At  length,  on  the  ist  of  May 
(I  ith  Floreal),  the  army  made  its  last  and  most  decisive  move- 
ment, and  made  it  successfully.  M.  de  Kray  had  begun  to 
perceive  his  mistake,  and  now  recalled  the  corps  which  had 
entered  too  far  into  the  defdes  of  the  Black  Forest.  St. 
Suzanne,  who  was  to  pass  through  the  Hollengrund,  which 
debouches  upon  the  very  positions  that  the  French  army  was 
to  occupy,  when  it  should  have  completed  its  movement,  found 
the  troops  of  Kienmayer  in  retreat,  and  closely  pursued  them. 
St.  Cyr  kept  on  the  skirts  of  the  Archduke  Ferdinand's  corps, 
and  pushed  it  from  Bettmaringen  to  Stiihlingen  on  the  Wutach, 
where  he  arrived  in  the  evening.  The  troops  of  Moreau  crossed 
the  Wutach  without  encountering  much  resistance,  repaired  the 
bridge,  which  wanted  scarcely  anything  but  a  few  planks,  and 
endeavoured  to  connect  themselves  by  tlieir  right  with  Schaff- 
hausen, where  Lecourbe  was,  and  by  their  left  with  Stiihlingen, 
where  St.  Cyr  was.  This  was  the  moment  that  Lecourbe  was 
to  choose  for  crossing  the  Ehine.  On  the  very  morning  of  the 
1st  of  May,  thirty-one  pieces  of  cannon  were  placed  on  the  heights 
of  the  left  bank  of  the  river,  to  sweep  by  their  fire  the  environs 
of  the  village  of  Eeichlingen.  Twenty-five  boats  transported 
General  Molitor,  with  two  battalions,  to  the  riglit  bank,  to  pro- 
tect the  construction  of  a  bridge,  long  prepared  in  the  Aar. 
In  an  hour  and  a  half  this  bridge  was  thrown  over.  General 
Vandamme  crossed,  with  a  great  part  of  the  troops  of  Lecourbe's 
corps,  and  occupied  in  an  instant  the  roads  leading  to  Engen 
and  Stockach,  important  points  of  the  enemy's  line.  He  took 
the  small  town  of  Stein  and  the  fort  of  Hoheiitwiel,  reputed  to 


MAY  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  165 

be  impregnable,  and  well  supplied  lioth  with  provisions  and 
artillery.  Goulu's  brigade,  crossing  at  the  same  time  towards 
Paradis,  met  with  a  very  smart  resistance  at  the  village  of 
Busingen,  but  soon  overcame  it.  Lastly,  Lorges'  division  entered 
Schaffhausen  in  the  evening,  and  effected  its  junction  with 
the  troops  of  Moreau. 

Thus,  in  the  evening  of  the  ist  of  May,  the  whole  army  was 
beyond  the  Khine.  The  three  principal  corps,  under  conmiand 
of  St.  Cyr,  Moreau,  and  Lecourbe,  forming  a  mass  of  l)etween 
75.000  to  80,000  men,  occupied  a  line  which  passed  through 
Bondorf.  Stiihlingen,  Schaffhausen,  Eadolfzell,  to  a  point  on  the 
Lake  of  Constance.  They  were  ready  to  march  upon  Engen 
and  Stockach,  threatening  at  once  the  line  of  retreat  and  the 
magazines  of  the  enemy.  St  Suzanne,  w4th  the  left,  20,000 
strong,  pursued  the  Austrians  in  the  defile  of  the  Hollengrund, 
waiting  till  the  bulk  of  the  French  army  should,  in  advancing, 
have  cleared  the  outlet  of  that  defile,  before  he  debouched  on 
the  Upper  Danube  and  joined  the  other  corps. 

This  movement,  then,  was  effected  in  six  days,  and  in  the 
most  successful  manner.  Moreau,  presenting  three  heads  of 
colunms  l)y  the  bridges  of  Strasburg,  Brisach,  and  Basle,  had 
drawn  the  enemy  towards  those  three  dehoudids]  then,  stealing 
away  all  at  once,  and  marchinjx  to  tlie  riy-ht  aloncr  the  Bhine, 
two  of  his  corps  on  the  German  l)ank,  one  on  the  Trench  ])ank, 
he  had  ascended  as  high  as  Schaffhausen,  where  he  had  covered 
Lecourbe's  passage.  Fifteen  hundred  prisoners,  six  field-pieces 
with  their  horses,  forty  pieces  of  ordnance  in  the  fort  of 
Hohentwiel,  and  some  magazines,  had  been  taken.  The  men 
had  everywhere  shown  a  steadiness,  a  resolution,  which  could 
only  be  expected  of  veteran  troops,  full  of  confidence  in  them- 
selves and  in  their  leader?. 

All  the  objections  urged  against  this  plan  are  certainly 
silenced  by  its  success.  Barely  indeed  do  we  see  movements  so 
complicated  succeed  more  completely,  the  enemy  fall  into  the 
snare  with  greater  credulity,  or  the  commanders  of  corps  co- 
operate with  more  precision.  At  the  same  time,  this  plan  of 
the  prudent  Moreau's  was  attended  with  at  least  as  many  dangers 
as  that  of  the  First  Consul,  which  he  rejected  as  too  rash  ;  for 
St.  Cyr  and  Moreau  had  exposed  tlieir  flank  for  several  succes- 
sive days,  in  their  maich  along  tlie  fJhine,  cooped  up  between 
the  mountains  and  the  river;  St.  Cyr  liad  been  for  an  instant 
separated  from  his  artillery ;  and  now  St.  Suzanne  was  engaged 
alone  in  the  Hollengrund.  If  ^Marshal  Kray,  by  a  sudden  in- 
spiration, had  thrown  hiinsclf  upon  St.  Cyi-,  Moreau  (Mi  Si.  Suz- 
anne, lie  would  have  had  a  chance  of  )-outing  a  detached  corps, 
which  might  have  caused  a  retrograde  movement  of  the  whole 
French  arniv.      Ibit  ^loreau  liad  two  advantaties  in  his  favour: 


i66  HISTORY  OF  TEE  may  1800 

in  the  first  place,  he  took  the  offensive,  which  always  disconcerts 
the  enemy  ;  secondly,  he  had  excellent  troops,  who  were  capable 
of  repairing  any  unforeseen  accident  by  their  firmness  ;  who  did 
even  repair,  as  we  shall  see  presently,  more  than  one  fault  of 
the  commander-in-chief's  by  their  mettle  in  action. 

The  moment  approached  when  the  two  armies,  after  manoeu- 
vring, one  to  pass  the  Ehine,  the  other  to  prevent  that  passage, 
were  at  length  to  meet  beyond  the  river.  On  the  2nd  of  May 
(i2th  Floreal),  Moreau  prepared  for  this  encounter;  but,  not 
supposing  it  to  be  so  near  as  it  really  was,  he  neglected  to  take 
measures  of  precaution,  either  sufficiently  prompt  or  sufficiently 
complete.  He  resolved  to  despatch  Lecourbe,  with  his  25,000 
men,  for  Stockach,  where  were  at  once  the  rear-guard  of  the 
Austrians,  their  magazines,  their  communications  with  the  Vorarl- 
berg,  and  Prince  lieuss.  This  was  following  the  letter  of  the 
plan  concerted  with  the  First  Consul ;  for  M.  de  Kray,  cut  off 
from  Stockach,  would  be  separated  from  the  Lake  of  Constance, 
and  consequently  from  the  Alps.  Moreau,  therefore,  ordered 
Lecourbe  to  set  out  on  the  morning  of  the  3rd  of  May  (13th 
Floreal)  to  take  Stockach  from  the  Prince  of  Lorraine-Vaude- 
mont,  who  with  12,000  men  occupied  that  important  point.  As 
for  Moreau,  he  advanced  himself  with  all  the  reserve  upon  Engen, 
keeping  an  eye  upon  Lecourbe,  and  ready  to  fly  to  his  assistance, 
if  that  should  be  necessary.  He  directed  St.  Cyr  to  advance, 
and  occupy  an  extended  position  from  Bettmaringen  and  Bondorf 
to  Engen,  so  as  to  connect  himself  with  him  on  one  side,  and  to 
give  a  hand  on  the  other  to  St.  Suzanne,  who  was  soon  to  issue 
from  the  Hollengrund  (Val  d'Enfer). 

Moreau  marched  then,  in  order  of  battle,  having  his  back  to 
the  Rhine,  his  right  to  the  Lake  of  Constance,  his  left  to  the 
d6houcMs  of  the  Black  Forest,  presenting  a  front  of  fifteen 
leagues,  exactly  parallel  to  the  line  of  retreat  which  the  Aus- 
trians must  pursue  if  they  retreated  from  Donau-Eschingen  to 
Stockach,  whither  many  interests  summoned  them.  It  was  a 
very  extended  position,  especially  so  near  to  the  enemy,  and 
which,  before  an  active  and  resolute  adversary,  would  have 
exposed  the  French  army  to  serious  consequences.  Fortunately 
for  us,  the  army  of  M.  de  Kray  was  still  less  concentrated  than 
Moreau's.  M.  de  Kray,  whose  position  was  at  first  better  adapted 
than  ours  for  a  rapid  concentration,  since  he  occupied,  from 
Constance  to  Strasburg,  the  base  of  a  triangle,  the  two  sides  of 
which  we  occupied,  M.  de  Kray,  surprised  now  by  our  movement, 
having  already  upon  his  left  fiank  three-fourths  of  the  French 
assembled  and  transported  across  the  river,  was  in  a  difficult 
situation.  He  had  given  to  the  detachments  of  the  Austrian 
army  which  were  near  the  Phine  hasty  orders  to  fall  back,  by 
the  Black  Forest,  upon  the  Upper  Danube ;  but  a  prompt  and 


MAYiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  167 

well-concerted  operation  could  alone  extricate  them  from  the 
danger.  In  order  the  better  to  comprehend  the  manoeuvres,  let 
us  take  a  survey  of  the  theatre  of  these  operations. 

That  mountainous  and  wooded  tract  called  the  Black  Forest, 
around  which  the  Ehine  winds  without  penetrating  into  it,  and 
which  it  leaves  to  pursue  its  course  northward,  this  tract  con- 
tains an  insignificant  spring  which  gives  rise  to  a  river,  extremely 
modest  at  its  birth,  but  destined  to  become  one  of  the  largest 
rivers  in  the  world,  namely,  the  Danube.  It  pours  forth  this 
stream  to  the  east,  in  which  direction  it  flows,  inclining,  it  is 
true,  a  little  to  the  north,  being  forced  into  that  direction  by 
the  projecting  foot  of  the  Alps,  which  it  skirts  all  the  way  to 
Vienna.  It  collects  in  its  course  all  the  streams  that  descend 
from  this  long  chain  of  mountains,  which  is  the  cause  of  its 
sudden  magnitude,  after  so  humble  an  origin. 

When  an  Austrian  general  defends  against  the  French  the 
valley  of  the  Danube,  the  ordinary  route  to  his  country,  he  has 
two  courses  to  pursue.  He  may,  when  the  French  have  found 
means  to  penetrate  into  it  by  Switzerland  and  the  Black  Forest, 
— he  may  either  skirt  the  foot  of  the  Alps,  supporting  his  left 
upon  the  mountains,  his  right  upon  the  Danube,  and  successively 
defending  all  the  rivers  that  run  into  it,  such  as  the  lller,  the 
Lech,  the  Isar,  the  Inn ;  or,  quitting  the  Alps,  place  himself  a 
chcval  (i.e.,  occupy  both  banks)  on  the  Danube,  descend  the  river, 
making  a  stand  at  the  important  positions  which  it  presents,  as 
those  of  Ulm,  Katisbon,  &c.,  ready  to  cover  himself  with  its  bed, 
which  grows  gradually  wider,  or  to  fall  upon  the  imprudent  ad- 
versary who  shall  make  a  false  mana?uvre.  The  latter  course 
has  been  the  more  generally  preferred  by  Austrian  tacticians. 

Marshal  de  Kray  had  it  in  his  choice  to  adopt  the  one  or 
the  other ;  either  to  support  himself  upon  the  Alps,  or  to  man- 
(cuvre  on  the  Danube.  In  supporting  himself  upon  the  Alps, 
he  would  unknowingly  thwart  the  plan  of  the  First  Consul, 
who,  in  order  to  descend  in  safety  from  those  lofty  mountains 
upon  the  rear  of  the  Baron  de  Melas,  wished  to  keep  the  Im- 
perial army  in  Swabia  aloof  from  Switzerland  and  the  Tyrol ; 
but  he  would  sacrifice  his  right  wing,  too  far  advanced  towards 
the  Ehine,  without  knowing  what  would  become  of  it.  By 
adopting,  on  the  other  hand,  the  plan  of  manoeuvring  on  l)uth 
banks  of  the  Danube,  he  would  certainly  rally  his  right  wing, 
but  would  separate  himself  from  his  left  wing,  eomniandcd  by 
Prince  lieuss,  though  without  sacrificing  it,  for  it  had  in  llie 
Tyrol  an  asylum  and  an  employment  for  its  forces.  He  would 
fall  in,  it  is  true,  with  the  views  of  the  First  Consul,  still  with- 
out knowing  it,  liy  moving  away  from  the  Alps;  this,  liowever, 
was  a  minor  evil,  for,  were  he  even  to  support  liiniself  upon 
them,  he  would  proljably  never  think  of  throwing  himself  into 


1 68  HISTORY  OF  THE  may  1800 

Lombardy,  to  succour  the  Baron  de  Melas.  The  plan,  then, 
which  presented  the  least  inconvenience,  which  was  most  accord- 
ant with  the  course  usually  pursued  by  the  Imperial  armies,  was 
to  concentrate  himself  on  the  Upper  Danube.  But,  in  order 
to  succeed,  it  was  requisite  to  adopt  this  course  promptly  and 
resolutely.  Unfortunately  for  him,  M.  de  Kray  had  immense 
magazines  at  Stockach,  near  the  Lake  of  Constance,  with  a  strong 
rear-guard  of  12,000  men,  under  the  command  of  the  Prince  of 
Lorraine- Vaudemont.  He  ought,  then,  to  have  transported  his 
rear-guard  immediately  from  Stockach  to  the  Upper  Danube, 
and  to  have  repaired  thither  himself,  sacrificing  his  magazines, 
which,  at  any  rate,  there  would  not  have  been  time  to  evacuate. 
This  was  not  what  he  did ;  but,  with  the  intention,  however,  of 
manoeuvring  afterwards  on  the  Danube,  he  sent  M.  de  Nauen- 
dorfi",  with  the  centre  of  the  Austrian  army,  upon  Engen,  to 
succour  Stockach.  He  ordered  Prince  Ferdinand,  who  was  in 
the  Black  Forest,  to  repair  to  the  same  point,  and  his  right,  under 
Messrs.  Sztarray  and  de  Kienmayer,  to  leave  the  Rhine  and  to 
rejoin  him  with  the  utmost  expedition. 

There  is  this  great  inconvenience  attached  to  those  vast  maga- 
zines of  provisions  customary  among  the  Germans,  that  the 
movements  of  an  army  must  be  thus  regulated  by  them.  The 
French  dispense  with  magazines,  and  spread  themselves  in  the 
evening  over  the  country  to  procure  subsistence,  without  dis- 
cipline suffering  to  any  extent  from  this  practice.  They  are 
active,  industrious,  and  contrive  to  be  at  one  and  the  same  time 
marauding  and  with  their  colours.  The  German  troops  are  rarely 
exposed  to  this  trial,  without  dispersing  and  becoming  disor- 
ganised. There  is  certainly  one  advantage  in  possessing  maga- 
zines, that  of  bearing  less  heavily  upon  the  country  occupied, 
and  not  exasperating  it  against  the  invading  army. 

Moreau,  marching  with  his  right  upon  Stockach,  with  his 
reserve  upon  Engen.  while  the  corps  of  St.  Cyr  extended  itself  to 
give  the  hand  to  St.  Suzanne,  was  likely,  therefore,  to  meet  with 
the  rear-guard  of  M.  de  Kray  at  Stockach,  with  his  centre  at 
Engen,  and  to  skirt  the  troops  of  Prince  Ferdinand,  who  was  in 
march  to  rejoin  the  main  body  of  the  Austrian  army.  An  unex- 
pected battle  must  result  from  this  meeting,  a  circumstance  which 
frequently  happens  in  war,  when  plans  have  not  been  matured 
by  superior  minds,  capable  of  foreseeing  and  directing  events. 

Ever  since  morning,  Lecourbe  had  been  in  march  for  Stockach, 
throwing  out  Lorges'  division  on  the  left,  to  connect  him  with 
Moreau,  pushing  Montrichard's  division,  with  Nansouty's  reserve 
cavalry,  straight  forward  on  the  highroad  from  Schaffhausen 
to  Stockach ;  lastly,  sending  Yandamme's  division  to  the  right, 
between  Stockach  and  the  Lake  of  Constance.  The  latter  was 
divided  into  two  brigades ;  one  under  General  Leval,  manoeuvring 


MAYiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  169 

in  such  a  manner  as  to  cut  off  Stockach  from  the  Lake  of  Con- 
stance by  Bodmann  and  Sernadingen,  met  with  no  resistance, 
for  Prince  Reuss,  who  might  have  shown  himself  there,  took 
little  pains  to  communicate  with  his  commander-in-chief ;  the 
other,  under  General  Molitor,  directed  by  Vandamme  in  person, 
marched  to  the  rear  of  Stockach  by  a  cross-road,  while  Nan- 
souty  and  Montrichard  proceeded  thither  direct  by  the  highroad 
from  Schaffhausen.  There  were  seen  in  the  depths  of  the  woods 
infantry  falling  back,  and  cavalry  reconnoitring  the  country 
while  falling  back  also.  At  length  they  arrived  at  the  positions 
which  the  Austrians  seemed  disposed  to  defend.  Montrichard 
found  them  in  order  of  battle  beyond  the  village  of  Steusslingen, 
covered  by  a  large  body  of  cavalry.  The  French  infantry  passed 
through  that  village  in  two  columns,  and  deployed  to  the  right 
and  left,  threatening  the  enemy  upon  his  Hanks.  At  the  same 
moment,  the  cavalry  of  Montrichard's  division,  supported  by 
the  whole  of  Nansouty's  reserve,  debouched  from  Steusslingen, 
charged  vigorously,  and  overthrew  the  Imperialists,  who  retreated 
to  Neuzingen.  This  position  was  the  second,  and  the  principal 
of  those  which  covered  Stockach.  It  supported  itself  upon  that 
of  Wahlwyes,  which  A^andamme  threatened  at  the  moment  with 
Molitor's  brigade.  A  numerous  infantry  was  perceived,  barring 
the  extremity  of  the  village  of  Neuzingen,  supported  on  the 
right  and  left  upon  woods,  and  covered  by  cannon.  It  would 
require  a  very  vigorous  effort  to  dislodge  it.  Montrichard 
caused  it  to  be  turned  l)y  a  height  called  tlie  Hellemberg,  while 
Vandamme,  having  passed  Wahlwyes,  debouched  on  the  rear  of 
Neuzingen.  The  position  was  carried,  and  Lecourbe's  whole  corps 
being  united,  debouched  en  masse  upon  Stockach,  and  took  it. 
The  Austrians  endeavoured  to  make  one  more  stand  against  us 
beyond  Stockach,  and  to  keep  us  in  check.  They  presented  4000 
men  in  order  of  battle,  covered  by  all  their  cavalry.  Nansouty's 
regiments  charged  this  cavalry,  and  threw  it  in  disorder  upon 
the  infantry,  which  this  time  thought  only  of  surrendering. 
Lecourbe  took  4C)00  prisoners,  8  pieces  of  cannon,  500  horses, 
and  the  inmiense  magazines  in  Stockach.  It  could  not  be  other- 
wise. Lecourlje,  with  troops  capable  of  fighting  an  enemy  greatly 
superior  in  number,  had,  moreover,  twice  tlie  number  of  men 
that  the  Prince  of  Lorraine  had,  though  he  had  detached  Lorges' 
division  to  connect  itself  with  Moi'eau.  His  task  was  tinished 
early;  and,  had  more  vigour  and  unity  been  displayed  in  these 
operations,  he  miglit  and  he  ought  to  have  been  employed  else- 
where, as  we  shall  s(>o  ])resently. 

Lorges'  division,  destined  to  serve  for  a  link  lietwecn  l,eeourl)e 
and  Moreau,  had  sepaiated  into  two  l)rigad('s.  (loulu's  brigade 
had  marched  upon  Aach,  to  scour  the  country  lietween  Stockach 
and  Engen,  and,  finding  no  enemy  to  hght,  had  turned  off  to 


170  HISTORY  OF  THE  may  1800 

Stockach,  where  it  became  useless.  General  Lorges,  with  the 
rest  of  his  division,  having  joined.  Moreau's  troops,  acconipanied 
them  towards  Engen. 

Moreau,  with  all  that  was  called  the  corps  of  reserve,  had 
been  marching  ever  since  morning  upon  Engen.  M.  de  Kray, 
at  the  same  instant,  passed  through  that  place  on  his  way  to 
Stockach,  to  save  his  magazines.  He  soon  perceived,  from  the 
number  of  troops  deploying  before  him,  that  there  would  be  a 
battle,  instead  of  a  reconnaissance  ;  and  he  stopped  short  for  the 
purpose  of  giving  battle,  trusting  to  the  mass  of  40,000  men 
which  he  had  at  hand,  and  to  the  strength  of  the  positions  to 
which  chance  had  just  conducted  him.  On  leaving,  towards 
Schaffhausen,  the  banks  of  the  Rhine  for  those  of  the  Danube, 
in  that  confused,  broken  country,  where  the  declivities  are  in- 
considerable, there  is  a  small  valley,  that  of  the  Aach,  which 
conveys  to  the  Lake  of  Constance  those  waters  that  do  not  run 
either  into  the  Ehine  or  into  the  Danube.  In  this  valley  is 
seated  the  small  town  of  Engen.  To  descend  to  Engen,  you  must 
first  climb  a  series  of  wooded  heights,  very  difficult  of  access. 
These  heights  the  Austrians  occupied  with  their  infantry ;  they 
had  their  cavalry  in  the  plain  of  Engen.  It  was  requisite  for 
Moreau  to  dislodge  them  from  these  heights,  and  then  to  descend 
into  the  plain  and  engage  the  imperial  cavalry  there.  He  marched 
himself  at  the  head  of  Delmas'  and  Bastoul's  divisions,  and  half 
of  Lorges"  division.  He  had  directed  Kichepanse's  division  upon 
his  left,  along  what  is  called  the  Blumenfeld  road.  The  latter, 
passing  though  a  series  of  valleys,  was  to  turn  the  enemy's 
positions  by  less  defended  approaches ;  and  all  together,  if  they 
succeeded,  were  then  to  descend  en  masse  upon  Engen. 

Lorges,  who  had  outstripped  a  little  the  reserve  troops,  found 
a  strong  body  of  the  enemy  near  Waterdingen,  and,  before 
attacking,  he  waited  for  Delmas'  division,  which  soon  came  up. 
They  then  charged  all  together,  and  dislodged  the  Austrians. 
Having  arrived  at  this  point,  they  had  to  climb  the  heights 
which  surround  Engen,  and  for  this  purpose  it  was  necessary  for 
them  to  traverse  rather  steep  plateaux,  commanded  on  the  right 
by  a  position  called  the  Maulberg ;  on  the  left,  by  a  very  lofty 
peak,  known  by  the  name  of  the  peak  of  Hohenhewen.  Lorges 
was  charged  to  attack  the  Maulberg.  After  a  slight  cannonade 
he  charged  that  point.  The  enemy  gave  way.  Delmas,  then 
turning  to  the  left,  directed  his  course  to  a  wood,  which  sur- 
rounded the  peak  of  Hohenhewen,  and  which  was  occupied  by 
eight  battalions  of  the  enemy's  infantry.  Two  battalions  of 
the  46th  advanced  upon  this  wood  without  firing,  while  Gene- 
ral Grandjean,  and  Adjutant-General  Cohorn  turned  it  with  a 
detachment.  No  sooner  had  the  two  battalions  of  the  46th 
received  the  enemy's  fire,  than  they  rushed  upon  him  with  bayo- 


MAY  1 800      CONSULA  TE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  1 7 1 

nets  fixed.  The  eight  Austrian  battalions,  finding  themselves  so 
vigorously  attacked  in  front  and  turned  on  their  right,  abandoned 
the  wood.  Our  troops,  having  taken  the  principal  positions  that 
defended  the  approaches  to  the  valley  of  Engen,  had  only  to 
descend  into  that  valley,  through  which  runs  a  large  rivulet. 
The  enemy  had  retired  to  the  peak  of  Hohenhewen ;  he  had 
placed  his  artillery  and  his  infantry  on  the  declivities,  and 
drawn  up  1 2,000  cavalry  in  order  of  battle  in  the  plain  of  Engen. 
Moreau  intended  at  first  to  take  the  peak  of  Hohenhewen,  and 
immediately  ordered  Delmas'  division  to  attack  it.  That  division, 
on  leaving  the  wood,  of  which  it  had  gained  possession,  was  ex- 
posed to  a  destructive  fire,  which  it  bravely  endured.  General 
Jocopin,  putting  himself  at  the  head  of  the  infantry,  ascen- 
ded the  slopes  of  the  peak,  and  received  a  ball  in  his  thigh ; 
but  General  Grandjean  turned  the  position.  Adjutant-General 
Gohorn,  whom  we  have  seen  crossing  the  Alb  on  the  shoulders 
of  a  grenadier,  rushed  to  the  summit  with  a  battalion,  and  dis- 
lodged the  Austrians.  Our  troops  were  then  in  possession  of 
all  the  heights  that  commanded  the  plain  of  Engen,  and  could 
deploy  there  without  difficulty.  The  enemy  retired  to  the  other 
side  of  the  plain,  beyond  the  rivulet  which  runs  through  it,  and 
to  the  foot  of  a  chain  of  hills  that  form  the  opposite  confine. 
He  had  drawn  up  in  front  his  numerous  cavalry,  with  great 
part  of  his  artillery,  and,  in  rear,  in  the  hollow  of  a  valley,  at 
the  entrance  of  which  stands  the  little  village  of  Ehingen,  a 
strong  reserve  of  grenadiers.  Such  was  the  imposing  force  still 
to  be  overthrown  ere  the  l)attle  sliould  l)e  ours. 

Meanwhile,  a  l)risk  fire  was  heard  from  beyond  the  peak  of 
Hohenhewen,  and  a  great  distance  beyond  it,  along  that  belt 
of  wooded  heiglits  surrounding  Engen.  It  was  Kichepanse's 
division,  engaged  with  the  troops  to  which  M.  de  Kray  had 
assigned  this  part  of  tiie  field  of  battle.  General  liichepanse 
had  been  obliged  to  separate  his  division  into  two  brigades,  to 
take  two  positions,  one  called  Leipferdingen,  the  otiier  Water- 
dingen,  at  the  very  extremity  of  the  valleys  into  which  he  had 
entered.  There  he  maintained  an  obstinate  action,  alternately 
successful  and  repulsed,  when,  luckily  for  him,  the  vanguard 
of  St.  Cyr's  corps  began  to  make  its  appearance.  These  troops 
came  very  late,  owing  to  a  want  of  harmony  in  Moreau's  disposi- 
tions. St.  Cyr  ought  to  have  come  to  St.  Suzanne's  assistance 
with  one  of  these  divisions  ;  he  had  been  obliged  to  wait  for  Xey. 
who  was  delayed  l)y  tlic  want  of  provisions,  to  wait  even  for  his 
artillery,  which  had  always  been  behind  ever  since  the  pas- 
sage of  the  Rhine;  he  had,  moreover,  had  incessant  encounters 
with  Prince  Fci'dinand  during  his  march,  and,  having  only  one 
division  out  of  three  to  oppose  to  liim,  he  had  been  obliged  to 
advance  with  care  and  caution.     He  came  up  at    last  to  the 


172  HISTORY  OF  THE  may  1800 

assistance  of  Eichepanse,  at  the  moment  when  M.  de  Kray  was 
making  a  last  vigorous  effort  against  the  latter,  to  prevent  him 
from  debouching  upon  Engen. 

Moreau,  judging  of  the  danger  of  Eicliepanse  from  the  brisk- 
ness of  the  fire,  resolved  to  draw  the  Austrians  upon  their  left, 
and,  to  this  end,  he  thought  fit  to  attack  the  village  of  Ehingen, 
which  formed  the  support  of  their  position  on  the  other  side  of 
the  plain.  Here,  as  we  have  just  seen,  the  enemy  had  posted, 
at  the  foot  of  a  chain  of  hills,  his  artillery,  his  cavalry,  besides 
a  reserve  of  grenadiers,  in  a  valley  the  entrance  to  which  was 
formed  by  the  village  of  Ehingen.  General  Bontemps  pro- 
ceeded thither  with  the  67th  demi-brigade,  two  battalions  of 
the  loth  light,  and  two  squadrons  of  the  5  th  hussars.  General 
d'Hautpoul  followed  him,  with  the  reserve  of  the  cavalry.  These 
troops,  marching  in  columns  in  the  plain,  under  the  fire  of  a 
battery  of  twelve  pieces  of  cannon,  dashed  bravely  upon  the 
village  of  Ehingen,  and  carried  it.  But,  all  at  once,  the  eight 
battalions  of  grenadiers  in  reserve  charged  them  in  turn.  The 
Austrian  cavalry  supported  these  eight  battalions  of  grenadiers 
by  a  vigorous  charge,  and  this  unexpected  storm  obliged  our 
soldiers  to  give  up  the  village.  The  cavalry  of  General  d'Hautpoul 
was  driven  back  by  the  great  mass  of  Imperial  cavalry.  The 
brave  General  Bontemps  received  a  severe  wound  amidst  this 
confusion.  At  this  moment,  the  firing  on  our  left,  beyond  the 
peak  of  Hohenhewen,  redoubled  in  violence,  proclaiming  the 
danger  of  Bichepanse,  who  persisted,  but  thus  far  unsuccessfully, 
in  the  attempt  to  force  the  belt  of  heights. 

Moreau,  who  in  trying  emergencies  possessed  the  firmness 
of  a  truly  martial  spirit,  instantly  appreciated  the  gravity  of 
this  situation,  and  resolved  upon  a  vigorous  l")low,  that  he  might 
remain  master  of  the  field  of  battle.  He  caused  the  remnant  of 
Bastoul's  division  to  advance,  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  a  few 
companies  of  grenadiers,  inflamed  their  courage,  led  them  to  the 
charge,  overthrew  all  that  came  in  his  way,  and  restored  Ehingen 
to  our  victorious  troops.  While  he  was  deciding  the  day  at 
that  point,  Eichepanse,  on  his  part,  was  performing  prodigies 
of  valour.  St.  Cyr,  rejoined  by  Ney,  and  definitively  delivered 
from  the  Archduke  Ferdinand,  sent  forward  General  Eoussel's 
brigade.  This  brigade  vied  in  courage  with  the  troops  of  Eiche- 
panse which  had  been  so  long  engaged,  and  assisted  them  to 
storm  the  heights  so  obstinately  contended  for.  In  all  directions 
our  arms  were  successful,  but  at  the  cost  of  great  efforts  and 
much  bloodshed.  The  4th  demi-brigade  alone  had  lost  from 
500  to  600  men  in  these  confiicts. 

Night  began  to  fall ;  the  ardour  of  the  French  was  redoubled, 
while  the  courage  of  the  Austrians  sank  on  learning  tlie  tidings 
of  the  rout  of  the  Prince  of  Lorraine- Vaudemont  at  Stockach. 


MAY  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  171 

M.  de  Kray,  fearful  of  being  turned  by  Stockach,  gave  orders 
for  retreat.  He  hastened  to  regain  the  Danube  by  Tuttlingen 
and  Liptingen. 

The  losses  of  the  French  army  in  this  series  of  obstinate  actions 
were  very  considerable.  In  killed  and  wounded  it  had  2000 
men  hors  de  comlat,  but  the  Austrian  army  had  more  than  3000, 
besides  4000  or  5000  prisoners  remaining  in  our  hands.  The 
French  troops,  by  their  extraordinary  bravery,  had  corrected  the 
defects  of  the  general  plan.  This  plan,  in  fact,  was  far  from 
perfect,  and  its  weak  points  can  now  be  appreciated.  In  the 
first  place,  it  is  easy  to  judge,  from  the  results  themselves,  the 
inconvenience  of  having  passed  the  Ehine  at  several  points. 
Owing  to  this  manner  of  operating,  there  were  no  more  than 
three  corps  ready  to  march  together;  and  even  then  the  third, 
that  of  St.  Cyr,  had  been  paralysed  by  the  necessity  of  giving 
the  hand  to  the  fourth,  which  was  left  behind.  To  this  system 
of  crossing  at  several  points  was  also  chargeable  the  delay  of  St. 
Cyr's  artillery,  which  had  contributed  not  a  little  to  retard  the 
assistance  given  to  liichepanse.  As  for  the  battle  itself,  Moreau, 
with  25,000  men,  had  been  obliged  to  tight  40,000  at  Eugen, 
while  Lecourbe  with  20,000  had  only  1 2,000  to  tight  at  Stockach, 
while  St.  Cyr  was  nearly  unoccupied,  or  confined  to  the  part  of 
mere  observation.  The  latter,  accused  of  having  arrived  too  late, 
affirmed  that  he  had  not  received  during  the  day  a  single  aide- 
de-camp  from  the  headquarters.  Never,  or  very  rarely,  will  such 
things  be  seen  on  the  fields  of  battle  where  the  First  Consul 
commanded.  Still,  a  general  must  possess  high  merit  to  act  as 
Moreau  acted.  Once  in  presence  of  danger,  he  had  behaved  with 
a  calmness,  a  vigour,  that  never  forsook  him ;  and,  seconded  by 
the  valour  of  the  troops,  he  had,  after  all,  won  the  victory,  and 
acquired  a  decided  superiority  over  the  enemy. 

He  encamped  with  his  army  on  the  Held  of  battle.  If,  on  the 
following  day,  he  had  vigorously  pushed  ]\I.  de  Kray  on  the 
road  from  Stockach  to  the  Danube,  he  would  probably  have 
thrown  him  into  disorder.  But  Moreau  had  not  ardour  enough 
in  his  character,  and  was  too  sparing  of  his  troops,  to  execute 
such  rapid  movements,  wliich,  no  doubt,  fatigue  men  at  the 
moment,  but,  in  reality,  save  tbeir  blood  and  their  strength,  by 
accelerating  the  results.  The  4tli  of  ]May  (i4tli  Floreal)  was 
employed  in  rectifying  tlie  position  of  the  army  and  in  marebing 
slowly  towards  the  Danube.  St.  Cyr  marched  liy  Tuttlingen, 
Moreau  and  Lecourbe  liy  Mosskirch,  keeping  an  eye  I'ontiuually 
upon  their  right,  and  up(jn  th(;  dehoudies  from  tbc  N'orarllterg, 
by  which  Prince  IJeuss  miglit  have  arrived. 

M.  tie  Kray  was  not  yet  resigned  to  the  idea  of  giving  up  the 
ground  without  figlitiiig.  His  army  was  already  niuch  discon- 
certed, and  reduced,  nioieover,  by  nearlv  iO,000  men.      It  was 


174  HISTORY  OF  THE  may  1800 

wrong  in  him  to  persist  in  exposing  it  to  a  new  encounter  with 
the  French,  before  he  had  passed  the  Danube,  and  been  joined 
by  Generals  Kienmayer  and  Sztarray,  who  were  on  march  from 
the  banks  of  the  Ehine  through  the  Black  Forest,  at  the  same 
time  as  the  French  corps  of  St.  Suzanne.  He  needed  the  shelter 
of  a  great  river,  the  respite  of  a  few  days,  and  reinforcements, 
that  the  moral  energy  of  the  Austrian  army  might  recover  itself. 
The  position  of  Musskirch,  which  Moreau  allowed  him  time  to 
reoccupy,  inspired  M.  de  Kray  with  the  imprudent  but  courage- 
ous resolution  to  give  battle  once  more. 

This  position  of  Mosskirch  is,  in  fact,  very  strong.  The  high- 
road, which  runs  through  Engen  and  Stockach  to  the  Danube  is 
exposed,  a  little  before  reaching  Mosskirch,  to  the  fire  of  a  large 
and  elevated  plateau,  called  the  plateau  of  Krumbach.  It  leaves 
it  on  the  left,  then  enters  a  tract  covered  with  wood,  in  which 
it  forms  a  long  defile.  It  afterwards  debouches  into  open  ground, 
at  the  extremity  of  which  are  seen  the  little  town  of  Mosskirch 
on  the  right,  and  the  village  of  Heudorf  on  the  left.  Behind 
Mosskirch  runs  a  line  of  heights  stretching  continuously  from 
Mosskirch  to  Heudorf,  which  latter  place  they  also  connect,  in 
the  rear  and  on  the  left,  with  the  plateau  of  Krumbach  ;  so 
that  the  road,  passing  first  under  the  plateau  of  Krumbach,  then 
])urying  itself  in  a  wood,  debouches  at  last  uncovered,  under  the 
fire  of  the  heights,  extending  from  Mosskirch  to  Heudorf. 

M.  de  Kray  had  crowned  this  position  with  a  formidable 
artillery.  The  Prince  of  Lorraine,  forming  the  left  of  the  Aus- 
trians,  occupied  Mosskirch  and  the  surrounding  heights.  M.  de 
Nauendorf,  forming  their  centre,  was  deployed  above  Heudorf, 
with  a  reserve  of  grenadiers  in  his  rear.  ]\[.  de  Wrede,  with 
the  Bavarians,  the  Archduke  Ferdinand,  and  Cieueral  Giulay 
united,  composed  the  right  of  the  Imperial  army  on  the  plateau 
of  Krumbach. 

Moreau  did  not  calculate  much  more  on  a  battle  at  Mosskirch 
than  he  had  calculated  upon  one  at  Engen.  Suspecting,  how- 
ever, that  he  might  meet  with  some  resistance  at  ^losskirch,  he 
had  apprised  Lecourbe  of  it,  and  sent  him  word  that  an  effort 
would  probably  be  necessary  at  that  point,  without,  however, 
giving  him  the  precise  orders  for  concentration  which  comport 
with  the  imminence  of  a  great  battle.  Lecourbe,  keeping  at  the 
head  of  the  army,  and  marching  with  three  divisions,  had  thrown 
A^andamme's  division  to  some  distance  on  his  right,  to  continue 
to  observe  the  movements  of  Prince  Eeuss  towards  the  Vor- 
arlberg.  Part  of  this  division,  under  General  Alolitor,  was  to 
direct  itself  by  the  Pfiillendorf  and  Klosterwald  road  upon  the 
fiank  of  Mosskirch.  Lecourbe,  with  ]\Iontrichard's  and  Lorges' 
divisions,  and  the  reserve  cavalry,  was  to  advance  by  the  high- 
road which  we  have  just  described,  and  which,  after  passing 


MAY  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  175 

beneath  Krumbach,  debouches  through  the  woods  in  front  of 
Mosskireh.  Moreau  followed  the  same  road,  keeping  at  some 
distance  in  the  rear.  St.  Cyr  flanked  at  a  considerable  distance 
the  left  of  Moreau,  occupying  both  banks  of  the  Danube  towards 
Tuttlingen.  These  assuredly  were  not  fltting  dispositions  for  a 
great  battle.  Vandamme  ought  not  to  have  been  thrown  alone, 
with  half  a  division,  upon  the  flank  of  the  position  of  Mosskireh. 
Lecourbe  ought  to  have  been  directed  with  his  whole  corps  upon 
this  quarter.  Moreau  should  not  have  set  out  so  late,  nor  have 
crowded  himself  into  the  same  road  as  Lecourbe,  and  into  the 
defile  of  a  wood.  Lastly,  St.  Cyr  should  not  have  been  left  at 
such  a  distance. 

Be  this  as  it  may,  Lecourbe  moved  forward  in  the  morning, 
conformably  with  the  dispositions  adopted.  "When  opposite  to 
Krumbach,  he  left  that  plateau  on  his  left,  and  entered  the 
defile  of  the  wood.  Some  advanced  guards  met  with  in  this 
defile  were  speedily  driven  back.  He  arrived  at  the  d4houchi. 
Here  was  seen  the  uncovered  ground  at  the  extremity  of  which 
Mosskireh  is  situated,  bordered  on  all  sides  by  heights  crowned 
with  the  artillery  of  the  Austrians.  As  soon  as  the  heads  of 
columns  appeared,  five  pieces  of  artillery,  firing  in  front  from 
the  side  next  to  jMosskirch,  twenty  others  firing  in  flank,  from 
the  side  towards  Heudorf,  poured  forth  a  shower  of  balls  and 
grapeshot.  Two  battalions  of  light  infantry  posted  themselves 
on  the  margin  of  the  wood,  and  three  regiments  of  cavalry,  the 
9th  hussars,  the  12th  chasseurs,  the  nth  dragoons,  pushed 
forward  rapidly  to  protect  the  establishment  of  our  artillery. 
Under  the  fire  of  these  twenty-five  pieces,  playing  upon  them 
in  all  directions,  our  squadrons  were  obliged  to  fall  back. 
Fifteen  pieces  of  cannon,  which  General  Montrichard  had 
endeavoured  to  oppose  to  the  Austrian  artillery,  were  partly 
dismounted.  The  light  infantry  itself  was  forced  to  take 
shelter  in  the  woods.  The  Austrian  cavalry  attempted  to 
charge  us  in  its  turn,  but  was  vigorously  repulsed.  Still,  as 
often  as  General  Montrichard  tried  to  debouch  from  the  woods, 
a  violent  fire  stopped  his  columns.  It  soon  became  evident 
that  this  was  not  the  true  point  of  attack  for  forcing  jMoss- 
kirch ;  that,  on  the  contrary,  it  was  on  the  right,  following 
the  cross-road  from  Klosterwald,  by  which  A'andamme  was 
advancing.  But  the  latter  had  not  yet  come  up,  on  account 
of  the  distance  that  he  had  to  march.  Meanwhile,  Lecourbe 
determined  to  make  an  attempt  upon  Heudorf  by  tiling  on  his 
left  along  the  skirt  (jf  the  woods.  Tn  spito  of  a  violent  fire  of 
artillery  and  musketry,  the  loth  light  entered  the  village  of 
Heudorf;  but  it  was  repulsed  by  superior  forces:  and,  while 
the  cavalry  was  hastening  to  its  supjiort,  the  Austrian  artillery, 
placed  on  the  slope  behind  Heudorf,  conq)eIled  it  to  make  a 


176  HISTORY  OF  THE  may  1800 

retrograde  movement.  Thus  this  second  attempt  to  debouch 
on  the  left  was  not  more  successful  than  that  which  had  been 
made  to  debouch  directly  upon  Mosskirch. 

Encouraged  by  our  check,  the  Austrians  were  then  disposed 
to  assume  the  offensive,  and  endeavoured  to  debouch  from  the 
village  of  Heudorf  upon  Lorges'  division.  But  this  was  taking 
too  great  a  liberty  witli  such  brave  troops.  The  38th  formed 
into  column  and  marched  forward  under  a  fire  of  grape-shot 
from  eight  pieces  of  cannon.  It  advanced  with  admirable  cool- 
ness, and  penetrated,  with  fixed  bayonets,  into  Heudorf.  On 
a  steep,  rising  ground  behind  this  village  were  woods,  and  in 
those  woods  dense  masses  of  Austrian  infantry.  Superior  forces 
rushed  upon  this  gallant  demi-brigade ;  overwhelmed  by  num- 
bers, it  fell  back.  The  67th  came  up  to  its  assistance,  and  imme- 
diately rallied  it.  Both  together  again  charged.  The  entire 
division  hastened  to  the  spot,  carried  the  village,  cleared  those 
redoubtable  heights,  and  made  itself  master  of  that  woody 
retreat,  from  which  the  enemy  had  vomited  upon  us  a  terrific 
fire.  While  this  severe  combat  was  taking  place  on  our  left 
around  the  village  of  Heudorf,  Vandamme,  on  our  right,  de- 
bouched at  last  upon  Mosskirch,  at  the  head  of  Molitor's 
brigade.  He  drew  it  up  skilfully  for  the  attack,  in  spite  of  the 
Austrian  infantry,  which  opened  a  destructive  fire  from  the 
suburb  of  Mosskirch.  This  brave  band  charged  with  fury,  and 
penetrated  into  Mosskirch.  while  two  battalions  turned  the 
position  by  the  heights.  Montrichard,  still  ensconced  in  the 
woods,  chose  this  movement  for  debouching  on  the  open  ground, 
which  had  at  first  been  so  fatal  to  us.  He  threw  himself  upon 
four  columns,  and  that  in  the  face  of  the  artillery  of  the 
Austrians,  already  somewhat  staggered  by  the  sight  of  these 
simultaneous  attacks.  Montrichard's  four  columns  came  up, 
passed  a  ravine  which  runs  along  the  foot  of  the  heights,  gained 
the  plateau  of  Mosskirch,  at  the  moment  when  Yandamme's 
troops,  which  had  entered  Mosskirch,  began  to  debouch  from 
it.  The  Austrians  were  everywhere  put  to  fiight.  Their  re- 
serve, stationed  a  little  in  the  rear,  at  Piohrdorf,  would  then 
have  acted  in  its  turn,  but  was  kept  in  check  by  the  united 
divisions  of  Vandamme  and  Montrichard. 

We  were  now  masters  of  the  whole  line  from  Mosskirch  to 
Heudorf.  But  ^M.  de  Kray,  detecting  with  great  judgment  the 
vulnerable  point  of  our  position,  moved  off  part  of  his  forces 
in  the  direction  of  the  plateau  of  Krumbach,  on  our  left,  whence 
he  threatened  our  fiank  and  our  rear.  Lorges'  division,  which 
occupied  Heudorf,  was  in  danger  of  being  overpowered.  The 
entire  reserve  of  the  Austrian  grenadiers  had  assailed  that  un- 
fortunate division,  which,  after  taking  and  retaking  Heudorf 
several  times,  was  exhausted  with  fatigue.     It  could  no  longer 


MAYiSoo       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  177 

withstand  the  fire  of  the  artillery  and  the  mass  of  Austrian 
infantry.  Luckily  Moreau,  apprised  by  the  violence  of  the 
cannonade,  had  hastened  his  march.  At  length  he  arrived  at 
the  entrance  of  the  wood  with  his  corps,  formed  of  Delmas', 
Bastoul's,  and  Eichepanse's  divisions.  He  lost  no  time  in  send- 
ing Delmas'  division  to  the  left  upon  Heudorf  to  the  assist- 
ance of  Lorges'  division.  This  brave  detachment  changed  the 
aspect  of  things,  drove  back  the  Austrian  grenadiers,  and  retook 
Heudorf,  as  well  as  the  woods  above  it.  But  if  we  received 
reinforcements,  so  did  j\I.  de  Kray  too.  His  right,  composed  of 
the  Archduke  Ferdinand  and  General  Giulay,  whom  St.  Cyr  had 
followed,  foot  Ijy  foot,  ever  since  the  commencement  of  operations, 
but  followed  at  too  great  a  distance — this  right,  rapidly  brought 
upon  the  field  of  battle,  was  directed  between  Heudorf  and 
Krumljach,  upon  the  very  flank  of  Delmas'  division,  and  put  it 
in  danger  of  being  surrounded.  Part  of  the  latter  instantly  faced 
about  to  the  left.  The  57th,  which  had  earned  in  Italy  the 
surname  of  the  Terrible,  formed  in  order  of  battle,  and  disputed 
the  ground  for  more  than  an  hour  against  the  Austrian  masses, 
under  the  fire  of  sixteen  pieces  of  artillery,  to  which  General 
Delmas  could  oppose  no  more  than,  five,  that  were  soon  dis- 
mounted. This  tremendous  fire  that  heroic  band  endured  with- 
out flinching,  and  kept  the  enemy  in  check.  Moreau,  hastening 
from  one  corps  to  another,  to  place  or  to  support  them,  led 
Bastoul's  division  to  the  assistance  of  Delmas'  division.  He 
came  up  at  the  moment  when  the  Austrians,  unable  to  over- 
throw Delmas'  division,  were  seeking  to  deprive  it  of  the  aid  of 
Bastoul's  division,  by  deploying  on  the  plateau  of  Krumliach, 
in  order  to  intercept  our  communications.  They  were  already 
descending  from  that  plateau,  and  had  even  reached  our  waggon 
train.  Thus  the  battle,  after  commencing  at  Mosskircli,  ex- 
tended to  Heudorf,  and  from  Heudorf  to  Krumbach,  embracing 
the  entire  angle  of  that  vast  position,  and  covering  it  with  fire, 
and  blood,  and  devastation.  At  this  critical  moment,  Bastoul's 
division  worthily  supported  the  efibrts  of  Delmas'  division ;  but 
it  was  liable  to  be  surrounded,  if  the  enemy  should  succeed  in 
descending  from  the  plateau  of  Krumbach,  and  gaining  posses- 
sion of  the  highroad  by  which  our  troops  were  arriving.  For- 
tunately, Eichepanse's  division,  brought  up  in  time  to  the  deci- 
sive point,  formed  in  columns  of  attack,  climbed  the  plateau  of 
Krumbach  under  a  destructive  fire,  and  overwhelmed  the  Arch- 
duke Ferdinand,  who  intended  to  overwhelm  us.  After  t  bisefl'ort, 
M.  de  Kray  had  no  force  left  to  act  against  Eieliepanse,  and  was 
obliged  to  give  the  signal  for  retreat.  From  Krumbach  to  Heu- 
dorf, from  Heudorf  to  Mosskircli,  we  were  ewrywhere  victorious. 
At  this  moment,  St.  Cyr's  corps  was  ])ut  a  few  leagues  oil',  at 
Neuhausen-ob-Eke.     If  he  had  debouched,  tbe  Ausuiaii  army 

VOL.   I.  M 


178  HISTORY  OF  THE  may  1800 

must  have  been  destroyed,  and,  instead  of  an  ordinary  victory, 
we  should  have  gained  one  of  those  splendid  victories  which  put 
an  end  to  a  campaign.  "What  fatal  inaction,  then,  kept  him  use- 
less, so  near  to  the  spot  where  he  might  have  decided  the  issue 
of  the  war  ?  This  is  a  question  which  it  is  very  difficult  to 
resolve.  St.  Cyr  alleged,  on  the  following  day,  that  no  orders 
had  been  sent  to  him.  Moreau  replied  that  he  had  sent  orders 
by  several  aides-de-camp.  St.  Cyr  rejoined  that  he  was  so  near 
the  place  where  the  battle  was  fought,  that,  if  a  single  officer 
had  been  dispatched  to  him,  that  officer  must  have  infallibly 
arrived.  Moreau's  coterie  insisted  that  St.  Cyr,  with  a  spite 
unworthy  of  a  brother  in  arms,  had  purposely  left  his  comrades 
to  be  crushed  at  Mosskirch,  as  he  liad  done  at  Engen. 

Thus,  in  military  life  as  in  civil  life,  men  are  jealous  of,  accuse, 
calumniate  one  another  I  Human  passions  are  everywhere  the 
same,  and  war,  most  assuredly,  is  not  capable  of  cooling  them, 
moderating  them,  and  rendering  them  just.  The  truth  is,  that 
St.  Cyr,  discontented  with  the  coterie  which  had  gained  posses- 
sion of  Moreau's  ear,  affected  to  confine  himself  to  the  command 
of  his  own  corps,  at  the  head  of  which  he  operated  with  extra- 
ordinary perfection ;  but  he  never  made  amends  for  oversights 
of  the  commander-in-chief,  and  waited,  before  acting,  for  orders 
which  a  lieutenant  ought  to  be  able  to  anticipate,  especially  when 
he  hears  the  cannon.  St.  Cyr,  in  alleging  the  proximity,  to  prove 
that,  if  orders  had  been  sent  to  him,  he  must  have  received  them, 
accused  himself ;  for  this  proximity  rendered  him  inexcusable 
for  not  hastening,  with  one  division  at  least,  to  the  spot  where  a 
tremendous  cannonade  indicated  a  violent  conflict,  and  perhaps 
serious  dangers.  But  whatever  faults  he  connuitted  upon  this 
occasion  were  ere  long  to  be  redeemed  by  important  services. 

Both  Austrians  and  French  were  exhausted  at  the  close  of 
this  day.  Amidst  the  confusion  of  battle,  the  number  of  dead 
and  wounded  is  never  accurately  known.  At  Mosskirch  that 
number  must  have  been  great.  Three  thousand  men  of  the  French 
must  have  fallen,  and  nearly  twice  as  many  in  the  Austrian 
army.  But  the  French  army  was  full  of  confidence ;  it  had 
won  the  field  of  battle,  and  purposed  to  quit  it  next  day,  and 
to  follow  up  that  series  of  actions,  which,  without  having  yet 
procured  it  any  decisive  results,  nevertheless  ensured  to  it  an 
uninterrupted  superiority  over  the  enemy.  The  Austrian  army, 
on  the  contrary,  severely  shaken,  w^as  not  capable  of  keeping  up 
such  a  contest  long. 

After  the  account  which  we  have  just  given,  every  reader  may 
easily  conceive  what  censures  have  been  passed  upon  the  opera- 
tions of  Moreau.*  Fie  had  marched  upon  a  field  of  battle  with- 
out first  reconnoitring  it ;  he  had  directed  too  few  troops  upon 

*  See  Menioires  dc  St.  Cyr,  torn.  vi.  p.  215  ct  scq.     Campaign  iSoo. 


MAY  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  179 

the  true  point  of  attack,  which  was  the  road  from  Klosterwald 
to  Mosskirch,  debouching  on  the  flank  of  that  little  town  ;  he 
had  set  out  late,  had  made  all  his  corps,  one  after  another,  pass 
through  a  wood,  from  which  it  was  impossible  to  debouch  with- 
out losing  a  great  many  men  ;  lastly,  he  had  not  brought  St.  Cyr 
upon  the  ground,  where  his  presence  would  have  been  decisive. 
M.  de  Kray,  on  his  part,  after  he  had  judiciously  directed  his 
effort  upon  the  vulnerable  point,  upon  our  left,  had  committed 
the  fault  of  suffering  Mosskirch  to  be  taken  ;  but  it  must  be 
said,  in  his  justification,  that  his  troops  were  far  from  equalling 
the  French  troops  in  regard  to  intelligence  and  firmness.  Be- 
sides, they  began  to  lose  confidence,  and  it  was  no  longer  easy 
to  make  them  endure  the  sight  and  the  attack  of  the  French. 

On  the  following  day,  the  6th  of  May  (i6th  Floreal),  M.  de 
Kray  hastened  to  get  behind  tlie  J3anube,  in  order  to  connect 
himself  at  last  with  that  great  line  of  operations.  Now  was  the 
time  for  following  him  up,  for  rendering  the  passage  of  the  river 
impossiljle,  at  least  hazardous,  for  him.  Moreau  marched  in  line, 
his  left  to  the  Danube,  quite  close  to  the  point  where  the  Austrians 
were  crossing,  liaving  it  in  his  power  to  crush  them,  if  he  had 
suddenly  wheeled  to  his  left.  St.  Cyr  formed,  at  the  moment, 
the  wing  supported  upon  the  Danube.  Not  having  been  engaged 
on  the  preceding  day,  he  was  in  a  state  to  act,  and  was  desirous 
to  act.  He  saw,  with  his  own  eyes,  the  Imperial  troops  crowding, 
with  a  sort  of  precipitation,  upon  the  point  of  Sigmaringen.  The 
Danube,  making  a  bend  there,  formed  a  promontory,  on  which 
the  Austrian  army  had  flocked  together,  in  its  anxiety  to  get  to 
the  other  side  of  the  river.  St.  Cyr,  distinctly  perceiving  it,  at 
the  distance  of  short  cannon-range,  crowded  into  a  space  scarcely 
sufficient  for  a  division,  and  so  much  startled  at  the  sight  of  the 
French,  that,  l;efore  the  mere  brigade  of  Xey,  it  suspended  its 
passage,  drew  up  in  order  of  battle,  and  covered  itself  with  the 
fire  of  sixty  pieces  of  cannon — St.  Cyr,  seeing  it  thus  accumulated 
and  alarmed,  felt  sure  he  could  drive  it  into  the  Danube  by  a 
single  charge  of  his  whole  corps.  He  ordered  forward  a  few- 
pieces  of  cannon,  every  discharge  of  which  swept  away  whole 
files,  but  which  could  not  l)e  expected  to  remain  in  battery  before 
M.  de  Kray's  sixty  pieces  of  artillery.  He  hoped  to  draw  the 
attention  of  ^loreau  by  the  report  of  this  cannonade,  and  to  bring 
him  from  the  corps  of  reserve  to  the  corps  on  the  left.  As  he 
did  not  come,  he  sent  an  officer  to  apprise  him  of  the  circum- 
stances, and  to  obtain  his  order  for  attacking.  ]>ut  their  union 
was  at  an  end.  It  was  believed  by  the  officers  of  the  staff,  or 
they  affected  to  believe,  that  St.  Cyr  wished  again  to  move  to 
the  left,  with  a  view  to  detach  himself  more,  and  to  act  alone. 
He  was  answered  by  an  order  to  move  to  the  right,  to  connect 
himself  more  closely  than  he  was  accustomed  to  do  with  the 


i8o  HISTORY  OF  THE  may  1800 

corps  of  reserve,  which  formed  the  centre  of  the  army.  This 
measure  is  indispensable,  he  was  told,  that  the  commander-in- 
chief  may  have  it  in  his  power  to  dispose  of  your  troops  in  case 
of  need.*  The  drift  of  this  order  plainly  indicated  the  humour 
of  the  general-in-chief  and  of  those  around  liim.  It  was  evident 
that  Moreau  suffered  himself  to  be  engrossed  by  the  command 
of  a  single  corps,  and  that  his  weakness  of  character  was  giving 
birth  to  intestine  divisions,  mischievous  in  any  place,  but  still 
more  mischievous  in  armies  than  anywhere  else. 

M.  de  Kray  could,  therefore,  liee  without  danger,  and  rally  his 
army  beyond  the  Danube.  M.  de  Kienmayer  rejoined  him  tliere 
with  the  troops  arriving  from  the  banks  of  the  Ehine,  and  he 
was  closely  followed  by  M.  de  Sztarray. 

Moreau's  army  had  found  vast  magazines  at  Stockach  and 
Donau-Eschingen :  it  was  in  want  of  notliing ;  it  was  inspirited 
by  success  and  by  the  continual  offensive  which  it  had  taken. 
On  the  7th  and  8th  of  May  (17th  and  i8th  Floreal),  Moreau 
continued  to  march  with  his  left  to  the  Danube,  presenting  a 
line  of  battle  still  too  extended,  and  frequently  halting,  to  give 
St.  Suzanne  time  to  come. 

On  the  9th  (19th  Floreal)  Moreau,  knowing  that  St.  Suzanne, 
who  had  come  along  the  left  bank  of  the  Danube,  was  at  length 
opposite  to  the  army,  left  his  headquarters  for  a  day,  and  crossed 
the  Danube  to  inspect  the  troops  which  had  just  arrived.  These 
troops  formed  thenceforward  his  left  wing,  while  St.  Cyr  became 
the  centre,  and  the  corps  of  reserve  was  really  to  be  used  as  a 
reserve,  conformably  with  its  appellation. 

According  to  all  probability,  M.  de  Kray,  intent  on  resting 
his  army,  would  keep  beyond  the  Danube,  and  we  might  continue 
on  the  9th  to  make  a  march  in  advance,  without  encountering 
the  enemy.  Moreau  directed  the  right,  that  is  to  say,  Lecourbe, 
to  proceed  on  the  9th  to  between  Wurzach  and  Ochsenhausen, 
the  reserve  to  advance  to  Ochsenhausen  itself ;  lastly,  the  centre, 
that  is  to  say  St.  Cyr,  to  proceed  beyond  Biberach,  the  left  in 
observation  on  the  Danube.  In  this  oixler  the  army  advanced 
very  near  to  the  Iller,  describing  a  line  parallel  to  that  tributary 
of  the  Danube.  Moreau  set  out  on  tlie  morning  of  the  9th, 
thinking  to  devote  an  entire  day  to  the  corps  of  St.  Suzanne. 

Now,  M.  de  Kray  had  been  induced  to  take  a  new  and  unex- 
pected resolution  by  the  advice  of  a  council  of  war,  whicli  had 
judged  it  prudent  to  save  the  immense  magazines  of  Biberach, 
and  not  abandon  them,  like  those  of  Engen  and  Stockach,  to  the 
French.  He,  therefore,  crossed  to  the  right  bank  of  the  Danube 
with  his  whole  army,  by  Kiedlingen,  and  posted  himself  in  front 
and  rear  of  Biberach.  This  place  had  already  been  the  theatre 
of  a  battle  gained  in  1796  by  Moreau,  thanks  more  especially 

*  St.  Cyr,  torn.  vi.  p.  201. 


MAY  1 800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  i8i 

to  St.  Cyr.  This  field  was  again  to  witness  the  success  of  our 
troops,  and  of  St.  Cyr  himself. 

Biberach  is  situated  in  a  valley  overflowed  by  the  Eiess.  This 
valley  is  so  swampy  that  a  man  on  horseback  cannot  attempt  to 
pass  through  it  without  perishing,  so  that  people  are  obliged  to 
pass  through  Biberach  itself,  and  over  the  little  bridge  conti- 
guous to  that  small  town.  You  penetrate  into  this  valley  by 
following  a  sort  of  defile,  formed  between  the  heights,  those  of 
the  Galgenberg  on  the  one  hand,  those  of  Mittelbiberach  on 
the  other.  On  clearing  this  defile,  Biberach  suddenly  appears 
in  view.  You  cross  the  marsh  of  the  Eiess  over  the  bridge 
adjoining  to  the  town,  and  beyond  that  marsh  you  perceive  a 
superb  position  called  the  Mettenberg,  upon  which  an  army  well 
provided  with  artillery  might  make  a  firm  stand.  M.  de  Kray 
could  not  think  of  posting  himself  in  advance  of  the  defile,  having 
so  narrow  an  outlet  for  retreat ;  he  could  only  place  himself  in 
rear  of  Biberach,  beyond  the  Eiess,  on  the  Mettenberg  itself. 
Neither  could  he  leave  Biberach  uncovered.  Accordingly,  after 
stationing  the  bulk  of  his  army  on  the  position  of  the  Metten- 
berg, he  placed  a  corps  of  eight  or  ten  battalions  and  a  dozen 
squadrons  in  advance  of  the  defile  of  Mittelbiberach,  to  retard 
the  march  of  the  French,  and  to  give  time  for  evacuating  or 
destroying  the  greater  part  of  his  magazines. 

This  plan  was  perilous,  especially  with  a  demoralised  army. 
St.  Cyr  having  received  orders  to  go  and  pass  the  night  a  little 
beyond  Biberach,  soon  discovered  the  position  which  the  Aus- 
trians  had  taken.  He  was  deeply  mortified  at  not  having  the 
commander-in-chief,  or  at  least  the  chief  of  his  staff,  near  him, 
that  he  might  obtain  suitable  orders,  and  turn  this  meeting  to 
account.  Moreau  was  absent ;  General  Dessoles  was  not  there. 
If  St.  Cyr  had  had  his  forces  together,  he  would  not  have  hesi- 
tated to  risk  an  attack  with  his  corps  alone  :  unfortunately,  they 
were  partly  dispersed.  Being  oljliged  to  observe  the  Danube  on 
his  left,  he  had  devoted  to  this  object  the  best  of  his  divisions, 
that  of  Ney.  He  dispatched  several  officers  in  search  of  General 
Xey,  but  in  consequence  of  the  latter  having  followed  the  winding 
banks  of  the  river,  and  owing  also  to  the  frightful  state  of  the 
roads,  it  was  not  easy  to  reach  him  or  obtain  any  support  from 
Ids  division.  To  attack  a  mass  of  60,000  men  at  least,  St.  Cyr 
had  but  tlie  two  divisions  uf  Tharreau  and  Baraguay  d'Hilliers, 
with  the  reserve  cavalry  of  General  l^ahuc  attached  to  his  corps. 
The  demoralisation  of  the  enemy  tempted  him  strongly,  but  the 
disproportion  of  strength  made  him  hesitate,  when,  all  at  once, 
was  heard  the  firing  ot  General  llicheyjanse,  wlio,  having  orders 
to  keep  himself  in  communieation  with  St.  Cyr,  and  to  eross  the 
Eiess  by  the  bridge  of  Biberach,  arrived  at  tlie  same  point  by  a 
cross-road,  that  of  Eeichenbaeli.     St.  Cyr,  liaving  at  his  disposal 


1 82  HISTORY  OF  THE  may  1800 

the  fine  division  of  Bichepanse,  and  being  enabled  to  fill  the  gap 
left  in  his  corps  by  the  absence  of  Ney,  hesitated  no  longer.  He 
thought  that,  if  the  detachment  left  in  advance  of  Biberach  were 
overthrown,  the  defeat  of  this  corj)s  of  from  8000  to  10,000  men 
would  be  rather  more  serious  than  the  defeat  of  a  mere  advanced 
guard,  and  that  the  courage  of  the  enemy  might  be  severely 
shaken  by  it.  Accordingly,  without  so  much  as  halting  to  dis- 
pose his  troops  for  an  attack,  he  gave  orders  to  the  eighteen 
battalions  and  twenty-four  squadrons  which  he  had  at  hand  to 
advance  at  quick  step,  and  charge  the  10,000  Austrians  who 
barred  the  passage  of  the  defile.  Overthrown  by  this  sudden 
shock,  the  Austrians  rushed  pell-mell  to  Biberach  and  into  the 
valley  of  the  Riess.  It  would  have  been  easy  to  take  almost 
all  of  them,  but  St.  Cyr  would  not,  fearing  lest,  if  he  allowed  his 
soldiers  to  pursue  them,  he  might  not  be  able  to  rally  his  divisions, 
and  make  use  of  them  in  the  principal  o])eration.  He  contented 
himself  with  entering  Biberach,  establishing  himself  there,  and 
ensuring  the  preservation  of  the  magazines.  Having  strongly 
occupied  that  point,  and  provided  a  retreat  for  himself,  let 
what  might  happen,  he  crossed  the  Kiess.  Eichepanse  had  just 
arrived  upon  his  right,  by  the  Picichenbach  road.  Picinforced 
by  this  new  division,  St.  Cyr  crossed  the  Eiess  by  the  bridge  of 
Biberach,  and  advanced  himself  to  observe  the  position  of  the 
enemy.  At  this  moment,  the  some  odd  thousand  men,  so  sud- 
denly thrown  into  the  Eiess,  were  ascending  through  the  ranks 
of  the  Austrian  army,  which  opened  to  let  them  pass,  and  at 
sight  of  him,  it  was  easy  to  discover  how  much  that  army  was 
alarmed.  St.  Cyr  ordered  forward  a  number  of  tirailleurs,  who 
approached  and  bearded  the  enemy  without  any  of  his  tirailleurs 
making  their  appearance  to  throw  them  into  the  ravine.  These 
detached  soldiers  were  answered  by  general  discharges,  such  as 
proceed  from  an  affrighted  body  of  men,  striving  to  keep  up 
their  courage  by  making  a  noise.  St.  Cyr  was,  in  an  action,  one 
of  the  ablest  of  the  tacticians  that  have  appeared  among  us. 
On  perceiving  the  state  of  the  Austrian  army,  he  instantly 
decided  what  was  to  be  done.  He  ordered  Tharreau's  and 
Baraguay's  divisions  to  be  drawn  up  in  two  colunnis,  formed  a 
third  of  Eichepanse's  division,  and  placed  the  cavalry  en  t'chelons 
on  the  wings.  These  arrangements  made,  he  put  all  his  columns 
in  motion  at  once.  They  ascended  the  acclivities  of  the  Metten- 
berg  with  unparalleled  steadiness.  The  Austrians  at  the  sight 
of  these  soldiers  climbing  with  such  calmness  a  formidable 
position,  and  from  which  an  army  thrice  their  number  might 
hurl  them  into  the  marshes  of  the  Eiess,  were  seized  with 
astonishment  and  terror.  M.  de  Kray  ordered  a  retrograde 
movement ;  his  soldiers  did  not  execute  it  according  to  his  in- 
tention, for,  after  a  few  volleys,  they  gave  up  the  ground  of  the 


MAYiSoo       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  183 

Mettenberg,  and  at  length  fled  in  disorder,  leaving  to  St.  Cyr's 
corps  several  thousand  prisoners  and  immense  magazines,  which 
served  to  victual  the  French  army  for  a  long  time.  Night  pre- 
vented the  pursuit.  In  the  midst  of  these  events,  Moreau 
arrived,  and  though  there  was  a  coolness  between  him  and  St. 
Cyr,  yet  the  next  day,  in  the  presence  of  Carnot,  minister  of 
war,  he  testified  to  him  his  sense  of  high  satisfaction.  Moreau, 
separated  at  this  moment  from  the  mischievous  friends  by  whom 
he  was  beset  at  headquarters,  could  be  just  towards  a  lieu- 
tenant who  had  fought  and  conquered  without  his  presence 
and  without  his  orders. 

The  French  army  was  completely  victorious ;  the  Austrians 
were  no  longer  capable  of  making  a  stand,  and  it  might  now 
advance  unopposed.  M.  de  Kray  had  sent,  one  cannot  com- 
prehend why,  a  detachment  to  defend  the  magazines  of  Mem- 
mingen.  Memmingeu  lay  in  Lecourbe's  route.  This  place  was 
occupied,  the  detachment  routed,  and  the  magazines  were  taken. 
This  was  the  loth  of  May  (20th  Floreal).  On  the  nth  and 
12th,  M.  de  Kray  retired  definitely  upon  Ulm,  and  Moreau 
continued  to  march  in  an  extended  line  nearly  perpendicular 
to  the  Danube.  On  the  13th  of  ^lay,  he  was  beyond  the  Iller, 
without  having  encountered  any  serious  resistance  in  the  passage 
of  that  river.  The  right  and  the  reserve  were  at  Ungerhausen, 
Kellmiintz,  Iller-Aicheim,  and  Illertissen.  St.  Cyr  was  placed  at 
the  conflux  of  the  Iller  and  the  Danube,  a  chcval  upon  the  Iller, 
occupying  the  bridge  of  Unterkirchberg,  and  connecting  himself 
with  St.  Suzanue,  who  was  advancing  along  the  left  bank  of  the 
Danube.  From  the  abbey  of  Wiblingen,  wliere  Xey's  division 
was,  and  where  St.  Cyr  hud  his  headquarters,  the  Austrian  troops 
might  be  distinctly  seen  in  the  vast  entrenched  camp  of  Ulm. 

The  two  armies  had  just  been  rejoined  by  all  their  detached 
corps.  ^Marshal  de  Kray  had  recalled  M.  de  Kienmayer  to  him 
in  the  preceding  days,  and  afterwards  ]\I.  de  Sztari'ay.  Moreau, 
having  the  corps  of  St.  Suzanne  at  hand,  was  now  in  full  force. 
Both  armies  had  sustained  losses,  but  those  of  the  Austrians 
were  far  more  considerable  tlian  ours.  They  were  estimated  at 
30,000  men  in  prisoners,  dead,  and  wounded.  On  this  point 
history  is  reduced  to  conjectures  ;  for,  on  days  of  l>attle,  generals 
always  diminish  their  losses,  and  when  they  apply  to  their 
governments  for  reinforcements,  tliey  as  constantly  exaggerate 
the  number  of  the  dead,  wounded,  and  sick.  Thus  one  never 
knows  with  perfect  aecurucytlie  total  of  the  soldiers  really  present 
under  arms.  ]\I.  de  Kray.  having  taken  the  Held  with  i  io,000 
or  1  1  5,000  men,  composing  the  acti\e  army,  and  35,000  or  40000 
in  the  fortresses,  could  now  have  had  but  J^0,000  at  most,  and 
those  worn  out  with  fatigue  and  completely  demoi'alised. 

The  loss  of  the   Fi-eneh  army  was  estimated  at  4000  killed, 


1 84  HISTORY  OF  THE  may  1800 

6000  or  7000  wounded ;  some  ill  of  fever,  some  prisoners ;  in 
all,  12,000  or  13,000  men  actually  unfit  for  service,  4000  or 
5000  of  whom  were  likely  to  be  again  fit  for  service  after  a 
little  rest.  This  calculation  reduced  Moreau's  active  force,  for 
the  moment,  to  90,000  men,  or  rather  less.  But  he  would  soon 
be  obliged  to  part  with  a  strong  detachment,  according  to  the 
agreement  signed  with  General  Berthier  at  the  opening  of  the 
campaign.  It  was  stipulated  in  this  agreement  that,  as  soon  as 
M.  de  Kray  was  driven  to  the  distance  of  eight  or  ten  marches 
from  the  Lake  of  Constance,  Lecourbe  should  fall  back  upon  the 
Alps,  to  join  the  army  of  reserve.  The  position  of  Massena 
urgently  required  the  execution  of  this  engagement ;  and  it  was 
not  any  silly  desire  to  check  Moreau  amidst  his  successes  which 
caused  Lecourbe's  corps  to  be  called  off,  but  the  most  legitimate 
of  reasons,  that  of  saving  Genoa  and  Liguria.  The  army  of  reserve, 
collected  with  such  exertions,  contained  no  more  than  40,000 
men  belonging  to  troops  inured  to  war :  it  certainly  needed  a  re- 
inforcement to  place  it  in  a  condition  to  attempt  the  extraordinary 
operation  which  it  was  about  to  undertake  beyond  the  Alps. 

The  First  Consul,  impatient  to  act  in  the  direction  of  Italy, 
wishing  at  the  same  time  to  avoid  offending  Moreau,  and  yet  to 
ensure  the  execution  of  his  orders,  made  choice  of  the  minister  of 
war  himself,  of  Carnot,  to  carry  to  the  headquarters  of  the  army 
of  the  Ehine  the  formal  injunction  to  detach  Lecourbe  towards 
the  St.  Gothard.  The  letters  which  accompanied  this  order 
were  full  of  cordiality  and  irresistible  in  argument.  The  First 
Consul  was  w^ell  aware  that  it  was  not  Lecourbe  and  25,000 
men  who  would  be  sent  him;  but  if  15,000  or  16,000  only  were 
sent,  he  should  be  satisfied. 

Moreau  received  Carnot  with  chagrin :  he,  nevertheless, 
punctually  executed  the  orders  which  that  minister  brought  him. 
Carnot.  like  a  good  citizen,  took  pains  to  remove  any  feeling  of 
dissatisfaction  on  the  part  of  the  weak-minded  general,  ever  so 
easily  deceived,  and  revived  his  confidence  towards  the  First 
Consul,  which  detestable  busybodies  were  striving  to  destroy. 

Some  historians,  flatterers  of  Moreau,  but  flatterers  only 
since  181 5,  have  raised  the  detachment  taken  from  the  army  of 
Germany  to  25,000  men.  Moreau  himself,  in  his  reply  to  the 
First  Consul,  did  not  estimate  it  at  more  than  17,800;  and  this 
number  was  exaggerated.  Not  more  than  from  1 5 .000  to  1 6,000 
soldiers  marched  into  Switzerland  to  climb  the  St.  Gothard. 
Moreau  then  had  about  72,000  fighting  men  left,  and  soon  after- 
w-ards  75,000,  through  the  recovery  of  his  sick  and  disabled.* 
It  was  more  than   were  needed  for  beating  80,000  Austrians. 

*  It  is  from  Moreau's  own  correspondence  that  I  extract  these  figures.  All 
the  calculations  of  that  correspondence  are  exaggerated  in  Moreau's  favour. 
He  estimates  the  battalions  retained  by  him  at  650  men,  and  those  belonging 


MAYiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  185 

M.  de  Kray  had  no  more,  in  fact,  and  they  were  altogether  dis- 
spirited,  and  incapable  of  standing  the  slighest  serious  encounter 
with  the  French. 

In  order  that  the  enemy  might  remain  ignorant  of  this  dimi- 
nution of  his  forces,  Moreau  determined  not  to  alter  the  former 
distribution  and  positions  of  the  army ;  but  to  take  the  16,000 
men  whom  he  destined  for  the  First  Consul  out  of  all  the  exist- 
ing corps.  Each  of  these  corps  furnished  its  contingent,  and 
thus  this  reduction  of  strength  was  disguised  in  the  best  possible 
manner.  Moreau  wished  to  keep  Lecourbe,  who,  singly,  was 
worth  many  thousand  men.  Lecourbe  was  left  him,  and  the 
command  of  the  detachment  given  to  the  brave  General  Lorges. 
Carnot  returned  to  Paris  as  soon  as  he  had  witnessed  the 
departure  of  the  troops  destined  to  cross  the  St.  Gothard. 

This  operation  took  place  on  the  nth,  12th,  and  13th  of 
May  (21st,  22nd,  and  23rd  Florual).  The  French  army  under 
Moreau  numbered  about  72,000  combatants,  exclusively  of  the 
garrisons  of  the  fortresses,  the  division  of  Helvetia,  and  what 
might  be  returned  to  it  by  the  hospitals.  It  was,  for  the  rest, 
of  the  same  effective  strength  as  before  the  arrival  of  St.  Suz- 
anne's corps,  a  strength  which  had  been  sufficient  to  make  it 
invariably  victorious. 

M.  de  Kray  had  established  hmiself  at  Ulm,  where  an  en- 
trenched camp  had  long  been  prepared  for  the  puipose  of  afford- 
ing a  stronghold  to  the  Imperial  troops.  Of  the  two  systems 
of  defence  which  we  have  described,  that  which  requires  the 
retreating  army  to  skirt  the  foot  of  the  Alps,  covering  itself 
with  all  the  tributaries  of  the  Danube,  or  to  keep  a  chcval  upon 
that  river,  in  order  to  manoeuvre  upon  both  banks,  the  second 
had  been  preferred  by  the  Aulic  Council,  and  was  skilfully 
followed  by  M.  de  Kray.  The  first  would  l)e  judicious  in  case 
it  were  desirable  to  keep  the  two  armies  of  Italy  and  Germany 
in  permanent  communication.  It  presents  but  little  strength 
in  its  first  stages;  for  the  Iller,  the  Lech,  the  Isar,  the  Inn, 
become  but  successively  obstacles  of  any  consequence ;  and 
the  last  alone  becomes  a  considerable  obstacle,  thougli  not  an 
invincible  one,  for  there  is  none  of  that  kind  in  war.  lUit  an 
army  which,  renouncing  the  communications  witli  Italy,  keeps 
to  the  Danube  itself,  having  all  tlie  bridges  at  its  di.spusal, 
destroying  them  successively  as  it  retires,  possessing  the  means 
of  crossing  from  one  l)ank  to  the  other,  while  the  enemy  is 
fixed  upon  one  only ;  able,  if  that  enemy  attenq)ts  to  push  on 
directly  for  Vienna,  to  follow  liini  under  slielter  of  tbe  Danube, 

to  the  dctacliment  sent  to  Italy  at  700.  The  calculation  cannot  be  correct; 
for,  if  he  sent  the  corps  just  as  they  were,  and  the  battalions  were  reduced  to 
650  in  liis  arni>-,  they  could  not  have  been  700  in  the  corjis  which  were 
detached  from  it. 


1 86  HISTORY  OF  THE  may  1800 

and  throw  itself  upon  his  rear,  to  punish  him  for  the  first 
fault  that  he  may  commit ;  an  army  so  placed  is  in  the  position 
generally  regarded  as  the  best  for  covering  Austria. 

M.  de  Kray,  then,  had  posted  himself  at  Ulm,  where  im- 
portant works  had  been  carrying  on  for  his  support.  It  is  well 
known  that,  at  this  point,  the  left  bank  of  the  Danube,  formed 
of  the  first  acclivities  of  the  mountains  of  Swabia,  is  always 
higher  than  the  right  bank.  Ulm  is  at  the  foot  of  the  heights 
of  the  left  bank,  on  the  Danube  itself.  Its  walls  had  been 
repaired.  A  tete  de  pont  had  been  constructed  on  the  opposite 
bank.  All  the  heights  in  the  rear  of  Ulm,  and  particularly 
the  Michelsberg,  were  covered  with  artillery.  If  the  French 
approached  by  the  right  bank,  the  Austrian  army,  supporting 
one  of  its  wings  upon  Ulm,  the  other  upon  the  elevated  convent 
of  Elchingen,  covered  by  the  river,  and  sweeping  with  its  fire 
the  low  ground  of  the  right  bank,  would  be  unassailable.  If 
the  French  approached  on  the  left  bank,  then  the  Austrian 
army  had  a  position  quite  as  secure.  To  form  a  correct  idea  of 
it,  the  reader  should  know  that  the  position  of  Ulm  is  covered 
on  the  left  bank  by  the  river  Blau,  which  descends  from  the 
mountains  of  Swabia,  and  throws  itself  into  the  Danube  quite 
close  to  Ulm,  forming  at  the  same  time  a  deep  ravine.  If,  then, 
the  French  crossed  the  Danube  above  Ulm  to  attack  by  the  left 
bank,  the  Austrian  army  would  change  position.  Instead  of 
facing  the  banks  of  the  Danube,  it  would  turn  its  back  on  it, 
and  cover  itself  by  the  course  of  the  Blau.  It  would  have  its 
left  wing  upon  Ulm,  its  centre  at  the  Michelsberg,  its  right 
wing  at  Lahr  and  Jungingen.  It  would  be  necessary  to  make 
several  marches  upon  the  left  bank,  to  turn  this  new  position, 
and  then  to  abandon  the  right  bank  entirely,  which  might  frus- 
trate all  the  combinations  of  the  campaign,  by  uncovering  the 
route  to  the  Alps.  Such  was  the  camp  in  which  the  exhausted 
soldiers  of  M.  de  Kray  found  shelter  for  a  time. 

St.  Cyr  was  at  the  convent  of  Wiblingen.  From  the  windows 
of  that  convent  he  distinctly  saw,  even  without  telescope,  the 
position  of  the  Austrians.  Full  of  confidence  in  the  daring  of 
the  French,  he  offered,  and  several  general  officers  along  with 
him,  to  take  the  enemy's  camp  by  main  force.  They  answered 
for  the  success  with  their  lives ;  and  it  must  be  confessed  that 
if  the  audacity  of  some  of  them,  such  as  Xey  and  Eichepanse, 
might  have  excited  mistrust,  yet  St.  Cyr,  the  tactician,  a  man 
of  cool,  methodical,  sure  mind,  deserved  the  highest  confidence. 
But  Moreau  was  too  prudent  to  risk  an  attack  of  this  kind,  and 
to  afford  M.  de  Kray  the  chance  of  gaining  a  defensive  battle. 
It  is  true  that,  if  Moreau  were  successful,  the  Austrian  army, 
thrown  into  the  Danube,  would  be  half  destroyed,  and  the  cam- 
paign finished.     But  if  Moreau  failed  in  his  attack,  he  would 


MAYiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE,  187 

be  obliged  to  fall  back ;  the  campaign  of  Germany  would  be 
endangered ;  and,  worse  than  all  this,  the  decisive  campaign  in 
Italy  would  perhaps  be  rendered  impracticable.  Moreau  acted 
in  war,  not  grandly,  but  safely  He  let  those  brave  men  who  en- 
gaged to  throw  the  Austrians  into  the  river  talk  on,  and  refused 
to  attempt  an  attack  by  main  force.  The  war  of  manoeuvres 
was  the  course  then  left.  The  French  might  cross  to  the  left 
bank  above  Ulm,  a  movement  which  we  have  just  described ; 
but,  in  order  to  turn  the  Austrians  in  this  position,  they  would 
be  obliged  to  proceed  so  far  on  the  left  bank,  that  Switzerland 
would  cease  to  be  covered,  and  that  the  detachment  sent  towards 
the  Alps  would  be  compromised.  By  continuing  on  the  right 
bank,  they  might  descend  the  Danube  to  a  good  distance  below 
Ulm,  cross  it  out  of  reach  of  the  Austrians.  and  make  themselves 
masters  of  their  position,  by  cutting  them  oft'  from  the  Lower 
Danube.  But,  by  descending  the  river,  the  rear  of  the  army 
would  be  exposed,  and  the  route  to  Switzerland  again  left  un- 
covered. Moreau,  therefore,  renounced  all  idea  of  dislodging 
M.  de  Kray  by  any  of  these  means ;  and  though,  with  troops 
such  as  his,  he  might  have  hazarded  anytliing,  yet  he  is  not  to 
be  censured  for  such  caution,  and,  above  all,  for  being  so  scrupu- 
lous in  pursuing  the  plan  which  most  eft'ectually  covered  the 
operations  of  the  First  Consul,  his  chief,  but  his  rival. 

He  then  resolved  to  adopt  a  manoeuvre  which  was  the  true 
one,  namely,  to  march  for  Augsburg,  that  is  to  say,  to  abandon 
the  course  of  the  Danube,  to  cross  its  tributaries,  and  to  demolish 
all  the  lines  of  defence  of  the  Austrians  by  a  direct  march 
upon  the  heart  of  the  empire.  This  manccuvre,  seriously  exe- 
cuted, would  infallibly  have  induced  M.  de  Kray  to  leave  the 
Danube  and  his  camp  at  Ulm,  and  drawn  him  after  the  French 
army.  It  was  very  bold,  yet  did  not  uncover  the  Alps,  since  it 
placed  Moreau  constantly  at  their  foot.  But  there  was  no  half 
course  to  take  :  he  ought  eitlier  to  liave  remained  inactive  before 
Ulm,  or  to  have  advanced  resolutely  upon  Augsburg  and  ^Munich, 
for  a  mere  demonstration  was  not  capable  uf  deceiving  ]\I.  de 
Kray,  and  could  only  expose  the  corps  left  in  obserAation  near 
Ulm.  Moreau  here  committed  a  fault  which  had  well-nigh  pro- 
duced serious  consequences. 

On  the  13th,  14th,  and  15th  of  ]May  he  crossed  the  Iller. 
Leaving  St,  Suzanne  by  himself  on  the  left  bank  of  tlie  1  Janulic, 
and  St.  Cyr  at  the  conllux  of  the  lUcr  and  tlie  Danube,  he  puslied 
the  corps  of  reserve  upon  the  Cluntz  to  Ijabenhausen,  Lccourbe 
beyond  the  Guntz  to  Frklieim,  and  a  corps  of  llankers  to 
Kempten,  on  the  route  of  the  Tyrol.  In  this  sinmihir  |)0.sition, 
extendinfr  twenty  leaj^ues,  touchin<i;  Ulm  on  one  siUf,  threatenintr 
Augsburg  on  the  other,  he  could  not  ins]>ire  ]\I.  de  Kray  with 
the  slightest  dread  of  a  march  upon  Munich,  and  could  at  most 


1 88  .  HISTORY  OF  THE  may  1800 

but  tempt  him  to  throw  himself  en  masse  upon  the  corps  of  St. 
Suzanne,  remaining  alone  on  the  left  of  the  Danube.  Had  M.  de 
Kray  yielded  to  this  last  temptation,  and  employed  his  whole 
force,  it  would  have  been  all  over  with  St.  Suzanne. 

The  orders  issued  on  the  15th  (25th  Eloreal)  to  St.  Cyr  were 
executed  on  the  morning  of  the  i6th,  when  St.  Suzanne  was 
attacked  at  Erbach  by  a  prodigious  mass  of  cavalry.  His  right 
division,  commanded  by  General  Legrand,  was  at  Erbach  and 
Papelau,  along  the  Danube ;  his  left  division,  commanded  by 
Souham,  was  at  Blaubeuren,  a  chcval  on  the  Blau ;  the  reserve, 
under  General  Colaud,  a  little  in  the  rear  of  the  two  divisions. 
The  action  commenced  by  a  multitude  of  horse  surrounding 
our  columns  on  all  sides.  While  our  soldiers  were  charged  by 
numerous  squadrons,  masses  of  infantry,  sallying  from  Ulm  and 
ascending  the  Danube,  threatened  us  with  a  more  serious  attack. 
Two  columns  of  infantry  and  cavalry  advanced,  the  one  upon 
Erbach,  to  attack  and  envelop  the  two  brigades  composing 
Legrand's  division,  the  other  on  Papelau,  to  cut  off  Legrand's 
division  from  Souham's  division.  General  Legrand  then  made 
his  troops  perform  a  retrograde  movement.  They  fell  back  slowly 
through  the  woods,  and  then  had  to  debouch  on  the  plateaux 
between  Donaurieden  and  Kingingen.  The  troops  executed  this 
retreating  movement  with  remarkable  steadiness.  They  were 
several  hours  giving  up  a  small  tract  of  ground,  halting  every 
moment,  forming  in  squares,  and  harassing  with  their  terrible  fire 
the  cavalry  which  pursued  them.  Souham's  division,  attacked 
on  both  flanks,  was  obliged  to  execute  a  similar  movement,  and 
to  concentrate  itself  upon  Blaubeuren,  behind  the  Blau,  driving 
into  the  deep  ravine  formed  by  that  river  such  of  the  Austrians 
as  pressed  them  too  closely. 

It  was  Legrand's  division  that  was  in  most  danger,  because 
it  was  placed  near  the  Danube,  and  for  this  reason  the  enemy 
wished  to  overwhelm  it,  in  order  to  intercept  all  the  succours 
that  might  arrive  from  the  other  side  of  the  river.  The  two 
brigades  of  which  it  was  composed  continued  valiantly  to  defend 
themselves,  till,  at  the  moment  when  the  infantry  was  retiring, 
and  the  light  artillery  replacing  its  pieces  on  the  forepart  of  the 
carriages,  to  retire  also,  tlie  enemy's  cavalry,  returning  to  the 
charge,  dashed  suddenly  upon  that  unfortunate  division.  The 
brave  adjutant-general,  Levasseur,  who  had  been  dismounted  in 
a  charge,  sprung  upon  a  horse,  galloped  to  the  loth  regiment  of 
cavalry,  which  was  leaving  the  field  of  battle,  brought  it  back  to 
the  enemy,  charged  the  Austrian  squadrons,  ten  times  superior 
in  number,  and  checked  their  progress.  The  artillery  had  time 
to  carry  off  their  guns,  to  take  a  position  in  the  rear,  and  in  its 
turn  to  protect  the  cavalry  which  had  come  to  its  rescue. 

During  tliis  interval,  General  St.  Suzanne  had  come  u]),  with 


MAY  1 800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  189 

part  of  Colaud's  division,  to  the  assistance  of  Legrand's  division. 
General  Decaen,  with  the  remainder,  had  gone  to  Blaubeuren,  to 
succour  Souham's  division.  The  action  was  therefore  renewed ; 
but,  in  spite  of  this  effort,  it  might  terminate  in  a  disastrous 
manner ;  for  there  was  reason  to  fear  that  the  Austrian  army 
would  fall  en  masse  upon  the  corps  of  St.  Suzanne.  Fortunately, 
St.  Cyr.  posted  on  the  other  side  of  the  Danube,  did  not  leave 
his  comrades  to  be  routed  this  time,  as  he  had  been  frequently 
accused  of  doing :  he  hastened  up  with  all  possible  expedition. 
Hearing  the  cannonade  on  the  left  bank,  he  had  sent  ofi'  aides- 
de-camp  after  aides-de-camp,  to  luring  his  divisions  from  the 
banks  of  the  Iller  to  the  banks  of  the  iJanube.  He  had  ordered 
no  time  to  be  lost,  the  advanced  posts  to  fall  back  immediately, 
but  the  Imlk  of  the  troops  to  be  dispatched  at  the  instant,  with- 
out waiting  for  those  posts.  A  corps  left  I^ehind  was  to  collect 
them.  As  for  himself,  stationed  on  the  bridge  of  Unterkirch- 
berg,  which  is  upon  the  Iller,  as  soon  as  a  corps  arrived,  whether 
infantry,  cavalry,  or  artillery,  he  sent  it  with  all  speed  towards 
the  Danube,  preferring  a  momentary  disorder  to  loss  of  time. 
He  had  then  repaired  in  person  to  the  very  bank  of  the  Danube. 
The  enemy,  fearing  lest  St.  Suzanne  might  be  succoured,  had 
destroyed  all  the  bridges  as  high  as  Dischingen.  Seeing  St.  Cyr 
endeavouring  to  find  a  ford  or  to  repair  a  bridge,  he  had  drawn 
up  part  of  his  troops  along  the  left  bank,  to  make  head  against 
those  of  St.  Cyr,  posted  upon  the  right  bank.  He  had,  more- 
over, commenced  a  brisk  cannonade,  and  St.  Cyr  had  lost  not  a 
moment  in  replying  to  it.  This  combat  with  artillery,  kept  up 
from  one  side  of  the  river  to  the  other,  excited  in  the  Austrians 
who  had  sallied  from  Ulm  some  fears  for  their  retreat,  caused 
them  to  fall  back,  extricated  St.  Suzanne  a  little,  and  infused 
into  the  ranks  of  our  unfortunate  soldiers,  who  had  for  above 
twelve  hours  maintained  a  desperate  conflict,  the  most  lively 
joy  and  quite  new  ardour.  They  applied  to  St.  Suzanne  for 
permission  to  advance,  which  was  granted  them.  All  our 
divisions  then  moved  at  once ;  they  drove  back  the  Austrians 
\mder  the  cannon  of  Ulm ;  l)ut,  in  traversing  the  field  of  battle, 
which  they  were  overjoyed  to  recover,  they  found  it  strewed  with 
our  dead  and  wounded.  For  the  rest,  the  loss  of  the  Austrians 
was  not  less  than  ours.  Fifteen  thousand  French  had  fought  all 
day  against  36,000  men,  12,000  of  wliom  were  cavalry.  M.  de 
Kray  was  present  tlie  whole  time  on  the  field  of  battle. 

But  for  the  bravery  of  the  troops  and  tlie  energy  and  talents 
of  the  generals,  the  fault  which  Moreau  had  connnittcd  would 
have  been  punished  liy  the  loss  of  our  left  wing.  ]\Iorcau  imme- 
diately repaired  to  that  wing ;  and,  as  if  his  thoughts  had  been 
suddenly  drawn  to  that  quarter  l)y  mere  accident,  he  resolved  to 
make  his  wliole  army  cross  to  the  left  bank  of  the  river. 


I90  HISTORY  OF  THE  may  1800 

On  the  lytli  (27th  Moreal),  leaving  St.  Suzanne  to  rest  himself 
in  the  positions  of  the  preceding  day,  he  led  back  St.  Cyr's  corps 
between  the  Iller  and  the  Danube.  He  pushed  the  reserve, 
which  was  under  his  own  command,  to  Unterkirchberg  on  the 
Iller  itself,  and  ordered  Lecourbc  to  fall  back  between  the  Guntz 
and  Weissenhorn.  On  the  i8th,  the  army  made  a  second  move- 
ment towards  its  left ;  St.  Suzanne  was  moved  to  beyond  the 
Blau ;  St.  Cyr  to  beyond  the  Danube  ;  the  reserve  to  Gocklingen, 
on  the  Danube  itself,  ready  to  cross  the  river.  On  the  19th,  the 
manoBuvre  was  still  more  decided ;  St.  Suzanne  had  completely 
turned  Ulm ;  he  had  his  headquarters  at  Urspring ;  St.  Cyr 
was  on  both  banks  of  the  Blau,  his  headquarters  being  at  Blau- 
beuren  ;  the  reserve  had  passed  the  Danube  between  Erbacli  and 
the  Blau ;  and  Lecourbe  was  ready  to  cross  that  river. 

Everything  seemed  to  denote  an  attack  by  main  force  on  the 
entrenched  camp  of  Ulm.  In  this  new  position,  M.  de  Kray 
had  his  left  at  Ulm,  his  centre  on  the  Blau,  his  right  at 
Elchingen.  He  had,  therefore,  his  back  to  the  Danube,  and 
defended  the  reverse  of  the  position  of  Ulm.  Moreau,  after  he 
had  made  an  attentive  reconnaissance,  disappointed  the  expec- 
tations of  his  lieutenants,  who  fancied  that  they  discovered  a 
serious  plan  in  this  mo\'ement  upon  his  left,  and  who,  moreover, 
were  desirous  of  a  bold  attempt  on  the  camp  of  the  Austrians, 
because  they  considered  success  as  infallible.  St.  Cyr  again 
insisted,  but  he  was  not  listened  to.  Moreau  resolved  to  be 
gone,  unwilling  to  risk  an  attack  by  main  force  along  the 
Blau,  equally  unwilling  entirely  to  turn  the  position  by  its  left, 
for  fear  of  uncovering  Switzerland  too  much.  He  ordered  tlie 
whole  army  to  cross  once  more  to  the  right  bank.  On  the  20th 
of  May  and  the  following  clays,  the  army  decamped,  to  the  great 
vexation  of  the  soldiers  and  of  the  generals,  who  reckoned  upon 
an  assault,  and  to  the  great  astonishment  of  the  Austrians,  who 
were  in  dread  of  one. 

These  false  movements  were  attended  with  the  great  disad- 
vantage of  somewhat  raising  the  courage  of  the  Austrian  army, 
without,  however,  abating  that  of  the  Erench  army,  which  it 
was  difficult  to  shake,  so  conscious  was  it  of  its  own  superiority. 
Moreau  might  have  attempted  a  movement  which  we  have  de- 
scribed above,  and  which,  executed  subsequently,  obtained  him 
a  glorious  triumph.  This  was  to  descend  the  Danube,  to  threaten 
M.  de  Kray  with  a  passage  below  Ulm,  and  to  oblige  him  to 
decamp,  by  making  him  uneasy  about  his  line  of  communication. 
But  Moreau  was  still  fearful  of  uncovering  the  route  to  the  Alps. 
He,  therefore,  had  some  thoughts  of  making  a  second  demon- 
stration upon  Augsburg,  to  endeavour  once  more  to  deceive  the 
Austrians,  and  to  persuade  them  that,  leaving  Ulm  behind  him, 
he  was  marching  definitely  upon  Bavaria,  perhaps  even  upon 


MAYiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  191 

Austria.  On  the  22nd  of  ]\Iay  (2nd  Prairial),  the  whole  French 
army  had  recrossed  the  Danube ;  Lecourbe,  with  the  right  wing, 
threatened  Augsburg  by  Landsberg ;  and  St.  Suzanne,  with  the 
left  wing,  kept  at  some  distance  from  the  Danube,  between 
Dellmensingen  and  Achstetten.  That  same  day,  the  22nd,  Prince 
Ferdinand,  at  the  head  of  12,000  men,  half  of  them,  at  least, 
cavalry,  with  a  view  either  to  keep  us  near  Ulm  or  to  discover 
our  intentions,  made  an  attack  on  St.  Suzanne,  which  was 
warmly  repulsed.  The  troops  behaved  with  their  accustomed 
vigour,  and  General  Decaen  distinguished  himself.  On  the 
following  days,  Moreau  continued  his  movement.  On  the 
27th  of  May  (7th  Prairial),  Lecourlje,  with  equal  boldness  and 
intelligence,  made  himself  master  of  the  bridge  of  Landsberg 
on  the  Lech,  and,  on  the  28th,  entered  Augsburg.  M.  de  Kray 
was  not  to  be  shaken  by  this  demonstration,  and  remained 
obstinately  in  Ulm.  This,  it  must  be  confessed,  was  the  best 
of  his  determinations,  and  that  which  did  most  honour  to  his 
firmness  and  his  judgment. 

From  that  moment,  Moreau  confined  himself  to  a  calculated 
inaction.  He  rectihed  his  position,  and  rendered  it  better. 
Instead  of  forming  a  long  line,  the  extremity  only  of  which 
touched  the  Danube,  a  position  which  exposed  our  left  corps  to 
unequal  combats  with  the  whole  Austrian  army,  he  executed  a 
change  of  front,  and,  henceforward  facing  the  Danube,  he  ranged 
himself  parallel  to  that  ri\er,  but  at  a  considerable  distance,  his 
left  supported  upon  the  lller,  his  right  upon  the  Guntz,  his  rear- 
guard occupying  Augsburg,  and  a  corps  of  Hankers  observing 
the  Tyrol.  The  French  army  thus  formed  a  mass  sutliciently 
dense  to  have  nothing  to  fear  from  a  separate  attack  on  one  of 
its  wings,  and  could  not  incur  any  other  risk  but  that  of  a 
general  engagement,  which  all  in  our  ranks  wished  for,  because 
it  would  result  in  the  utter  ruin  of  the  Imperial  army. 

In  this  position,  now  irreproachable,  it  was  Moreau's  intention 
to  await  the  issue  of  the  campaign  which  the  First  Consul  was 
at  that  moment  undertaking  beyond  the  Alps.  His  lieutenants 
strongly  urged  him  to  resume  active  operations;  he  persisted  in 
replying  that  it  would  be  imprudent  to  do  more  till  he  had  news 
from  Italy  ;  that,  if  General  Bonaparte  succeeded  in  that  part  of 
the  theatre  of  war,  they  should  then  try  a  decisive  manreuvre 
against  M.  de  Kray  ;  tliat,  if  the  French  army  was  not  successful 
beyond  the  Alps,  they  should  l)e  greatly  embarrassed  by  the  very 
progress  which  they  should  have  made  in  ]>avaria.  Tlie  enter- 
prise of  General  l>onai)arte,  of  which  ^loroau  was  in  the  secret, 
had  in  it  something  extraordinary  for  a  mind  like  his;  it  is  not, 
therefore,  surprising  tluit  he  should  have  felt  anxiety,  and  have 
determined  not  to  advance  farther,  before  he  knew  for  certain 
how  it  fared  with  the  army  of  reserve. 


192  HISTORY  OF  THE  may  1800 

In  consequence  of  this  determination,  Moreau  had  warm  alter- 
cations with  some  of  his  lieutenants,  especially  with  St.  Cyr. 
The  latter  complained  of  the  inaction  to  which  they  were  con- 
fined, and  more  particularly  of  the  partiality  that  prevailed  in 
the  distribution  of  rations  to  the  different  corps  of  the  army. 
His,  he  said,  was  often  without  bread,  while  that  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief, beside  which  it  was  posted,  wanted  for  nothing. 
Not  that  there  was  any  want  of  supplies  since  the  capture  of 
the  enemy's  magazines,  but  of  the  means  of  conveyance.  St.  Cyr 
had  more  than  one  altercation  on  this  subject ;  he  had  evidently 
fallen  out  with  the  staff  which  was  about  Moreau,  and  this  was, 
at  bottom,  the  cause  of  those  unfortunate  misunderstandings. 
General  Grenier  had  just  arrived.  St.  Cyr  wished  Moreau  to 
give  that  general  the  command  of  the  army  of  reserve,  that  he 
might  be  able  to  release  himself  from  prepossessions  and  par- 
tiality— inevitable  consequences  of  commanding  in  person.  Un- 
luckily, Moreau  would  not  do  anything  of  the  kind :  St.  Cyr 
then  retired,  upon  the  pretext  of  health,  and  deprived  the  army 
of  the  ablest  of  its  general  officers.  For  the  rest,  St.  Cyr  was 
made  to  command  himself,  not  to  obey.  General  Suzanne  re- 
tired also,  in  consequence  of  similar  misunderstandings.  He 
was  sent  upon  the  Ehine,  to  form  a  corps  destined  to  cover  the 
rear  of  the  army  of  Germany,  and  to  check  the  force  under  Baron 
d'Albini.  General  Grenier  took  the  place  of  St.  Cyr,  and 
Eichepanse  that  of  St.  Suzanne.  Moreau,  whose  soldiers  were 
well  supplied  with  provisions,  and  who  was  strongly  established 
in  his  new  position,  resolved  to  wait,  and  wrote  to  the  First 
Consul  in  the  following  terms,  which  perfectly  express  his 
situation  and  his  intentions  : — 

"  Babenhausen,  jth  Prairial,  year  VIII.  (May  27th,  1800). 

"We  are  looking  with  impatience,  citizen  Consul,  for  tidings  of 
your  success,  M.  de  Kray  and  I  are  fumbling  here — he,  to  keep 
about  Ulm — I,  to  make  him  leave  the  post. 

"It  would  have  been  dangerous,  particularly  for  you,  if  I  had 
transferred  the  war  to  the  left  bank  of  the  Danube.  Our  present 
position  has  forced  the  Prince  de  Reuss  to  move  off  to  the  debouches 
of  the  Tyrol,  and  to  the  sources  of  the  Lech  and  the  Iller  ;  so  that  he 
cannot  inconvenience  you. 

"  Pray  let  me  hear  from  you,  and  let  me  know  how  I  can  best 
serve  you.  .   .  . 

"  Should  M.  de  Kray  move  forward,  I  shall  again  fall  back  to 
Memmingen;  I  shall  make  General  Lecourbe  join  me  there,  and  we 
shall  fight.  Should  he  march  upon  Augsburg,  I  shall  march  thither 
too ;  he  will  lose  the  support  of  Ulm,  and  then  we  shall  see  what  is 
to  be  done  to  cover  you. 

"It  would  be  more  advantageous  for  us  to  operate  upon  the  left 
bank  of  the  Danube,  and  make  Wurtemberg  and  Franconia  contribute 


MAYiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  193 

to  our  support ;  but  that  would  not  suit  you,  since  the  enemy  might 
send  detachments  into  Italy,  while  leaving  us  to  ravage  the  territory 
of  the  empire. 

"Be  assured  of  my  attachment. 

(Signed)         "  Moreau." 

A  month  and  two  days  had  elapsed,  and  if  Moreau  had  not 
obtained  those  prompt  and  decisive  results  which  terminate  a 
whole  campaign  at  one  blow,  as  he  might  have  done  by  passing 
the  Ehine  at  a  single  point,  towards  Schafi'hausen,  by  throwing 
himself  en  masse  upon  the  left  of  M.  de  Kray,  and  by  fighting 
the  battles  of  Engen  and  ]\Iosskirch  with  his  undivided  force ; 
or  as  he  might  likewise  have  done  by  throwing  the  Austrian 
army  into  the  Danube  at  Sigmaringen,  by  dislodging  it,  by  main 
force,  from  the  camp  at  Ulm,  or  by  obliging  it  to  decamp  by  a 
serious  manceuvre  upon  Augsburg ;  still  he  had  fulfilled  the 
essential  condition  of  the  plan  of  the  campaign  ;  he  had  passed 
the  Khine  without  accident,  in  the  teeth  of  the  Austrian  army ; 
he  had  fought  two  great  battles  with  it,  and,  though  the  con- 
centration of  his  forces  had  been  very  defective,  he  had  gained 
those  battles  by  his  firmness  and  his  superior  generalship  in  the 
hour  of  action  ;  lastly,  notwithstanding  \\\?,  fumUin/j  before  Ulm, 
he  had  shut  up  the  Austrians  around  that  place,  and  kept  them 
blockaded  there,  cutting  them  off  from  the  route  to  Bavaria  and 
the  Tyrol,  and  having  it  in  his  power  to  await  himself,  in  a  good 
position,  the  turn  of  events  in  Italy.  If  we  do  not  find  in  him 
those  superior,  decided  talents,  which  distinguish  great  captains, 
we  find  at  least  a  prudent,  calm  mind,  repairing,  by  its  coolness, 
the  faults  of  too  confined  an  understanding  and  too  irresolute 
a  character ;  in  a  word,  we  find  an  excellent  general,  such  as 
other  nations  would  fain  have  possessed,  and  such  as  Europe  had 
none  to  equal ;  for  it  was  the  lot  of  France,  at  that  period, — of 
France,  wliich  already  had  General  Bonaparte,  to  possess  also 
Moreau,  Kleber,  Desaix.  ]\Iassena,  St.  Cyr,  that  is  to  say,  the 
best  second-rate  generals ;  and  be  it  borne  in  mind  that  she  had 
already  produced  Uumouriez  and  I'icliegru!  Time  of  marvellous 
memory!  which  ought  to  inspire  us  with  some  confidence  in 
ourselves,  and  prove  to  Europe  tliat  all  our  glory  in  the  present 
century  is  not  due  to  a  single  man,  iliat  it  is  not  the  result  of 
that  very  rare  chance  wliicli  begets  such  geniuses  as  Hannibal, 
Caesar,  and  Xapoleon. 

What  might  chiefiy  be  alleged  against  ^Moreau  was  a  want  of 
vigour  in  coiinnand;  his  sultl'riiig  himself  to  be  surrounded,  con- 
trolled, by  a  military  coterie  ;  his  allowing  misunilerslaiidings  to 
arise  artjiiud  him,  depriving  liiniself,  in  conscMjuence,  of  his  best 
oilicers,  and  not  knowing  Imw  to  coijcct,  by  force  of  eliaraeler,  a 
vicious  oi'gaiiisal  ion  of  I  lie  afiuy,\vliicli  dis])osed  his  lieutenants  Lo 


1 94  HISTOR  Y  OF  THE  CONSUL  A  TE.      may  i  800 

part  company,  and  to  acts  of  bad  military  brotherhood.  Moreau's 
chief  fault,  as  we  have  said  several  times,  as  we  shall  too  often 
have  occasion  to  repeat,  lay  in  his  character.  Would  that  there 
were  a  veil  to  conceal  from  our  view,  and  capable  of  concealing 
from  others,  the  sad  sequel  in  after  years !  Would  that  there 
were  nought  to  damp  our  admiration  of  the  noble  and  wary 
exploits  of  that  warrior,  whose  heart  jealousy  and  exile  had  not 
yet  estranged ! 

We  must  now  transport  ourselves  to  a  different  theatre,  to 
witness  also  a  very  different  spectacle.  Providence,  so  rich  in 
contrasts,  will  there  exhibit  to  us  a  different  mind,  a  different 
character,  a  different  fortune,  and,  for  the  honour  of  our 
country,  soldiers  still  the  same,  that  is  to  say,  still  intelligent, 
devoted,  and  intrepid. 


BOOK   IV. 


aiAEENGO. 


THE  First  Consul  was  only  waiting  for  news  of  the  success  of 
the  army  of  the  Khine  to  descend  into  the  plains  of  Italy : 
for  unless  Moreau  were  successful,  he  could  not  spare  a  detach- 
ment of  his  troops,  and  M.  de  Kray  was  not  so  completely 
separated  from  M.  de  Melas  as  to  render  it  safe  to  manoeuvre 
with  freedom  on  the  rear  of  the  latter.  The  First  Consul,  there- 
fore, waited  with  extreme  impatience,  resolved  to  leave  Paris  and 
to  take  the  command  of  the  army  of  reserve  as  soon  as  he  should 
have  certain  and  perfectly  satisfactory  intelligence  concerning 
the  operations  of  Moreau.  Time  pressed,  in  fact,  for  Massena  was 
reduced  in  Genoa  to  the  most  cruel  extremities.  "We  left  him 
there,  struggling  against  the  whole  force  of  the  Austrians,  with 
an  army  worn  out  with  fatigue,  and,  in  spite  of  its  prodigious 
inferiority,  daily  inllicting  on  the  enemy  considerable  losses.  On 
the  loth  of  May,  General  Ott,  having  indulged  in  an  indecorous 
bravado,  and  informed  Massena  that  he  should  fire  his  guns  for 
a  victory  gained  over  General  Suchet — a  piece  of  news  which 
was  false,  Ijy-the-l^y — the  illustrious  defender  of  Genoa  made  an 
energetic  reply  to  this  bravado.  He  sallied  from  Genoa  in  two 
coluums.  The  left,  commanded  by  General  Soult,  ascended  the 
Bisagno,  and  turned  the  Monte  Ilatti ;  the  other,  under  Miollis, 
attacked  tlie  Monte  Eatti  in  front.  The  Austrians,  vigorously 
assailed,  were  thrown  into  the  ravines,  and  lost  that  important 
position  and  1500  prisoners.  In  the  evening,  ]\lassena  returned 
triumphant  to  the  city  of  Genoa ;  and,  on  the  following  morn- 
ing, he  wrote  to  General  Ott,  that  he  was  Ih-ing  his  guns  for  his 
victory  on  the  preceding  day :  an  heroic  revenge,  and  worthy 
of  his  noble  soul ! 

But  this  was  the  last  of  his  successes,  for  his  del)ilitated 
soldiers  could  scarcely  support  the  weight  of  their  arms.  On 
the  13th  of  ]\Iay  (23rd  Florual)  this  energetic  ollicer,  yielding 
to  the  advice  of  liis  generals,  consented,  almost  in  spite  of  him- 
self, to  an  operation,  the  result  of  which  was  most  disastrous. 
The  object  of  this  operation  was  to  take  tlie  Mdute  Creto,  an 
important  position,  which  it  would  certainly  liave  In-en  most 
desirable  to  wrest  from  the  Austrians,  because  they  would  then 


196  HISTORY  OF  THE  may  1800 

have  been  removed  to  a  considerable  distance  from  Genoa :  but, 
unfortunately,  there  was  little  chance  of  its  success.  Massena, 
though  he  had  the  greatest  confidence  in  his  army,  for  he  daily 
required  and  obtained  of  it  the  most  strenuous  efforts,  did  not 
think  it  capable  of  carrying  a  position  which  the  enemy  would 
defend  with  all  his  forces.  He  would  have  preferred  an  expedi- 
tion to  Porto  Fino,  along  the  sea-coast,  to  seize  a  considerable 
store  of  provisions  which  he  knew  there  was  in  that  quarter. 
Contrary  to  his  custom,  however,  he  gave  way  to  his  lieutenants, 
and,  on  the  morning  of  the  13th,  marched  upon  the  Monte 
Creto.  The  battle  was  at  first  extremely  brilliant ;  unluckily, 
a  terrible  storm,  which  lasted  some  hours,  broke  the  energies  of 
our  troops.  The  enemy  had  concentrated  a  large  force  on  this 
point,  and  he  drove  back  our  soldiers,  dying  of  hunger  and 
fatigue,  into  the  valleys.  General  Soult,  making  it  a  point  of 
honour  to  succeed  in  an  expedition  which  he  had  advised,  rallied 
around  him  tlie  third  demi-brigade,  led  it  back  against  the 
enemy,  and  might,  perhaps,  have  triumphed,  had  not  a  ball, 
fracturing  his  leg,  extended  him  on  the  field  of  battle.  His 
men  would  have  carried  him  off,  but  they  had  not  time ;  and 
this  general,  who  had  zealously  seconded  Massena  during  the 
whole  siege,  was  left  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 

The  army  returned  much  mortified  to  Genoa ;  but  still  it 
brought  back  some  prisoners.  During  the  engagement,  a  riot  of 
women  had  taken  place  in  the  city.  These  wretched  creatures, 
urged  by  want,  ran  through  the  streets  ringing  bells,  and  de- 
manding bread.  They  were  soon  dispersed,  and  the  French 
general  was  thenceforward  almost  wholly  occupied  in  providing 
subsistence  for  the  population  of  Genoa,  which  showed,  in  other 
respects,  the  noblest  devotedness.  There  had  been  successively 
procured,  as  we  have  seen,  corn  for  a  fortnight  at  first,  and  after- 
wards for  another  fortnight.  Subsequently,  a  vessel  entering 
the  harbour  of  Genoa  unexpectedly,  had  brought  enough  for 
five  days,  so  that  supplies  had  been  obtained  for  above  a  month. 
The  place  had  been  blockaded  ever  since  the  5  th  of  April,  and 
these  resources  had  lasted  till  the  loth  of  May.  Seeing  the 
store  of  provisions  diminish,  he  had  reduced  the  ration  allowed 
daily  to  the  people  and  to  the  army.  Soup,  made  with  herbs 
and  a  small  quantity  of  meat  still  left  in  the  city,  was  substituted 
for  it.  The  wealthy  inhabitants,  indeed,  found  means  to  supply 
themselves,  at  a  most  exorbitant  price,  with  victuals,  which  had 
escaped  the  search  made  by  the  police,  for  the  purpose  of  apply- 
ing them  to  the  general  use.  Thus  JNlassena  had  occasion  to 
trouble  himself  about  the  poor  only,  by  whom  the  dearth  was 
particularly  felt.  He  had  imposed  a  contribution  on  the  opulent 
class  for  their  benefit,  and  had  thus  won  them  to  the  side  of  tlie 
French.     For  the  rest,  the  majority  of  the  population,  dreading 


MAYiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  197 

the  Austrians,  and  the  political  system  of  which  they  were  the 
champions,  were  determined  to  second  Massdna  by  their  resigna- 
tion. Struck  by  the  energy  of  his  character,  their  obedience  to 
him  was  equal  to  their  admiration.  Nevertheless,  the  oligarchic 
party,  making  tools  of  some  famishing  wretches,  strove  to  annoy 
him  by  all  possible  contrivances.  To  overawe  them,  Massena 
made  his  battalions  bivouac  in  the  principal  places  of  the  city, 
with  lighted  matches  to  their  guns.  But  the  bread  upon  which 
the  people  were  still  subsisting,  and  which  was  made  of  oats, 
beans,  and  all  the  sorts  of  grain  that  could  be  procured,  was  on 
the  point  of  being  exhausted :  of  meat,  too,  the  city  was  likely 
to  be  destitute.  On  the  20th  of  ^lay,  there  would  be  left  only 
such  articles  as  it  was  almost  impossible  to  use  for  food.  It 
was,  therefore,  urgent  to  raise  the  blockade  of  the  place  l)efore 
the  20th  of  May,  in  order  to  prevent  Massena  being  made 
prisoner,  with  his  whole  army,  and  Baron  Melas,  who  would 
then  have  30,000  men  more  at  his  disposal,  from  returning  to 
Piedmont,  to  close  the  cUhuuches  of  the  Alps. 

The  aide-de-camp  Franceschi,  charged  to  carry  this  intelli- 
gence to  the  government,  and  wlio  had  contrived,  by  means  of 
address  and  audacity,  to  pass  througli  the  Austrians  and  the 
English,  had  communicated  to  the  First  Consul  the  deplorable 
state  of  the  fortress  of  Genoa,.  In  consequence,  the  First 
Consul  redoubled  his  efforts  to  put  the  army  of  reserve  in  a 
condition  to  cross  the  Alps.  It  was  on  this  account  that  he  had 
sent  Carnot  to  Germany,  with  a  formal  order  of  the  Consuls, 
to  send  ofi'  the  detachment  destined  to  pass  the  St.  Gothard. 
He  himself,  occupied  day  and  night,  corresponding  with 
Berthier,  who  was  organising  the  divisions  of  infantry  and 
cavalry,  with  Gassendi  and  Marmont,  who  were  organising  the 
artillery,  with  Marescot,  who  was  making  reconnaissances  along 
the  whole  line  of  the  Alps,  he  urged  them  all  with  that 
persuasive  ardour,  which  enabled  ]iim  to  lead  the  French  from 
the  banks  of  the  Bo  to  the  banks  of  the  Jordan,  from  the  banks 
of  the  Jordan  to  those  of  the  Danube  and  the  Iknysthenes.  He 
was  not  to  quit  Paris  himself  till  the  last  moment,  unwilling 
to  relinquish  the  political  govcrn)nen1  of  Franco,  and  to  leave 
free  scope  to  intriguers  and  ])lotters,  any  longer  than  he  could 
possibly  liel]).  ]\Ieanw]iile,  tlie  di\isions  wliich  liad  sot  out  f)'om 
I.a  Yendde,  Bretagno,  Paris,  and  the  banks  of  the  lihone  were 
traversing  the  vast  extent  of  the  territory  of  the  Bei)ublio, 
and  their  lieads  of  columns  nlroady  made  their  ap|)oa ranee  in 
Switzerland.  There  wore  still  at  Dijon  the  depots  of  {\\v  corps, 
besides  some  conscri])ts  and  some  voluntoors,  sent  to  that  city, 
to  give  currency  in  Europe;  to  tlie  o])inion  that  tlie  army  of 
Dijon  was  a  mere  iiih\o,  destined  solely  to  frighten  M.  do  Mekis. 
Thus  far   all   had   proce(>ded   according   to   wish  :    tlie   illusion 


198  HISTORY  OF  THE  may  1800 

on  the  part  of  the  Austrians  was  complete.  The  movements 
of  troops  that  were  making  towards  Switzerland,  scarcely 
perceived,  owing  to  the  dispersion  of  the  corps,  passed  for 
reinforcements  sent  to  the  army  in  Germany. 

At  length,  everything  being  ready,  the  First  Consul  made 
his  last  arrangements.  He  received  a  message  from  the  Senate, 
from  the  Tribunate,  and  from  the  Legislative  Body,  conveying 
to  him  the  wishes  of  the  nation  that  he  might  soon  return 
conqueror  and  'peacemaker.  He  replied  with  a  studied  solemnity. 
His  answer  was  intended  to  concur  with  the  articles  of  the 
Moniteur  in  proving  that  his  journey,  announced  with  so  much 
parade,  was,  like  the  army  of  reserve,  a  feint,  and  nothing  more. 
He  charged  Cambaceres,  the  Consul,  to  preside  in  his  place  over 
the  Council  of  State,  which  at  that  time  was,  in  some  measure, 
the  entire  government.  Lebrun,  the  Consul,  was  commissioned 
to  supervise  the  administration  of  the  finances.  He  said  to  each 
of  them :  "  Be  firm ;  if  any  event  happens,  be  not  uneasy.  I 
will  come  back  like  lightning,  to  crush  the  audacious  wretches 
who  shall  dare  to  lay  hands  upon  the  government."  He  particu- 
larly charged  his  brothers,  who  w^ere  attached  to  him  by  a  more 
personal  interest,  to  inform  him  of  everything,  and  to  give  him  a 
signal  to  return,  if  his  presence  should  become  necessary.  While 
he  was  ostentatiously  publishing  his  departure,  the  Consuls  and 
the  ministers,  on  the  contrary,  were  to  tell  the  newsmongers,  in 
confidence,  that  the  First  Consul  was  leaving  Paris  for  a  few 
days,  and  merely  to  review  the  troops  ready  to  take  the  field. 

For  the  rest,  he  set  out  full  of  hope  and  satisfaction.  His 
army  contained  many  conscripts,  but  it  contained  also,  and  in 
much  greater  number,  soldiers  inured  to  war,  accustomed  to 
conquer,  commanded  by  officers  trained  in  his  school ;  he  had, 
moreover,  absolute  confidence  in  the  profound  conception  of  liis 
plan.  According  to  the  most  recent  intelligence,  M.  de  Melas 
continued  advancing  into  Liguria,  half  his  forces  against  Genoa, 
half  against  the  Var.  On  these  tidings,  the  First  Consul  had 
not  the  least  doubt  of  the  success  of  his  enterprise,  nay,  he 
already  fixed,  in  his  ardent  imagination,  the  very  point  where  he 
should  meet  and  overwhelm  the  Austrian  army.  One  day,  before 
he  set  out,  lying  upon  his  maps,  and  placing  upon  them  marks  of 
different  colours,  to  denote  the  position  of  the  French  and  the 
Austrians,  he  said  before  his  secretary,  who  listened  with  surprise 
and  curiosity,  "  Poor  AI.  de  Melas  !  He  will  pass  through  Turin, 
fall  back  upon  Alexandria.  ...  I  shall  cross  the  Po,  overtake 
him  on  the  road  to  Piacenza,  in  the  plains  of  the  Scrivia,  and  I 
will  beat  him  there,  just  there ; "  and,  at  these  words,  he  laid  down 
one  of  his  marks  at  San  Giuliano.  The  reader  will  presently  be 
able  to  judge  what  an  extraordinary  vision  of  the  future  this  was, 

He  left  Paris  on  the  morning  of  the  6th  of  May,  before  it  was 


MAYiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  199 

light,  taking  with  him  his  aide-de-camp,  Duroc,  and  his  secretary, 
M.  de  Bourrienne.  On  reaching  Dijon,  he  reviewed  the  depots, 
and  the  conscripts,  who  had  been  assembled  there,  but  without 
maUriel,  without  any  of  the  accessories  indispensable  for  an 
army  ready  to  take  the  field.  After  this  review,  which  was 
designed  to  confirm  the  spies  still  more  in  the  belief  that  the 
army  of  Dijon  was  a  pure  invention,  he  proceeded  to  Geneva, 
and  from  Geneva  to  Lausanne,  where  all  was  really  serious, 
where  everything  that  was  done  would  tend  to  undeceive  the 
incredulous,  but  would  undeceive  them  too  late  for  them  to  send 
off  information  that  could  still  be  useful  to  Vienna. 

On  the  1 3th  of  May,  General  Bonaparte  reviewed  part  of  his 
troops,  and  conferred  with  the  officers  whom  he  had  appointed  to 
meet  him,  for  the  purpose  of  giving  him  an  account  of  what  they 
had  done,  and  of  receiving  his  last  orders.  General  Marescot, 
charged  with  the  reconnaissance  of  the  Alps,  was  the  one  whom 
he  was  most  impatient  to  hear.  On  a  comparison  of  all  the 
passes,  it  was  in  favour  of  the  St.  Bernard  that  this  officer  of 
engineers  decided ;  but  he  considered  the  operation  as  extremely 
difficult.  "  Difficult,  granted  ;  but  is  it  possible  ?  "  replied  the 
First  Consul.  "  I  think  so,"  rejoined  General  Marescot,  "  but 
with  extraordinary  efforts."  "  Then,  let  us  start,"  was  the  only 
answer  of  the  First  Consul. 

It  is  time  to  explain  the  motives  which  decided  him  to  choose 
the  St.  Bernard.  The  St.  Gothard  was  reserved  for  the  troops 
coming  from  Germany,  and  led  by  General  Moncey.  This  pas- 
sage was  situated  on  their  route,  and  was  capable  of  furnishing 
subsistence  for  15,000  men  at  most;  for  the  valleys  of  Upper 
Switzerland  were  totally  spoiled  by  the  presence  of  the  belli- 
gerent armies.  There  were  left  the  passes  of  the  Simplon,  the 
Great  St.  Bernard,  and  Mont  Cenis.  These  were  not,  as  at  the 
present  day,  crossed  by  highroads.  It  was  necessary  to  dis- 
mount the  carriages  at  the  foot  of  tlie  mountain,  to  forward  them 
upon  sledges,  and  to  remount  them  on  the  other  side.  These 
passes  presented  all  three  nearly  tlie  same  difficulties.  Still, 
Mont  Cenis  being  more  frequented,  more  ]_)eaten  than  the  otliers, 
presented,  perhaps,  on  that  account,  fewer  material  obstacles  ; 
but  it  debouched  upon  Turin,  that  is  to  say,  in  the  midst  of  the 
Austrians,  too  near  them,  and  was  not  sufficiently  adapted  to 
the  plan  for  enveloping  them.  The  Simplon,  on  the  contrary, 
the  most  distant  of  all  from  the  i)oint  of  departure,  presented 
the  opposite  inconveniences.  It  debouched,  it  is  true,  in  the 
environs  of  Milan,  in  a  rich  country,  far  enougli  from  the  Aus- 
trians, and  quite  in  their  rear  ;  but  it  presented  one  very  great 
difficulty,  namely,  that  of  the  distances.  To  got  to  it,  in  fact, 
it  would  liave  been  necessary  to  ascend  the  whole  length  of  the 
Valais  with  the  maUricl  of  tlie  army,  which  would  have  re(|uired 


200  HISTORY  OF  THE  may  1800 

means  of  transport  that  we  had  not  at  our  disposal.  Amidst 
the  arid  and  ice-covered  valleys,  which  the  troops  would  have 
to  traverse,  they  would  be  obliged  to  carry  everything  with 
them,  and  it  was  not  a  matter  of  indifference  to  have  a  score 
leagues  more  to  travel.  In  the  case  of  the  passage  of  the  St. 
Bernard,  on  the  contrary,  there  was  no  farther  to  go  than  the 
road  from  Villeneuve  to  Aiartigny,  that  is,  from  the  extremity 
of  the  Lake  of  Geneva,  the  point  where  the  means  of  navigation 
ceased,  to  the  foot  of  the  mountain.  It  was  a  very  little  dis- 
tance across.  Besides,  the  St.  Bernard  debouched  in  the  valley 
of  Aosta  upon  Ivrea,  between  the  two  roads  of  Turin  and  Milan, 
in  a  very  favourable  direction  for  enveloping  the  Austrians. 
Though  more  difficult,  perhaps  more  dangerous,  it  deserved  the 
preference,  on  account  of  the  shortness  of  the  passage. 

The  First  Consul,  therefore,  decided  to  lead  the  principal 
mass  of  his  forces  over  the  St.  Bernard  itself.  He  took  with 
him  all  that  was  best  in  the  army  of  reserve,  about  40,000  men, 
35,000  infantry  and  artillery,  5000  cavalry.  At  the  same  time, 
wishing  to  draw  off  the  attention  of  the  Austrians,  he  conceived 
the  idea  of  making  some  detachments,  which  could  not  be  united 
with  the  bulk  of  the  army,  descend  by  other  passes.  Not  far 
from  the  Great  St.  Bernard  is  the  Little  St.  Bernard,  which, 
from  the  heights  of  Savoy,  debouches  also  in  the  valley  of  Aosta. 
The  First  Consul  directed  General  Chabran,  with  the  70th  demi- 
brigade,  and  some  battalions  of  the  East,  full  of  conscripts,  upon 
this  pass.  This  division,  numbering  from  5000  to  6000  men, 
was  to  rejoin  the  principal  column  about  I\rea.  Lastly,  General 
Thurreau,  who,  with  4000  men,  troops  of  Liguria,  defended 
Mont  Cenis,  had  orders  to  perform  that  passage,  and  to  attempt 
to  penetrate  to  Turin.  Thus  the  French  army  was  to  descend 
from  the  Alps  by  four  passes  at  once,  the  St.  Gothard,  the  Great 
and  Little  St.  Bernard,  and  Mont  Cenis.  The  principal  mass, 
40,000  strong,  acting  in  the  centre  of  this  semicircle,  had  the 
certainty  of  being  joined  by  the  15,000  troops  coming  from 
Germany,  as  well  as  by  the  troops  of  General  Chabran,  and, 
perhaps,  those  of  General  Thurreau,  which  would  compose  a 
total  force  of  about  65,000  men,  and  disconcert  the  enemy,  not 
knowing,  from  the  appearance  of  all  these  corps,  towards  which 
point  to  direct  his  resistance. 

The  points  of  passage  being  fixed  upon,  it  was  necessary  to 
turn  attention  to  the  operation  itself,  which  consisted  in  throwing 
60,000  men,  with  their  materiel,  to  the  other  side  of  the  Alps, 
without  beaten  roads,  across  rocks  and  glaciers,  at  the  most  for- 
midable season  of  the  year,  that  of  the  melting  of  the  snow. 
It  is  a  very  troublesome  thing  to  have  a  park  of  artillery  only 
to  drag  with  you,  for  each  piece  of  cannon  requires  several 
carriages  after  it,  and,  for  sixty  pieces  of  cannon,  it  would  be 


MAY  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  201 

necessary  to  have  about  300 ;  but,  in  those  elevated  valleys, 
some  of  them  doomed  to  sterility  by  everlasting  winter,  others 
scarcely  large  enough  to  feed  their  scanty  inhabitants,  no  means 
of  subsistence  were  to  be  found.  Bread  would  have  to  be  carried 
for  the  men,  and  even  forage  for  the  horses.  The  difficulty, 
therefore,  was  immense.  From  Geneva  to  A^illeneuve  all  was 
easy,  thanks  to  Lake  Leman,  and  a  navigation,  equally  com- 
modious and  rapid,  of  eighteen  leagues.  But  from  Villeneuve, 
the  extreme  point  of  the  lake,  to  Ivrea,  the  debouch^  by  which  you 
enter  the  rich  plain  of  Piedmont,  you  have  forty-five  leagues  to 
travel,  ten  of  them  over  the  rocks  and  the  glaciers  of  the  great 
chain.  The  route  to  Martigny,  and  from  Martigny  to  St.  Pierre, 
was  good  for  the  carriages.  There  they  would  begin  to  ascend 
tracks  covered  with  snow,  scarcely  more  than  two  or  three  feet 
wide,  bordered  by  precipices,  liable,  in  the  heat  of  the  day,  to  be 
overwhelmed  by  frightful  avalanches.  In  these  tracks,  they 
would  have  about  ten  leagues  to  march,  ere  they  reached,  on  the 
other  side  of  the  St.  Bernard,  the  village  of  St.  Eemy,  in  the 
valley  of  Aosta.  There  tliey  would  find  a  road  passable  for 
carriages,  which  led  through  Aosta,  Chatillon,  Bard,  and  Ivrea 
into  the  plain  of  Piedmont.  Of  all  these  points,  one  only  was 
mentioned  as  being  capable  of  presenting  any  difficulty  ;  this  was 
that  of  Bard,  where,  it  was  said,  there  existed  a  fort,  wliich  some 
Italian  officers  had  heard  talked  of,  but  which  did  not  seem  likely 
to  offer  any  serious  obstacle.  They  had,  therefore,  as  we  have  just 
said,  forty-five  leagues  to  travel,  carrying  everything  with  them, 
from  the  Lake  of  Geneva  to  the  plains  of  Piedmont,  and,  of  these 
forty-five  leagues,  ten  without  any  roads  passable  for  carriages. 
The  following  were  the  dispositions  devised  by  the  First 
Consul  for  the  conveyance  of  the  maUrid,  and  executed  under 
the  direction  of  the  Generals  Marescot,  Marmont,  and  (Jassendi. 
Immense  stores  of  corn,  biscuit,  and  oats,  had  been  sent  by  the 
Lake  of  Geneva  to  A'illeneuve.  General  Bonaparte,  knowing 
that,  with  money,  the  assistance  of  the  robust  mountaineers  of 
the  Alps  might  (\isily  be  obtained,  had  sent  to  the  spot  a  consi- 
derable sum  in  hard  cash.  All  tlie  c/ncrs-d-hanc  of  the  country, 
all  the  mules,  and  all  llic  peasants,  liad  therefore  l)een  drawn,  at 
a  higli  price,  to  this  point,  l)ut  during  the  last  days  only.  By 
tliese  means,  Ijread,  biscuit,  forage,  wine,  hrandy,  had  hecn  con- 
veyed from  Villeneuve  to  Martigny,  and  fioni  Martigny  to  St. 
Pierre,  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain.  A  suiUeient  qnantity  of 
live  cattle  had  been  driven  to  the  same  ])lace.  The  arliUery, 
with  its  waggons,  had  been  removed  tliither.  A  conipany  of 
workmen,  stationed  at  the  foot  of  the  col,  at  St.  Picirt",  was 
employed  in  dismounting  thi;  guns  and  taking  tlie  carriages 
to  pieces,  wliicli  pieces  were  marked  witli  nunilu'rs,  in  order 
that  they  might  lie  carried  by  mules.     Tlu>  guns   themselves, 


202  HISTOBY  OF  THE  may  1800 

separated  from  their  carriages,  were  to  be  placed  on  sledges  with 
low  wheels,  prepared  at  Auxonne.  As  for  the  ammunition  of 
the  infantry  and  artillery,  there  had  been  provided  a  multitude 
of  small  chests,  which  might  easily  be  placed  upon  mules  and 
conveyed,  like  all  the  rest,  by  means  of  the  beasts  of  burden  of 
the  country.  A  second  company  of  workmen,  provided  with 
camp-forges,  was  to  cross  the  mountain  with  the  first  division, 
to  establish  itself  in  the  village  of  St.  Eemy,  where  the  beaten 
road  began  again,  to  put  the  gun-carriages  together,  and  to 
remount  the  pieces.  Such  was  the  enormous  task  that  was 
undertaken.  There  had  been  added  to  the  army  a  company  of 
pontonniers,  unprovided  with  materials  requisite  for  forming 
bridges,  but  destined  to  employ  such  as  could  not  fail  to  be 
obtained  by  conquest  in  Italy. 

The  First  Consul  had,  moreover,  taken  care  to  gain  the 
assistance  of  the  monks  residing  in  the  Hospice  of  the  Great 
St.  Bernard.  The  whole  world  knows,  that  pious  recluses,  settled 
there  for  ages,  live  in  these  frightful  solitudes,  above  the  in- 
habited regions,  for  the  purpose  of  saving  travellers  overtaken 
by  bad  weather,  and  sometimes  buried  in  the  snow.  The  First 
Consul  had  sent  them,  at  the  last  moment,  a  sum  of  money, 
that  they  might  collect  a  great  quantity  of  bread,  cheese,  and 
wine.  An  hospital  was  prepared  at  St.  Pierre,  at  the  foot  of 
the  col,  and  a  second  on  the  other  side  of  the  mountains  at  St. 
Eemy.  These  two  hospitals  were  to  forward  the  wounded  and 
the  sick,  if  there  were  any,  to  larger  hospitals  established  at 
Martigny  and  at  Villeneuve. 

All  these  arrangements  being  completed,  the  troops  began  to 
appear.  General  Bonaparte,  established  at  Lausanne,  inspected 
them  all,  spoke  to  them,  animated  them  with  the  ardour  that 
filled  himself,  and  prepared  them  for  the  glorious  enterprise, 
wluch  History  would  place  beside  the  great  expedition  of  Han- 
nibal. He  had  taken  care  to  order  two  inspections,  a  first  at 
Lausanne,  a  second  at  Villeneuve.  There  every  infantry  and 
cavalry  soldier  was  to  be  inspected,  and,  by  means  of  temporary 
magazines  formed  in  each  of  those  places,  tlie  men  wore  fur- 
nished with  such  shoes,  clothing,  and  arms  as  they  needed.  The 
precaution  was  useful,  for,  notwithstanding  all  the  pains  that  he 
had  taken,  the  First  Consul  saw  veterans  arrive  whose  clothes 
were  worn  out  and  whose  arms  were  unserviceable.  He  com- 
plained vehemently  on  this  subject,  and  caused  the  omissions, 
arising  from  the  hurry  or  the  negligence  of  tlie  agents,  always 
inevitable  to  a  certain  degree,  to  be  supplied.  He  had  even 
carried  his  foresight  to  such  an  extent  as  to  cause  saddlers' 
workshops  to  be  placed  at  the  foot  of  the  col,  for  repairing 
the  harness  of  the  artillery.  He  had  himself  written  several 
letters  on  this  subject,  apparently  so  trivial ;  and  we  mention  this 


MAY  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  203 

circumstance  for  the  instruction  of  generals  and  the  governments 
to  whom  the  lives  of  men  are  entrusted,  and  who  have  frequently 
either  the  idleness  or  the  vanity  to  neglect  such  details.  Nothing, 
in  fact,  that  can  contribute  to  the  success  of  operations  and  to 
the  safety  of  the  soldiers  is  beneath  the  genius  or  the  rank  of 
the  ofhcers  who  command. 

The  divisions  marched  en  Echelon  from  the  Jura  to  the  foot 
of  the  St.  Bernard,  to  avoid  confusion.  The  First  Consul  was 
at  Martigny,  in  a  convent  of  Bernardins.  There  he  issued  all 
orders,  and  was  in  constant  correspondence  with  Paris,  and 
with  the  other  armies  of  the  Eepublic.  He  received  intelligence 
from  Liguria,  that  M.  de  Melas,  still  swayed  by  the  greatest 
illusions,  was  most  zealously  exerting  himself  to  take  Genoa, 
and  to  force  the  bridge  of  the  Var.  Satisfied  on  this  important 
point,  he  at  length  gave  orders  for  the  passage.  As  for  himself, 
he  remained  on  this  side  of  the  St.  Bernard,  that  he  might  corre- 
spond as  long  as  possible  with  the  government,  and  despatch 
everything  himself  across  the  mountains.  Berthier,  on  the  con- 
trary, was  to  proceed  to  the  other  side  of  the  St.  Bernard,  to 
receive  the  divisions  and  the  mafJricl,  which  the  First  Consul 
was  to  send  to  him. 

Lannes  passed  first,  at  the  head  of  the  advanced  guard,  in  the 
night  between  the  14th  and  1 5th  of  May  (24th  and  25  th  Floreal). 
He  commanded  six  legiinents  of  picked  troops,  perfectly  armed, 
and  which,  under  this  fiery  leader,  sometimes  insubordinate,  but 
always  so  able  and  so  valiant,  gaily  commenced  this  adventurous 
march.  They  set  out  between  twelve  o'clock  and  two  in  the 
morning,  to  gain  the  start  of  the  moment  when  the  heat  of  the 
sun,  melting  the  snow,  brings  down  mountains  of  ice  upon  the 
head  of  the  rash  travellers  who  venture  into  these  frightful 
gorges.  It  took  eight  hours  to  reach  the  summit  of  the  col,  on 
which  the  Hospice  of  St.  Bernard  is  situated,  and  two  hours  only 
to  descend  to  St.  Eemy :  consequently,  there  was  time  to  pass 
before  the  moment  of  the  greatest  danger.  The  soldiers  sur- 
mounted witli  ardour  tlie  difficulties  of  this  route.  They  were 
heavily  laden,  for  they  had  Ijeeii  obliged  to  carry  biscuit  for 
several  days,  and  along  with  the  Ijiscuit  a  great  quantity  of  ball 
cartridges.  They  clinil)ed  those  steep  tracks,  singing  amidst 
the  precipices,  dreaming  of  the  conquest  of  that  Italy  where 
they  had  so  often  tasted  tlie  deliglits  of  victory,  and  having  a 
nol)le  presentiment  of  the  immortal  glory  which  tliey  were  about 
to  acquire.  The  lal)0ur  was  not  so  great  for  tlie  infantry  as  for 
the  cavalry.  These  walked  tliemselves,  leading  tlicir  horses  by 
tlie  l)ridle.  There  was  no  danger  in  ascending,  Init  in  the 
descent,  the  path  being  very  narrow,  obliging  tlieni  to  walk 
before  the  horse,  tliey  were  liable,  if  the  animal  made  a  false 
step,  to  be  dragged  l»y  him  into  the  aljyss.     Some  accidents  of 


204  HISTORY  OF  THE  may  1800 

this  kind,  not  many,  did  actually  happen,  and  some  horses 
perished,  but  scarcely  any  of  the  men.  Towards  morning,  they 
reached  the  hospice,  and  there  a  surprise,  provided  by  the 
First  Consul,  renewed  the  strength  and  the  good  humour  of  those 
brave  troops.  The  monks,  having  supplied  themselves  with  the 
requisite  provisions,  had  prepared  tables,  and  served  out  a  ration 
of  bread,  cheese,  and  wine  to  every  soldier.  After  resting  for 
a  moment,  they  resumed  their  march,  and  descended  to  St.  Eemy 
without  any  unpleasant  accident.  Lannes  immediately  estab- 
lished himself  on  the  back  of  the  mountain,  and  made  all  the 
necessary  dispositions  for  receiving  the  other  divisions,  and 
particularly  the  maUricl. 

One  of  the  divisions  of  the  army  was  to  pass  every  day. 
The  operation  would,  therefore,  last  several  days,  especially  on 
account  of  the  mat&ricl,  which  it  was  requisite  to  forward  with 
the  divisions.  While  the  troops  were  successively  coming  up, 
others  fell  to  work.  The  provisions  and  ammunition  were  moved 
off  first.  For  this  part  of  the  materiel,  which  might  be  divided, 
and  placed  on  the  backs  of  mules  in  small  chests,  the  difficulty 
was  not  so  great  as  for  the  rest.  It  consisted  only  in  the 
insufficiency  of  the  means  of  transport;  for,  notwithstanding 
the  lavish  expenditure  of  money,  there  were  not  so  many  mules 
as  were  required  for  the  enormous  weight  that  was  to  be  carried 
to  the  other  side  of  the  St.  Bernard.  However,  the  provisions 
and  ammunition,  having  crossed  along  with  the  divisions  of  the 
army,  and  with  the  assistance  of  the  soldiers,  the  artillery  at 
length  demanded  attention.  The  gun-carriages  and  the  ammu- 
nition waggons  had  been  taken  to  pieces,  as  we  have  said,  and 
placed  upon  mules.  The  cannon  themselves  were  still  left, 
and  their  weight  could  not  be  reduced  by  the  division  of  the 
load.  With  the  twelve-pounders,  in  particular,  and  with  the 
howitzers,  the  ditiiculty  was  greater  than  had  been  at  first 
expected.  The  sledges  upon  wheels,  constructed  in  the  arsenals, 
could  not  be  used.  A  method  was  contrived,  tried  immediately, 
and  found  to  answer;  this  was,  to  split  the  trunks  of  fir-trees 
in  two,  to  hollow  them  out,  to  encase  each  piece  of  artillery 
within  two  of  these  half  trunks,  and  to  drag  it  thus  covered 
along  the  ravines.  Owing  to  these  precautions,  no  collision 
could  damage  it.  Mules  were  harnessed  to  this  singular  load, 
and  served  to  draw  several  pieces  to  the  summit  of  the  col. 
But  the  descent  was  more  difficult  :  that  could  only  be  effected 
by  strength  of  arms,  and  by  incurring  infinite  dangers,  because 
it  was  necessary  to  keep  hold  of  the  piece,  and,  while  holding, 
to  prevent  it  from  slipping  down  the  precipices.  Unfortunately, 
the  nniles  began  to  be  knocked  up.  The  muleteers  also,  a  great 
number  of  whom  were  required,  were  exhausted.  It  was  then 
proposed  to  have  I'ecourse  to  other  means.    The  peasants  of  the 


MAY  1 800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  205 

environs  were  offered  so  much  as  a  thousand  francs  for  every 
piece  of  cannon  which  they  should  agree  to  drag  from  St.  Pierre 
to  St.  Eemy.  It  took  a  hundred  men  to  drag  each,  one  day  to 
get  it  up  and  another  to  get  it  down.  Some  hundreds  of 
peasants  came  forward,  and  actually  took  several  pieces  of 
cannon  across,  under  the  direction  of  artillerymen.  But  even 
the  allurement  of  gain  was  not  strong  enough  to  induce  them  to 
repeat  the  effort.  All  of  them  disappeared,  and  though  officers 
were  sent  in  quest  of  them,  and  made  large  offers  to  bring  them 
back,  these  were  of  no  avail,  so  that  it  was  found  necessary  to 
ask  the  soldiers  of  the  divisions  to  drag  their  artillery  themselves. 
From  such  devoted  soldiers,  anything  might  be  obtained.  To 
encourage  them,  they  were  promised  the  money  which  the  dis- 
heartened peasants  would  not  earn  ;  but  they  refused  it,  saying 
that  it  was  a  point  of  honour  for  a  body  of  troops  to  save  their 
cannon,  and  they  laid  hold  of  the  forsaken  pieces.  I'arties  of 
one  hundred  men,  successively  quitting  the  ranks,  dragged  them, 
each  in  its  turn.  The  band  played  enlivening  airs  at  difficult 
points  of  the  passage,  and  encouraged  them  to  surmount  obstacles 
of  so  novel  a  nature.  On  reaching  the  summit  of  the  mountain, 
they  found  refreshment  prepared  by  the  monks  of  St.  Bernard ; 
and  they  took  some  rest  before  they  made  greater  and  more 
perilous  efforts  in  the  descent.  In  this  manner,  Chambarlhac's 
and  Monnier's  divisions  dragged  their  artillery  themselves  ;  and, 
as  the  advanced  hour  did  not  permit  them  to  descend  the  same 
day,  they  chose  rather  to  bivouac  on  the  snow  than  to  leave 
their  cannon.  Luckily,  the  weather  was  serene  ;  so  that  they 
had  not  its  inclemency  to  endure,  in  addition  to  the  difficulties 
of  the  ground. 

On  the  i6th,  17th,  i8th,  19th,  and  20th  of  May,  the  divisions 
continued  to  cross,  with  the  provisions,  ammunition,  and  artillery. 
The  First  Consul,  still  quartered  at  Martigny,  urged  the  for- 
warding of  the  maUriel ;  Berthier,  on  the  other  side  of  the  St. 
Bernard,  received  it,  and  had  it  repaired  by  the  workmen.  The 
First  Consul,  whose  foresight  was  ever  active,  betliought  him 
immediately  of  pushing  Lannes.  who  already  had  liis  division 
collected,  and  some  four-pounders  ready  to  start,  upon  the 
(Uhouch6  of  the  mountains,  for  the  purpose  of  securing  it.  He 
ordered  him  to  advance  to  Ivrea,  and  to  take  that  town,  with 
a  view  to  make  himself  master  of  tlie  entrance  to  the  plain  of 
Piedmont.  Lannes  niarclied,  on  the  i6th  and  iyt\\  of  May, 
upon  Aosta,  where  lie  found  some  Croats,  who  were  driven  into 
the  bottom  of  the  valley;  he  then  proceeded  towards  the  little 
town  of  Chatillon,  wlicro  lie  arrived  on  the  i8th.  A  ])attali()n 
of  the  enemy,  which  liappened  to  l)e  there,  was  put  to  rout,  and 
lost  a  good  number  of  prison(;rs.  Joannes  then  entei-ud  t  lie  valley, 
which,  as  the  troops  descended,  gradually  widened  and  exhibited 


2o6  HISTORY  OF  THE  may  1800 

to  the  delighted  eyes  of  our  men  habitations,  trees,  cultivated 
fields,  all  the  forerunners,  in  short,  of  Italian  fertility.  These 
brave  fellows  marched  gaily  forward,  when  the  valley  again  con- 
tracting, presented  a  narrow  gorge,  closed  by  a  fort  bristling 
with  cannon.  This  was  the  fort  of  Bard,  already  pointed  out  as 
an  obstacle  by  several  Italian  officers,  but  as  an  obstacle  that 
might  be  surmounted.  The  officers  of  engineers  attached  to  the 
advanced  guard  went  forward,  and,  after  a  hasty  reconnaissance, 
declared  that  the  fort  completely  obstructed  the  road  through 
the  valley,  and  that  it  could  not  be  passed  without  forcing  this 
barrier,  which  seemed  nearly  insurmountable.  This  intelligence, 
circulated  in  the  division,  excited  the  most  painful  surprise. 
The  nature  of  that  unforeseen  obstacle  was  this : — 

The  valley  of  Aosta  is  traversed  by  a  river,  which  receives 
all  the  streams  from  the  St.  l)ernard,  and  which,  by  the  name 
of  Dora  Baltea,  discharges  itself  into  the  Po.  On  approaching 
Bard  the  valley  contracts ;  the  road,  running  between  the  foot 
of  the  mountains  and  the  bed  of  the  river,  becomes  gradually 
narrower,  and,  at  length,  a  rock,  which  seems  to  have  fallen 
from  the  neighbouring  heights  into  the  middle  of  the  valley, 
closes  it  almost  completely.  The  river  then  runs  on  one  side 
of  the  rock,  the  road  on  the  other.  This  road,  bordered  by 
houses,  composes  the  whole  town  of  Bard.  On  the  summit  of 
the  rock,  a  fort,  impregnable  from  its  position,  though  ill-con- 
structed, sweeps  with  its  fire,  on  the  right,  the  course  of  the 
Dora  Baltea,  on  the  left,  the  long  street  which  forms  the  very 
little  town  of  Bard.  Drawbridges  closed  the  entry  and  the 
outlet  of  this  single  street.  A  garrison,  not  numerous,  but  well 
officered,  occupied  the  fort. 

Lannes,  who  was  not  a  man  to  be  daunted,  immediately 
despatched  a  few  companies  of  grenadiers,  who  let  down  the 
drawbridges,  and  entered  Bard,  in  spite  of  a  very  brisk  fire. 
The  commandant  of  Bard  poured  forth  a  shower  of  balls,  chiefly 
howitzer,  upon  the  unfortunate  town ;  but,  at  length,  he  paused, 
out  of  consideration  for  the  inhabitants.  Lannes'  division  posted 
itself  outside.  It  was  evidently  impossible  for  the  materiel  of 
an  army  to  pass  under  the  fire  of  the  fort,  which  swept  the 
road  in  all  directions.  Lannes  immediately  made  his  report  to 
Berthier,  who  hastened  to  the  spot,  and  perceived  with  horror 
how  difficult  the  obstacle  which  had  just  revealed  itself  was  to 
overcome.  General  Marescot  was  sent  for ;  he  examined  the 
fort,  and  declared  it  to  be  almost  impregnable,  not  on  account 
of  its  construction,  which  was  indifferent,  but  its  position,  which 
was  completely  detached.  The  steepness  of  the  rock  scarcely 
admitted  of  escalade ;  as  for  the  walls,  though  they  were  not 
covered  by  any  earthworks,  they  could  not  be  battered  in  breach, 
because  there  were  no  means  of  establishing  a  battery  suitably 


MAYiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  207 

placed  for  reaching  them.  Still,  it  was  possible,  by  dint  of 
strength,  to  hoist  upon  the  neighbouring  heights  a  few  pieces  of 
small  calibre.  Berthier  gave  orders  accordingly.  The  soldiers, 
who  were  made  for  arduous  enterprises,  laboured  to  get  up  two 
four-pounders,  and  even  two  eight-pounders.  They  at  length 
succeeded  in  hoisting  them  up  on  the  mountain  of  Albaredo, 
which  commands  the  fort  and  rock  of  Bard ;  and  a  downward 
fire  suddenly  opened,  excited  some  astonishment  in  the  garrison. 
Not  disheartened,  however,  it  replied,  and  dismounted  one  of 
our  pieces,  which  was  of  too  small  calibre. 

Marescot  declared  that  there  was  no  hope  of  taking  the  fort, 
and  that  they  must  think  of  some  other  way  of  overcoming  the 
obstacle.  Keconnaissances  were  made  on  the  left,  along  the 
windings  of  the  mountain  of  Albaredo,  and  at  length  there  was 
found  a  path,  which, amidst  many  dangers — many  more  than  the 
St.  Bernard  itself  had  presented — led  to  the  highroad  of  tlie 
valley,  which  rejoined  below  the  fort,  at  St.  Donaz.  This  path, 
thougli  crossing  a  mountain  of  the  second  order,  was  at  least  as 
difficult  to  traverse  as  the  St.  Bernard,  Ijecause  it  was  fre- 
quented only  by  shepherds  and  their  flocks.  If  it  should  be 
necessary  to  go  through  a  second  operation  like  that  which  had 
just  been  executed,  and  pass  this  new  col  by  again  dismounting 
and  remounting  of  the  artillery,  and  dragging  it  along  with 
similar  efforts,  the  strength  of  the  army  might  prove  inade- 
quate, and  this  maUricl,^o  often  taken  to  pieces  and  put  together, 
might  likewise  be  rendered  unfit  for  use.  Berthier,  in  alarm, 
instantly  issued  counter-orders  to  the  columns  that  were  suc- 
cessively arriving,  and  caused  the  advance  of  the  men  and  the 
maUriel  to  be  everywhere  suspended,  that  the  army  might  not 
come  any  further,  lest  it  should  at  last  have  to  turn  back.  In 
a  moment,  an  alarm  was  spread  upon  the  rear,  and  the  troops 
imagined  that  they  were  stopped  in  this  glorious  enterprise. 
Berthier  sent  several  couriers  to  the  First  Consul,  to  apprise 
him  of  this  unexpected  disappointment. 

The  latter  was  still  at  Martigny,  purposing  not  to  cross  the 
St,  Bernard  till,  with  his  own  eyes,  he  had  seen  the  last  portions 
of  the  mat&ricl  despatched.  These  tidings  of  an  obstacle  deemed 
insurmountable  gave  him  at  first  a  kind  of  shock ;  but  he  soon 
recovered  himself,  and  obstinately  refused  to  entertain  the  idea 
of  a  retrograde  movement.  Nothing  in  the  world  could  liave 
induced  him  to  submit  to  such  an  extremity,  lie  thought  that, 
if  one  of  the  highest  mountains  of  the  globe  had  not  stopped 
him,  a  secondary  rock  would  not  Ite  capalile  of  liatlliiig  his 
courage  and  his  o-enius.  "  Thev  will  take  the  fori,"  ^\{n\  he, 
"by  a  bold  stroke:  if  it  is  not  to  be  taken  it  must  ]»(■  turned. 
Besides,  provided  the  infantry  and  cavalry  can  pass  witli  a  few 
four-pounders,  they  will  proceed  to  Ivrea,  at  the  enli'ance  of  the 


2o8  HISTORY  OF  THE  may  1800 

plain,  and  there  wait  till  the  heavy  artillery  can  follow  them. 
If  this  heavy  artillery  cannot  clear  the  obstacle  that  has  pre- 
sented itself ;  and  if,  to  replace  it,  they  must  take  that  of  the 
enemy,  the  French  infantry  is  numerous  and  brave  enough  to 
fall  upon  the  Austrian  artillery,  and  to  carry  off  their  guns." 
Again  he  resorted  to  the  study  of  his  maps ;  he  questioned  a 
great  number  of  Italian  officers,  and,  learning  from  them  that 
other  roads  led  from  Aosta  to  the  surrounding  valleys,  he  wrote 
letter  after  letter  to  Berthier,  forbidding  him  to  interrupt  the 
movement  of  the  army,  and  indicated  with  astonishing  precision 
the  reconnaissances  that  ought  to  be  made  around  the  fort  of 
Bard.  Satisfied  that  no  serious  danger  could  arise,  except  from 
the  arrival  of  a  hostile  corps  to  close  the  dSboucM  of  Ivrea,  he 
enjoined  Berthier  to  send  Lannes  on  by  the  path  of  Albaredo, 
and  to  make  him  there  take  a  strong  position,  covered  from  the 
Austrian  artillery  and  cavalry.  "  Provided  Lannes  keep  the 
door  of  the  valley,"  added  the  First  Consul,  "  no  matter  what 
may  occur — at  worst  we  can  but  lose  a  little  time.  We  have  a 
sufficient  quantity  of  provisions  to  wait,  and  we  shall  gain  our 
point  at  last,  either  by  turning,  or  by  overcoming  the  obstacle 
which  stops  us  at  this  moment." 

Having  given  these  instructions  to  Berthier,  he  addressed  his 
last  orders  to  General  Moncey,  who  was  to  debouch  from  the 
St.  Gothard ;  to  General  Chabran,  who,  crossing  the  Little  St. 
Bernard,  wovild  come  right  upon  the  fort  of  Bard  ;  and  he  at 
length  determined  to  cross  the  mountains  himself.  Before  he 
set  out,  he  received  intelligence  from  the  Var,  that,  on  the  14th 
of  May  (24th  Floreal),  the  Baron  de  Melas  was  still  at  Nice. 
As  it  was  now  the  20th  of  May,  it  was  not  to  be  supposed  that 
the  Austrian  general  had  hurried,  in  the  space  of  six  days, 
from  Nice  to  Ivrea.  He  set  out,  therefore,  to  cross  the  col, 
before  daylight  on  the  20th.  He  was  accompanied  by  Duroc, 
his  aide-de-camp,  and  de  Bourrienne,  his  secretary.  Artists  have 
delineated  him  crossing  the  Alpine  lieights  mounted  on  a  fiery 
steed.  The  plain  truth  is,  that  he  ascended  the  St.  Bernard  in 
that  grey  surtout  which  he  usually  wore,  upon  a  mule,  led  by  a 
guide  belonging  to  the  country,  evincing,  even  in  the  difficult 
passes,  the  abstraction  of  a  mind  occupied  elsewhere,  conversing 
with  the  officers  scattered  on  the  road,  and  then,  at  intervals, 
questioning  the  guide  who  attended  him,  making  him  relate 
the  particulars  of  his  life,  his  pleasures,  his  pains,  like  an  idle 
traveller,  who  has  nothing  better  to  do.  This  guide,  who  was 
quite  young,  gave  him  a  simple  recital  of  the  details  of  his 
obscure  existence,  and  especially  the  vexation  he  felt,  because, 
for  want  of  a  little  money,  he  could  not  marry  one  of  the  girls 
of  his  valley.  The  First  Consul,  sometimes  listening,  some- 
times questioning  the  passengers  with  wliom  the  mountain  was 


MAYiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  209 

covered,  arrived  at  the  hospice,  where  the  worthy  monks  gave 
him  a  warm  reception.  No  sooner  had  he  alighted  from  his 
mule  than  he  wrote  a  note  which  he  handed  to  his  guide,  desir- 
ing him  to  be  sure  and  deliver  it  to  the  quartermaster  of  the 
army,  who  had  been  left  on  the  other  side  of  the  St.  Bernard. 
In  the  evening,  the  young  man,  on  returning  to  St.  Pierre, 
learned  with  surprise  what  powerful  traveller  it  was  whom  he 
had  guided  in  the  morning,  and  that  General  Bonaparte  had 
ordered  that  a  house  and  a  piece  of  ground  should  be  given  to 
him  immediately,  and  that  he  should  be  supplied,  in  short,  with 
the  means  requisite  for  marrying  and  for  realising  all  the  dreams 
of  his  modest  ambition.  This  mountaineer  died  not  long  since, 
in  his  own  country,  the  owner  of  land  given  to  him  by  the  ruler 
of  the  world.  This  singular  act  of  beneficence,  at  a  moment 
when  his  mind  was  engaged  by  such  mighty  interests,  is  worthy 
of  attention.  If  there  were  nothing  in  it  but  a  mere  conqueror's 
caprice,  dispensing  at  random  good  or  evil,  alternatively  over- 
throwing empires  or  rearing  a  cottage,  it  may  be  useful  to 
record  such  caprices,  if  only  to  tempt  the  masters  of  the  earth 
to  imitation;  but  such  an  act  reveals  something  more.  The 
human  soul,  in  those  moments  when  it  is  filled  with  ardent 
desires,  is  disposed  to  kindness ;  it  does  good  by  way  of  meriting 
that  which  it  is  soliciting  of  I'rovidence. 

The  First  Consul  halted  for  a  short  time  with  the  monks, 
thanked  them  for  their  attentions  to  his  army,  and  made  them  a 
magnificent  present,  for  the  relief  of  the  poor  and  of  travellers. 

He  descended  rapidly,  suffering  himself,  according  to  the 
custom  of  the  country,  to  glide  down  upon  the  snow,  and  arrived 
the  same  evening  at  Etroul)les.  Next  day,  after  paying  some 
attention  to  the  park  of  artillery  and  to  the  provisions,  he  set 
out  for  Aosta  and  Bard.  Having  ascertained  that  all  he  had 
been  told  was  true,  he  resolved  to  send  the  infantry,  the  cavalry, 
and  the  four-pounders  by  the  path  of  Albaredo,  which  would  be 
possible  if  the  path  were  repaired.  All  the  troops  were  to  go 
and  take  possession  of  the  (h^houcM  oi  the  mountains  in  advance 
of  Ivrea,  and  the  First  Consul  designed,  meanwhile,  to  make  some 
attempt  on  the  fort,  or  at  least  find  means  to  turn  this  obstacle, 
by  making  his  artillery  cross  one  of  the  neighbouring  cols.  He 
ordered  CJeneral  Lecchi,  at  the  liead  of  the  Italians,  to  ascend  on 
the  left,  to  penetrate  Ity  the  Crassoney  road  into  the  valley  of  the 
Sesia,  which  terminates  near  the  Sini])lon  and  Lake  ]\raggiore. 

The  object  of  this  movement  was  to  keep  the  Simplon  road 
open,  to  give  the  hand  to  a  (k'tachment  that  was  desceniling 
by  it,  and  to  reconnoitre,  in  short,  all  the  roads  passable  for 
wheel-carriages. 

The  First  Consul,  at  tlie  same  time,  directed  his  attention  to 
the  fort  of  Bard.     The  Frencli  wei-e  in  })ossession  of  tlie  only 

VOL.  I.  o 


2IO  HISTORY  OF  THE  may  1800 

street  composing  the  town,  but  could  only  pass  through  it  under 
such  a  shower  of  balls  that  it  would  be  scarcely  possible  to  get 
through  with  artillery,  though  the  distance  was  but  two  or  three 
hundred  fathoms.  The  commandant  was  summoned,  but  he  re- 
plied with  firmness,  like  a  man  fully  sensible  of  the  importance 
of  the  post  entrusted  to  his  courage.  Force  alone,  then,  could 
make  us  masters  of  the  pass.  The  artillery  which  had  been 
planted  on  the  mountain  of  Albaredo  produced  no  great  effect ; 
an  escalade  was  attempted  on  the  outer  inclosure  of  the  fort ; 
but  some  brave  grenadiers,  and  Dufour,  an  excellent  officer, 
were  uselessly  wounded  or  killed.  All  the  while,  the  troops 
were  proceeding  along  the  path  of  Albaredo.  Fifteen  hun- 
dred labourers  had  done  the  most  urgent  repairs  required 
by  that  path.  In  places  where  it  was  narrow,  it  had  been 
widened  by  the  removal  of  gravel  from  the  sides ;  too  rapid 
slopes  had  been  diminished  by  cutting  steps  to  prevent  the  feet 
from  slipping ;  in  other  places,  trunks  of  trees  were  thrown  over 
ravines,  which  it  would  otherwise  have  been  too  difficult  to  cross, 
and  used  as  bridges.  The  army  advanced  successively,  man 
by  man,  the  cavalry  leading  their  horses  by  the  bridle.  The 
Austrian  officer  commanding  the  fort  of  Bard,  seeing  our  troops 
filing  in  this  manner,  and  mortified  at  not  having  it  in  his  power 
to  stop  their  march,  sent  word  to  M.  de  Melas,  that  he  had 
witnessed  the  passage  of  a  whole  army,  infantry  and  cavalry, 
without  possessing  the  means  of  obstructing  it,  but  he  pledged 
his  life  that  it  would  arrive  without  a  single  piece  of  cannon. 

Meanwhile,  our  artillery  made  a  remarkably  bold  attempt ; 
this  was,  to  pass  with  a  piece  beneath  the  very  guns  of  the  fort, 
under  favour  of  the  night.  The  enemy,  unluckily  warned  by  the 
noise,  threw  pot-grenadoes,  which  lighted  the  road  as  though  it 
had  been  broad  day,  and  enabled  them  to  pour  upon  it  a  shower 
of  projectiles.  Out  of  thirteen  artillerymen  who  had  volunteered 
to  draw  that  piece  of  cannon,  seven  were  killed  or  wounded. 
This  was  sufficient  to  dishearten  the  bravest  men ;  when  an 
ingenious  method,  though  withal  a  very  dangerous  one,  was 
thought  of.  The  street  was  covered  with  straw  and  dung;  tow 
was  fastened  about  the  pieces,  so  as  to  prevent  the  slightest  sound 
from  the  jar  of  those  masses  of  metal  upon  their  carriages ;  the 
horses  were  unharnessed,  bold  artillerymen,  dragging  them  by 
main  strength,  ventured  to  pass  under  the  batteries  of  the  fort, 
along  the  street  of  Bard.  This  contrivance  succeeded  com- 
pletely. The  enemy,  who  fired  from  time  to  time,  by  way  of 
precaution,  hit  some  of  our  gunners ;  but  very  soon,  in  spite  of 
this  fire,  all  the  heavy  artillery  was  removed  beyond  the  defile, 
and  this  formidable  obstacle,  which  had  given  the  First  Consul 
more  concern  than  the  St.  Bernard  itself,  was  overcome.  The 
artillery  horses  had  taken  the  path  of  Albaredo. 


MAYiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  211 

While  this  bold  operation  was  performing,  Lannes,  marching 
at  the  head  of  his  infantry,  carried,  on  the  22nd  of  May,  the 
town  of  Ivrea,  which  had  not  been  repaired  since  the  wars  of 
Louis  XIV.,  and  which,  from  a  singular  but  tardy  presentiment, 
the  Austrian  staff  had  just  set  about  arming.  The  defences  of 
Ivrea  consisted  in  a  citadel,  detached  from  the  body  of  the  place, 
and  in  bastioned  ramparts.  The  brave  General  Watrin,  at  the 
head  of  his  division,  attacked  the  citadel ;  Lannes  himself 
advanced  against  the  body  of  the  place,  and  the  soldiers  took 
both  by  escalade.  Five  or  six  thousand  Austrians,  half  of  them 
cavalry,  who  were  there,  retired  in  the  utmost  haste.  Lannes 
made  some  prisoners,  drove  them  out  of  the  valley,  and  took 
up  a  position  at  the  entrance  of  the  plain  of  Piedmont,  at  the 
points  designated  by  the  First  Consul.  Some  days  later,  and 
the  town  of  Ivrea,  defended  by  the  Austrians,  would  have  been 
not  an  insuperable  obstacle,  but  a  serious  annoyance.  Cannon 
and  provisions  were  found  there ;  Lannes  completed  its  arma- 
ment, and  victualled  it,  so  as  to  make  it,  in  case  of  reverse,  one 
of  the  supports  of  our  line  of  retreat. 

While  these  events  were  passing,  General  Chabran  was  de- 
scending with  his  division  by  the  Little  St.  Bernard ;  and,  as  that 
division  contained  many  conscripts  recently  incorporated,  it  was 
employed  in  the  blockade  of  the  fort  of  Bard,  which  would  not 
hold  out  long,  when  it  should  see  itself  without  resource,  and  the 
artillery  beyond  its  reach,  so  that  it  could  no  longer  stop  its 
march.  General  Thurreau,  at  the  head  of  a  corps  of  4000  men, 
carried  the  (Ubouche  oi  Susa,  made  1 500  prisoners,  and  took  some 
cannon.  He  was  obliged  to  halt  at  the  entrance  of  the  valley, 
between  Siiza  and  Bussolino.  General  Leech i,  with  the  Italians, 
turning  the  valley  of  the  Sesia,  repulsed  de  Rohan's  division, 
took  some  hundreds  of  men  from  it,  disengaged  the  ddhouch^  of 
the  Simplon,  and  gave  a  hand  to  a  detachment  of  the  division  left 
in  Switzerland  at  the  commencement  of  the  campaign.  Lastly, 
the  coqis  of  General  Moncey.  distributed  c/i  eelicloii  over  a  great 
space  in  the  valley  of  the  St.  Gothard,  began  to  ascend  the  heights. 

Thus  the  general  movement  of  the  army  was  effected  upon  all 
points  with  complete  success.  It  was  time  to  leave  the  valley 
of  Aosta.  Lannes,  always  at  the  advanced  guard,  quitted  that 
valley  on  the  26th  of  ]\lay  (6th  Brairial),  and  no  longer  hesitated 
to  show  himself  in  the  plain.  The  Austrian  general,  lladdick, 
was  charged  to  watch  this  dehov.cliC  of  the  Alps  with  some  thou- 
sand infantry  and  his  minicrdiis  ca\alry.  He  was  covenxl  by  a 
little  river,  the  Chiusella,  which  falls  into  tli(>  Dora  lialtea.  A 
bridge  served  for  crossing  this  stream.  Lannes  marched  briskly 
thither  with  his  infantry.  A  lire  of  artillery,  sudden  and  well 
directed,  received  our  battalions,  but  did  not  preveiit  them  from 
advancintr.     The  brave  Colonel  Macon  entered  the  bed  o\  the 


212  HISTORY  OF  THE  may  1800 

river  with  his  derai-brigade,  crossed  it  above  and  below  the 
bridge,  and  clambered  up  the  opposite  bank.  The  Austrian 
cavalry,  commanded  by  General  Palfy,  then  determined  to  charge 
this  demi-brigade.  The  general  fell  dead,  and  his  men  were 
dispersed.  The  French,  rejoined  by  the  rest  of  Lannes'  division, 
advanced,  pursuing  the  enemy  with  their  accustomed  vivacity. 
General  Haddick,  taking  advantage  of  the  disorder  of  this  pur- 
suit, pushed  on  his  squadrons  at  the  most  seasonable  moment. 
The  6th  light  was  obliged  to  halt ;  but  the  22nd,  formed  in 
close  column,  repulsed  by  its  fire  alone  this  new  charge  of  the 
Austrian  cavalry.  Some  thousand  horse  then  dashed  forward 
at  once  to  try  a  last  effort  against  our  infantry.  The  40th  and 
22nd  demi-brigades,  formed  in  square,  sustained  with  extra- 
ordinary firmness  this  formidable  shock.  Three  times  they  were 
charged,  and  three  times  the  enemy's  squadrons  were  foiled  by 
their  bayonets.  General  Haddick,  finding  himself  unable  to 
withstand  the  advanced  guard  of  the  French  army,  gave  orders 
for  retreating,  and,  after  losing  many  men,  killed  or  wounded, 
and  some  prisoners,  he  relinquished  the  plain  of  Piedmont  to 
Lannes,  and  retired  behind  the  Oreo.  Lannes  continued  his 
march,  and,  on  the  28th  of  May  (8th  Prairial),  proceeded  towards 
Ohivasso,  on  the  bank  of  the  Po.  The  Austrians,  alarmed  at  this 
sudden  invasion,  hastened  to  evacuate  Turin.  Barks  were  de- 
scending the  Po,  laden  with  corn,  rice,  ammunition,  and  wounded. 
Lannes  seized  all  these  convoys.  The  abundance  prepared  by 
the  Austrians  for  their  army  was  soon  to  give  delight  to  ours. 

Thirteen  days  had  elapsed,  and  the  stupendous  enterprise  of 
the  First  Consul  had  completely  succeeded.  An  army  of  40,000 
men,  infantry,  cavalry,  artillery,  had  crossed,  without  beaten 
roads,  the  highest  mountains  in  Europe,  dragging  by  main 
strength  its  artillery  over  the  snow,  or  pushing  it  under  the  mur- 
derous fire  of  a  fort,  and  almost  close  to  the  muzzle  of  its  guns. 
A  division  of  5000  men  had  descended  the  Little  St.  Bernard  ; 
another  of  4000  had  debouched  by  Mont  Cenis  ;  a  detachment 
occupied  the  Simplon  ;  lastly,  a  corps  of  15,000  French,  under 
General  Moncey,  was  on  the  top  of  the  St.  Gothard.  There 
were  thus  in  all  sixty  and  odd  thousand  soldiers  about  to  enter 
Italy,  still  separated,  it  is  true,  from  one  another  by  considerable 
distances,  but  certain  of  soon  rallying  around  a  principal  mass 
of  40,000  men,  who  were  debouching  by  Ivrea,  at  the  centi-e  of 
the  semicircle  of  the  Alps.  And  this  extraordinary  march  was 
not  a  whim  of  a  general  who,  to  turn  an  adversary,  ran  the  risk 
of  being  turned  himself.  Master  of  the  valley  of  Aosta,  of  the 
Simplon,  and  of  the  St.  Gothard,  General  Bonaparte  was  certain 
that,  if  he  lost  a  battle,  he  should  have  it  in  his  power  to  return 
to  the  point  from  which  he  had  set  out ;  at  the  worst,  he  could 
only  sacrifice  some  of  his  artillery,  if  he  were  closely  pressed  on 


MAYiSoo       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  213 

his  march.  Having  thenceforward  nothing  to  conceal,  he  re- 
paired in  person  to  Chivasso,  harangued  the  troops,  congratulated 
them  on  their  firmness  before  the  Austrian  cavalry,  announced 
the  important  results  which  he  foresaw,  showed  himself  not 
only  to  his  soldiers,  but  to  the  Italians,  to  the  Austrians,  that 
he  might  now  scare,  by  his  formidable  presence,  the  enemy  whom 
before  he  wished  to  lull  into  profound  security. 

What  was  Baron  de  Melas  about  in  the  meantime  ?  Made 
quite  easy,  by  the  cabinet  of  Vienna  and  by  his  own  agents, 
respecting  that  fabulous  army  of  reserve,  this  general  continued 
the  siege  of  Genoa,  and  the  attack  on  the  bridge  of  the  Var. 
He  had  suffered  considerable  losses  at  these  two  points  ;  but, 
for  the  rest,  he  persisted  in  believing  that  the  assemblages  made 
at  Dijon  were  but  a  rabble  of  conscripts,  destined  to  fill  the 
gaps  in  the  ranks  of  the  two  armies  of  the  Rhine  and  of  Liguria. 
Intelligence,  which  reached  him  about  the  middle  of  May,  gave 
him  some  uneasiness  about  his  rear ;  nevertheless,  he  soon  dis- 
missed his  apprehensions,  and  resumed  the  notion  that  the 
troops  collected  at  Dijon  were  to  march  direct  down  the  Saone 
and  the  Rhone,  to  join  the  corps  of  General  Suchet  on  the  Var. 
Instead  of  sending  troops  by  the  Col  de  Tende  into  Piedmont, 
he  kept  all  his  forces,  under  General  Elsnitz,  before  the  bridge 
of  the  Var.  At  length  the  French  columns,  debouching  from 
all  the  valleys  of  the  Alps  at  once,  seen  and  described  with  the 
most  complete  certainty  by  General  Wukassowich,  roused  him 
at  last  from  his  illusions,  but  still  without  entirely  undeceiving 
him.  He  left  General  Ott  with  30,000  men  before  Genoa, 
General  Elsnitz  with  20,000  before  the  bridge  of  the  Var ;  the 
latter  were  to  be  reinforced  by  the  troops  of  General  St.  Julien, 
which  became  disposable  after  the  reduction  of  Savona  ;  and  he 
turned  back,  with  a  detachment  of  lo.ooo  men,  across  the  Col 
de  Tende,  for  Coni.  On  the  22nd  of  ]\ray,  he  reached  the  latter 
place.  Till  this  moment,  the  Austrian  general  had  conceived 
that  the  French  troops  which  had  been  met  with  were  only 
bodies  of  conscripts,  employed  to  make  a  demonstration  on  his 
rear,  to  induce  him  to  break  up  the  siege  of  Genoa ;  and  he 
could  not  yet  think  that  it  was  (general  i3onaparte  himself,  at 
the  head  of  a  large  army.  But  this  last  illusion  of  his  speedily 
vanished.  One  of  his  oflicers,  who  was  perfectly  ac(juaiuted  with 
the  person  of  General  Bonaparte,  was  sent  to  Chivasso,  on  the 
bank  of  the  Po.  This  officer  beheld  with  his  own  eyes  the  con- 
queror of  Castiglione  and  Rivoli,  and  despatched  intelligence  to 
that  effect  to  his  coinraander-in-chief,  who,  not  till  then,  could 
estimate  the  whole  extent  of  his  danger  ;  for  it  was  not  of  an 
assemblage  of  conscripts  that  the  First  Consul  would  liave  deigned 
to  take  the  command.  This  was  not  all ;  it  was  doubted  whether 
the  French  had  cannon,  but  the  report  of  tlioir  artillery  had  just 


2 1 4  HIS  TOR  Y  OF  THE  may  i  800 

been  heard  at  the  Chiusella.  The  estimable  old  general,  who  had 
displayed  incontestable  ability  during  the  preceding  campaign, 
was  thenceforth  a  prey  to  the  most  cruel  anxiety.  Every  day 
added  to  his  alarm,  for  he  soon  learned  that  General  Moncey's 
heads  of  columns  were  descending  from  the  St.  Gothard. 

He  was,  in  fact,  in  a  situation  peculiarly  critical.  Out  of 
i20,OCO  men,  he  had  lost  at  least  25,000  men  before  Genoa  and 
the  Var.  Those  which  he  had  left  were  dispersed  :  General  Ott, 
with  30,000  men,  was  before  Genoa;  General  Elsnitz,  with 
25,000,  before  the  bridge  of  the  Var ;  General  Kaim,  charged  to 
guard  the  ddhouclds  of  Susa  and  Pignerol  with  about  12,000 
men,  had  lost  Susa,  and  was  retiring  upon  Turin.  General  Had- 
dick,  who,  with  nearly  9000,  was  to  guard  the  valleys  of  Aosta 
and  the  Sesia,  had  just  fallen  back  before  Lannes ;  General 
Wukassowich,  who,  with  lo.ooo  men,  was  observing  the  valleys 
of  the  Simplon  and  of  the  St.  Gothard — what  was  to  become  of 
him  before  Moncey  ?  Baron  de  Melas  himself  was  at  Turin, 
with  a  corps  of  1 0,000  men,  brought  back  from  Nice.  Was  it  not 
General  Bonaparte's  intention  to  sweep  down  amidst  all  these 
scattered  corps,  to  beat  them  one  after  another,  and  to  destroy 
them  ?  Perhaps  there  would  still  have  been  time  to  take  salu- 
tary resolutions,  provided  they  had  been  planned  and  executed 
immediately ;  but  the  Austrian  general  lost  some  days  in  re- 
covering himself,  in  coming  to  a  definitive  opinion  respecting  the 
plans  of  his  adversary,  in  forming  his  own,  and  in  making  up 
his  mind  to  the  sacrifices  that  must  attend  a  concentration  of  his 
forces ;  for  he  shoiild  be  obliged  to  abandon  at  once  the  Var, 
perhaps  Genoa,  and  certainly  a  great  part  of  Piedmont. 

While  he  was  yet  deliberating,  General  Bonaparte,  on  his 
part,  had  formed  his  determinations  with  liis  accustomed  prompt- 
ness and  resolution.  The  determinations  which  he  had  to  take 
were  not  less  grave  than  those  of  his  adversary.  If  the  Austrians 
were  scattered,  so  were  the  French ;  for  they  were  descend- 
ing by  Mont  Cenis,  by  the  Great  and  Little  St.  Bernard,  by 
the  Simplon,  and  by  the  St.  Gothard.  It  was  necessary  to 
unite  them,  then  to  cut  off  all  retreat  fi'om  Baron  de  Melas  ; 
and,  lastly,  to  raise  the  blockade  of  Massena,  who,  at  that 
moment,  must  be  reduced  to  the  last  extremity. 

When  he  had  depconded  the  St.  Bernard,  General  Bonaparte 
had  on  his  right  Mont  Cenis  and  Turin,  on  his  left  the  St. 
Gothard  and  Milan,  and,  fifty  leagues  before  him,  Genoa  and 
Massdna.  What  course  was  he  to  take  ?  To  appuy  on  the 
right  upon  Mont  Cenis,  in  order  to  call  in  the  4000  men  under 
General  Thurreau,  would  be  of  little  advantage.  He  would  thus 
run  the  risk  of  meeting  immediately  with  M.  de  Melas,  which, 
to  be  sure,  would  not  be  very  dangerous,  dispersed  as  his  forces 
were  ;  but,  by  appuyiug  to  the  right,  he  should  relinquish  to 


MAYiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  215 

him  on  the  left  the  Milan  or  Piacenza  road  to  retreat  by.  It 
was,  indeed,  not  worth  while  to  have  made  such  great  efforts  to 
throw  himself  across  the  Alps  upon  the  communications  of  the 
enemy,  if,  after  having  occupied  them,  he  were  to  leave  them 
open.  To  proceed  straight  forward,  to  cross  the  Po,  to  fly  to 
Genoa,  amidst  dispersed  corps  of  the  Austrian  army,  neglecting 
General  Thurreau  on  his  right.  General  ]\Ioncey  on  his  left,  and 
endangering  all  his  own  communications,  would  not  be  wise,  not 
worthy  of  the  prudence  which  had  combined  all  the  parts  of  this 
plan  with  as  much  reflection  as  boldness.  He  knew  not  what 
assemblage  of  forces  might  bo  met  with  upon  that  route ;  he 
should  sacrifice  his  line  of  retreat  towards  the  Alps,  by  leaving 
to  themselves  Generals  Thurreau  and  Moncey,  who  would  most 
probably  he  obliged  to  fall  back  on  Mont  Cenis  and  the  St. 
Gothard,  God  knows  after  what  adventures.  It  had  been  better 
to  succour  Massena  direct  by  Toulon,  Nice,  and  Genoa.  From 
all  these  considerations,  there  was  evidently  left  but  one  course 
to  pursue  ;  namely,  to  appuy  to  the  left  towards  the  St.  Gothard 
and  Milan,  and  to  give  the  hand  to  General  Moncey's  15,000 
men.  In  that  manner  he  should  unite  with  himself  the  principal 
detachment  of  the  army,  which  would  raise  its  number  to 
60,000  fighting  men  ;  he  should  occupy  the  capital  of  Upper 
Italy  ;  he  should  raise  the  people  on  the  rear  of  the  Austrians ; 
he  should  take  all  their  magazines ;  he  should  make  himself 
master  of  the  line  of  the  Po,  and  of  all  the  bridges  over  that 
great  river;  lastly,  by  putting  himself  in  a  condition  to  attack 
upon  either  bank,  he  should  stop  ^I.  de  Melas,  by  whichever 
route  he  should  attempt  to  escape.  It  is  true  that,  by  this  plan, 
the  succour  to  be  sent  to  Massena  would  be  delayed  for  eight 
or  ten  days,  which  was  unfortunate.  But  General  Bonaparte 
imagined  that  his  presence  in  Italy  would  be  suflicient  to  extri- 
cate the  army  of  Liguria  ;  for  he  belie\ed  that  M.  de  Melas 
would  lose  no  time  in  calling  in  to  him  the  corps  which  were 
investing  Genoa  and  the  bridge  of  the  A'ar.  At  any  rate, 
(Jenerals  Massena  and  Suchrt  had  accom])lished  the  object 
assigned  to  them,  by  detaining  ^\.  de  Melas  on  the  Apennines, 
by  fatiguing  him,  by  exhausting  him,  but,  above  all.  by  prevent- 
ing him  from  closing  the  (h^houclih  of  the  Al-|-)s.  The  defender 
of  Genoa,  if  he  must  succumb,  would  but  consummate  the  long 
series  of  sacrifices  imposed  u])on  the  noble  and  unfortunate  army 
of  Liguria,  for  the  success  of  a  vast  combinatio]i. 

Having  formed  his  resolution.  General  l)()iia])arti'  made  his 
arrangciiKnits  with  the  utmost  ])rom]itness.  and  dii'i'dcd  his 
whole  army  upon  the  left  bank  of  the  I'o.  lie  called  in  his 
])ark  of  artillery,  wliich  had  just  l)een  ])ut  in  oi-di'i-;  lie  enjoined 
Lannes  to  collect  all  the  Ixjats  taken  ;it  Cliivasso.  I0  place  them 
as  if  he  was  about  to  tlirow  a  brid<,a\  and  to  cross  into  Piedmont. 


2i6  HISTORY  OF  THE  may  1800 

His  intention  was  to  deceive  M.  de  Melas  a  second  time  in 
regard  to  his  plans,  and  lie  was  as  successful  as  the  first  time. 
On  seeing  the  movements  ordered  by  General  Bonaparte,  M.  de 
Melas,  striving  to  flatter  himself  till  the  last  moment,  was  fain 
to  hope  that  the  French  had  been  able  to  cross  the  Alps  in 
very  small  number  only.  He  thought  that  General  Bonaparte, 
as  everything  induced  him  to  suppose,  had  no  other  motive 
for  crossing  the  Po  but  to  enter  Turin,  and  to  give  the  hand 
towards  Mont  Cenis  to  General  Thurreau ;  he  thought  that  he 
might  keep  him  in  check  by  breaking  down  all  the  bridges, 
and  by  disputing  the  passage  of  the  Po  with  about  30,000  men. 
He  conceived,  therefore,  a  hope  to  defend  himself  on  this  line, 
without  making  the  twofold  sacrifice  of  the  positions  occupied 
on  the  Var  and  of  the  advantages  gained  before  Genoa.  In 
consequence,  M.  de  Melas  assembled  General  Haddick,  who 
had  returned  from  the  valley  of  Aosta,  General  Kaim,  posted 
at  the  d4l)oucJi6  of  Susa,  the  10,000  men  brought  with  him 
from  Nice,  besides  a  fresh  detachment  drawn  from  the  Var ; 
amounting,  when  united,  to  30,000  men ;  and  supposing  that 
we  had  no  more,  he  hoped  with  this  force  to  dispute  the  river 
which  separated  the  two  armies. 

The  First  Consul  took  no  pains  to  destroy  this  new  illusion 
of  his  adversary's,  and,  leaving  liim  occupied  towards  Turin 
with  this  concentration  of  force,  he  all  at  once  fell  back  upon 
Milan.  Lannes,  who  was  apparently  destined  to  ascend  the 
Po,  in  order  to  march  from  Chivasso  upon  Turin,  on  the  con- 
trary, suddenly  descended  it.  He  advanced  by  Crescentiuo 
and  Trino  upon  Pavia,  where  the  Imperialists  had  immense 
magazines  of  provisions,  ammunition,  artillery,  and  the  most 
important  of  their  communications,  since  it  commanded  the 
passage  both  of  the  Po  and  of  the  Tessino.  Murat  marched 
by  Vercelli  upon  the  point  of  Buffalora.  The  entire  army 
followed  this  general  movement  upon  Milan ;  it  arrived  on  the 
31st  of  May  before  the  Tessino.  That  river  is  broad  and  deep. 
The  French  had  no  craft  for  crossing,  and  on  the  other  side 
appeared  a  numerous  cavalry  belonging  to  the  corps  of  Wukas- 
sowich,  which  was  guarding  the  Simplon  and  that  part  of  the 
d^houcMs  of  the  Alps.  Behind  the  Tessino  runs  the  Naviglio 
Grande,  a  large  canal,  which  crosses  the  country  to  Milan. 
This  canal  runs,  for  a  certain  distance,  parallel  to  the  course 
of  the  river,  from  which  it  branches  off ;  it  is,  moreover,  very 
near  it.  The  enemy's  cavalry,  cooped  up  on  a  narrow  slip 
of  ground  between  the  Tessino  and  the  canal,  w^as  extremely 
cramped  in  its  movements,  and  could  scarcely  use  its  force. 
Adjutant-General  Girard  took  some  craft,  which  the  peasants 
of  the  environs  had  concealed  near  Galiate,  and  with  which 
they  were  eager  to  furnish  the  army.     He  crossed  with  a  small 


JUNEiSoo       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  217 

body  of  men,  and  fell  upon  the  Austrian  advanced  guard.  Suc- 
cessively reinforced  by  these  barks,  which  kept  going  and 
returning,  and  supported  by  the  fire  of  the  artillery,  he  re- 
pulsed the  cavalry,  which  durst  not  advance  too  far  on  ground 
so  disadvantageous  for  it,  and  obliged  it  to  recross  the  Naviglio 
Grande  at  a  point  called  the  bridge  of  Turbigo.  Thus,  at  one 
blow,  he  cleared  the  Naviglio  and  the  Tessino.  But  General 
Wukassowich  came  up  with  Laudon's  brigade  of  infantry,  and 
endeavoured  to  penetrate  into  the  village  of  Turbigo.  Girard 
then  had  upon  his  hands  four  or  five  thousand  infantry,  while 
he  had  no  more  than  a  few  hundred  men  to  oppose  to  them. 
He  kept  his  ground  for  several  successive  hours  with  great 
presence  of  mind  and  courage,  and  finally  saved  the  bridge  of 
Turbigo,  the  loss  of  which  would  have  thrown  the  French  on 
this  side  of  the  Naviglio  Grande,  and,  perhaps,  even  the  Tes- 
sino. While  he  was  thus  gallantly  defending  himself.  General 
Monnier,  who  had  found  means  to  cross  a  little  below,  came  to 
his  assistance,  and  charging  Laudon's  troops,  drove  them  from 
Turbigo.  This  line,  which  was  to  check  the  French  army,  was 
thus  passed  at  the  cost  of  a  mere  advanced  guard  action.  Next 
day,  the  ist  of  June  (12th  Prairial),  Boudet's  division  crossed 
near  Buffalora,  and  the  whole  army  advanced  upon  Milan. 
Wukassowich,  apprehensive  of  being  caught  between  the 
main  army,  which  was  advancing  in  Lombardy,  and  Moncey's 
corps,  which  was  descending  the  St.  Gothard,  retired  precipi- 
tately, and  ordered  Dedovich's  brigade,  which  was  at  the  foot 
of  the  mountains,  to  fall  back  behind  the  Adda  by  Cassano. 
He  himself  went  to  seek  refuge  behind  the  Adda,  by  Milan  and 
Lodi,  after  leaving  a  garrison  of  2800  men  in  the  citadel  of 
Milan.  There  was  now  no  obstacle  to  check  the  French  army. 
It  could  enter  the  capital  of  Lombardy,  which  had  groaned  for 
above  a  year  under  the  yoke  of  the  Austrians.  Thus  far  those 
unfortunate  Italians  had  heard  talk  of  nothing  but  the  successes 
of  M.  de  Melas  and  the  distress  of  tlie  French.  The  caricatures 
on  the  army  of  reserve  had  circulated  in  Milan,  as  well  as  in 
Vienna  and  London.  They  represented  it  as  a  crew  of  old 
men  and  boys,  armed  with  bludgeons,  mounted  on  asses,  and 
having  two  blunderbusses  for  artillery.  While  derision,  harm- 
less enough,  it  is  true,  was  thus  poured  forth  upon  the  French 
Republic,  the  unfortunate  Italians  were  the  victims  of  the  most 
cruel  oppression.  All  the  men  in  Lombardy  most  distinguished 
by  fortune  and  talents  were  in  ])rison  or  in  exile.  es]iecially  if 
they  had  taken  any  part  in  the  affairs  of  the  Cisalpine  Ke])ublic. 
It  was  remarkable  enough  that  persecution  had  pressed  less 
heavily  upon  the  liot-headed  patriots.  n]K)n  those  who  corre- 
sponded with  the  French  Jacobins,  than  upon  the  moderate 
men,  whose  example  might  be  more  contagious  for  the  people. 


2i8  HISTORY  OF  THE  june  1800 

Excepting  some  very  few  creatures  of  the  Austrian  govern- 
ment, and  some  nobles  belonging  to  the  oligarchic  party,  all 
were  sighing  for  the  return  of  the  French.  But  they  durst 
scarcely  hope  for  their  return,  especially  when  they  saw  the 
Baron  de  Melas  so  far  advanced  into  Liguria,  so  near  taking 
Genoa  and  passing  the  Var,  and  the  First  Consul  so  occupied, 
at  least  apparently,  with  the  dangers  of  invasion,  which  threat- 
ened France  upon  her  frontiers  of  the  Rhine.  A  report  was  even 
circulated  among  the  people,  that  the  General  Bonaparte,  so  well 
known  in  Italy,  had  died  in  Egypt ;  that,  a  modern  Pharaoh, 
he  had  been  engulfed  by  the  Bed  Sea  ;  and  that  he  whose 
name  was  then  figuring  in  Paris  was  one  of  his  brothers. 

It  is  easy  to  conceive  the  surprise  of  the  Italians,  when,  all  at 
once,  they  were  told  that  a  French  army  had  appeared  at  Ivrea, 
that  it  was  even  debouching  beyond  that  town,  that  it  was  in 
march  for  the  Tessino ;  lastly,  that  it  had  crossed  that  river.  Let 
the  reader  figure  to  himself  the  agitation  which  prevailed  in 
Milan,  the  affirmations,  the  contradictions,  which  succeeded  each 
other  for  forty-eight  hours ;  lastly,  the  joy  which  burst  forth 
when  the  intelligence  was  confirmed  by  the  appearance  of  General 
Bonaparte  himself,  marching  with  his  staff  at  the  head  of  the 
advanced  guard.  On  the  2nd  of  June  (13th  Prairial),  the  entire 
population,  thronging  to  meet  the  French  army,  recognised  the 
illustrious  general,  whom  they  had  so  often  seen  within  their 
walls,  welcomed  him  with  transports  of  enthusiasm,  and  received 
him  as  a  saviour  come  down  from  heaven.  The  sentiments  of 
the  Italians,  always  so  strong,  so  demonstrative,  had  broken  forth 
with  such  force,  because  so  many  circumstances  had  never  before 
concurred  to  render  the  joy  of  the  people  sudden  and  profound. 
The  French  general,  on  entering  Milan,  hastened  to  throw  open 
the  prisons,  and  to  restore  the  government  of  the  country  to  the 
friends  of  France.  He  gave  a  provisional  administration  to  the 
Cisalpine  Bepublic,  and  composed  this  administration  of  the 
most  respected  men.  Adhering,  however,  in  Italy  to  the  system 
which  he  followed  in  France,  he  would  not  permit  either  violence 
or  reaction  ;  and,  in  replacing  power  in  the  hands  of  the  Italians 
of  his  party,  he  did  not  allow  them  to  exercise  it  against  their 
countrymen  of  the  opposite  party. 

After  these  first  attentions  paid  to  the  affairs  of  the  Milanese, 
he  hastened  to  push  his  columns  in  all  directions,  to  the  lakes, 
to  the  Adda,  to  the  Po,  so  as  to  spread  the  insurrection  for  the 
advantage  of  the  French,  to  seize  the  enemy's  magazines,  to  cut 
off  his  communications,  and  to  bar  all  retreat  against  him.  Thus 
far  everything  had  gone  on  most  prosperously,  for  Lannes,  directed 
upon  Pavia,  had  entered  that  city  on  the  1st  of  June,  and  taken 
immense  magazines.  That  general  had  found  at  Pavia  the 
Austrian  hospitals,  considerable  stores  of  corn,  forage,  ammuni- 


JUNEiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  219 

tion,  arms,  above  all  300  pieces  of  cannon,  half  of  them  field- 
pieces.  He  had  procured  there  several  bridge-equipages,  which 
the  companies  of  French  pontonniers,  who  had  come  without 
materiel,  were  about  to  employ  on  the  Po.  Chabran's  division, 
left  before  the  fort  of  Bard,  had  taken  it  on  the  ist  of  June,  and 
found  there  eighteen  pieces  of  cannon.  General  Chabran,  after 
putting  a  garrison  into  it,  as  well  as  into  Ivrea,  proceeded  to 
occupy  the  course  of  the  Po,  from  the  Dora  IJaltea  to  the  Sesia. 
Lanues  occupied  from  that  point  to  Pavia.  The  cor|:»s  of  General 
B^thencourt,  which  had  come  from  the  Simplon,  was  posted 
before  Arona,  towards  the  point  of  Lake  Maggiore.  The  Italian 
legion  was  despatched,  by  Brescia,  after  the  Austrians,  who  were 
retiring  in  the  utmost  haste.  At  the  same  time,  Duhesme's  and 
Loison's  divisions  were  crossing  the  Adda,  and  proceeding  to 
Lodi,  Crema,  and  Pizzigliittone.  General  Wukassowich,  who  no 
longer  pretended  to  guard  the  Adda,  retired  behind  the  Mincio, 
under  the  guns  of  Mantua. 

Nothing  now  impeded  the  march  of  General  Moncey,  except- 
ing the  difficulty  of  finding  subsistence  in  the  sterile  valleys  of 
Upper  Switzerland.  His  first  columns  were  just  appearing,  but 
it  was  necessary  to  wait  a  few  days  longer  for  the  others,  and 
this  was  the  greatest  inconvenience  of  the  situation,  for  it  behoved 
the  First  Consul  to  make  haste,  if  he  would  not  see  Genoa  fall 
into  the  hands  of  the  Austrians.  General  Bonaparte  was  now 
certain  of  uniting  all  his  columns,  with  the  exception  of  one — 
that  was  General  Thurreau's,  wliich  was  entrenched  at  the  d^- 
houcM  of  Mont  Cenis.  without  being  able  to  advance.  For  the 
rest,  our  army  was  strongly  seated  in  the  heart  of  the  Milanese, 
having  its  retreat  secured  by  INIont  Cenis,  the  St.  Bernard,  the 
Simplon,  and  the  St.  Gothard,  holding  the  Adda,  tlie  Tessino, 
the  Po,  living  upon  the  magazines  of  the  Austrians.  cutting  them 
off  from  all  the  routes,  and  capable  of  fighting  a  decisive  battle 
with  them,  after  which  they  would  have  no  other  resource,  if 
they  were  beaten,  but  to  lay  down  their  arms.  The  surrender 
of  Genoa,  if  it  were  to  take  place,  would  be  an  unfortunate  cir- 
cumstance— unfortunate  in  the  first  place,  for  the  brave  army 
which  was  defending  it.  unfortunate  also  because  the  Austrian 
besieging  coqis  would  not  fail  to  reinforce  General  Melas.  and 
would  thus  rend(M'  the  great  battle  that  was  to  terminate  the 
campaign  more  difficult.  But,  if  General  Bonaparte  gained  tiie 
victory,  Genoa  and  Italy  would  be  reconciucrcd  at  one  blow,  lie 
made,  nevertheless,  an  es])ecial  ])oint  of  saving  Genoa;  but  he 
could  not  hope  for  the  junction  of  ^Monccy's  cor])s  bcfoi-c  the 
5th  or  6tli  of  Junt',  ami  lie  could  not  flatter  hinisclf  tliat  Genoa 
would  hold  out  till  then. 

The  Baron  de  ]\Iela>.  whom  the  last  news  had  crini])letely  en- 
lightened, and  who  saw  hisadv(M'sarv.  after  entei-int;  Mihm.  gi\  iiiL"" 


220  HISTORY  OF  THE  june  1800 

the  hand  to  all  the  columns  in  succession  as  they  descended  the 
Alps,  now  comprehended  the  vast  plan  projected  against  him. 
To  add  to  his  misfortune,  he  had  received  intelligence  of  the 
reverses  of  M.  de  Kray  and  his  retreat  upon  Ulm.  Abandoning, 
at  length,  the  system  of  half-measures,  he  issued  imperative 
orders  to  General  Elsnitz  to  relinquish  the  bridge  of  the  Var, 
and  to  General  Ott  to  raise  the  siege  of  Genoa,  and  both  of  them 
to  unite  at  Alexandria.  This  was  just  what  General  Bonaparte 
had  hoped  for  the  salvation  of  Genoa.  But  that  noble  and  un- 
fortunate army  of  Liguria  was  doomed  to  pay  to  the  very  last 
with  its  blood,  with  its  sufferings,  and  finally  with  a  mortifying 
surrender,  for  the  triumphs  of  the  army  of  reserve. 

To  the  very  last,  Massena  maintained  a  noble  countenance. 
"Before  he  will  surrender,"  said  the  soldiers,  "he  will  make  us 
eat  his  very  boots."  The  butchers'  meat  being  consumed,  they 
ate  horse-flesh,  and,  when  that  too  failed  them,  they  fed  upon 
the  most  loathsome  animals.  The  wretched  bread  made  of  oats 
and  beans  was  consumed  also.  Ever  since  the  23rd  of  May  (3rd 
Prairial),  Massdna  had  been  collecting  starch,  linseed,  and  the 
cacao  deposited  in  the  warehouses  of  Genoa,  and  with  these  he 
had  caused  a  bread  to  be  made,  which  the  soldiers  could  scarcely 
swallow,  and  which  very  few  of  them  were  able  to  digest.  Almost 
all  of  them  went  to  crowd  the  hospitals.  The  populace,  having 
no  other  food  but  herb  soup,  experienced  all  the  pangs  of  hunger. 
The  streets  were  strewed  with  wretches  expiring  from  inanition, 
emaciated  women  exposing  to  public  charity  the  infants  whom 
they  could  no  longer  support.  Another  sight  alarmed  the  city 
and  the  army :  it  was  that  of  the  numerous  prisoners  whom 
Massena  had  taken,  and  to  whoin  he  had  no  food  to  give.  He 
would  not  release  them  on  parole,  since  he  had  seen  those  who 
had  been  thus  liberated  appear  again  in  the  enemy's  ranks.  He 
had  therefore  proposed  to  General  Ott,  and  afterwards  to  Admiral 
Keith,  that  they  should  furnish  the  provisions  recjuisite  for  their 
daily  consumption,  giving  his  word  of  honour  that  nothing  should 
be  abstracted  for  the  garrison.  The  word  of  such  a  man  deserved 
to  be  depended  on.  But  such  was  the  inveteracy,  that  the  enemy 
resolved  to  impose  upon  Mass(3na  the  charge  of  feeding  the 
prisoners,  even  though  they  should  have  to  suffer  the  most  cruel 
privations.  The  hostile  generals  had,  therefore,  the  barbarity  to 
doom  their  soldiers  to  the  severest  pangs  of  hunger,  in  order  to 
aggravate  the  dearth  in  Genoa  by  leaving  there  some  thousand 
mouths  more  to  feed.  Massena  supplied  the  prisoners  with  the 
herb  soup  which  he  dealt  out  to  the  inhabitants.  This  was  not 
nutritious  enough  for  robust  men,  accustomed  to  abundance  in 
the  rich  plains  of  Italy  ;  they  were  always  on  the  point  of  revolt- 
ing, and,  to  cure  them  of  all  thoughts  of  that,  he  caused  them  to 
be  confined  in  old  hulls  of  shijis,  which  were  moored  in  the  middle 


JUNEiSoo       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  221 

of  the  port,  and  on  which  a  numerous  artillery,  constantly  pointed, 
was  ready  to  pour  destruction.  So  frightful  was  the  howling 
raised  by  these  unfortunate  men,  that  it  harrowed  the  feelings  of 
a  population  already  so  deeply  affected  by  its  own  sufferings. 

The  number  of  our  soldiers  diminished  daily :  they  were  seen 
expiring  in  the  streets,  and  so  debilitated  were  they  that  it  had 
been  found  exj^edient  to  permit  them  to  sit  down  while  mounting 
guard.  The  dispirited  Genoese  had  ceased  to  do  the  duty  of 
the  national  guard,  fearing  lest  they  should  be  compromised 
when,  by-and-by,  the  Austrians  should  bring  back  the  oligarchic 
party.  From  time  to  time,  vague  rumours  announced  that  the 
despair  of  the  inhabitants  was  about  to  burst  forth ;  and,  to 
prevent  the  explosion,  battalions,  with  loaded  cannon,  occupied 
the  principal  places. 

Massena  awed  the  people  and  the  army  by  his  impassible  bear- 
ing. The  respect  inspired  by  that  hero,  eating  the  same  exe- 
crable bread  as  the  soldiers,  living  with  them  under  the  enemy's 
fire,  and  submitting  not  only  to  their  physical  sufferings,  but  to 
all  the  duties  and  anxieties  of  commander,  with  unshaken  firm- 
ness, the  respect  which  he  inspired  kept  all  quiet ;  he  exercised, 
amidst  desolated  Genoa,  the  ascendency  of  a  superior  spirit. 

A  feeling  of  hope,  nevertheless,  still  supported  the  besieged. 
Several  of  the  general's  aides-de-camp,  after  bold  efforts,  had 
passed  through  the  blockading  force,  and  brought  some  intelli- 
gence. Colonels  Reille,  Franceschi,  Ortigoni,  had  passed,  and 
had  learned,  at  one  time,  that  the  First  Consul  was  setting  out, 
at  another,  that  he  was  crossing  the  Alps.  One  of  them,  Fran- 
ceschi, had  left  him  descending  the  St.  Bernard.  But  since  the 
20th  of  May  no  tidings  of  him  had  been  received.  Ten  or  twelve 
days  passed  in  this  situation  appeared  ages ;  and  the  officers 
asked  themselves,  with  despair,  how  it  could  happen  that,  in  \im 
days,  General  Bonaparte  had  not  traversed  the  space  whicli 
separates  the  Alps  from  the  A])ennines.  "We  know  him  well 
enough,"  said  they,  "to  be  certain  that  by  this  time  he  is  either 
conqueror  or  concpiered  ;  if  he  does  not  arrive,  he  must  have  suc- 
cumbed in  this  rash  enter|)rise.  Had  he  been  able  to  debouch 
in  Italy,  he  would  already  have  gra]:)pled  the  Austrian  general, 
and  draerfjed  him  from  the  walls  of  Genoa."  Others  alleo-ed. 
that  General  ]k)naparte  had  considered  the  army  of  Liguria  as  a 
corps  sacrificed  to  a  great  operation  ;  that  lie  had  but  one  thing 
in  view,  that  was,  to  detain  Haron  de  Melas  on  the  A])ennines, 
and,  that  object  attained,  he  no  longer  concerned  liims(>lf  about 
raising  the  ])lockade  of  (i(>noa,  but  was  marching  to  execute  some 
mightier  plan.  '•  Well  !  '  addeil  the  Genoese,  and  even  our  own 
soldiers,  "we  have  been  sacrificed  to  the  glory  of  IVaiice  ;  but, 
now  the  end  is  attained,  is  it  intended  that  we  should  ])erish  to 
the  last  man  ?     If  it  were  in  fitrlit.  with  anus  in  our  hands,  well 


222  HISTORY  OF  THE  juneiSoo 

and  good  !  but  of  famine,  of  disease — 'tis  impossible  !  It  is  high 
time  to  surrender."  Several  soldiers,  in  their  despair,  proceeded 
so  far  as  to  break  their  muskets.  At  the  same  time,  a  plot  of 
some  men,  irritated  by  suffering,  was  discovered.  Massena 
addressed  to  them  an  admirable  proclamation,  in  which  he  re- 
minded them  of  the  duties  of  the  soldier,  which  consist  as  much 
in  enduring  privations  and  hardships  as  in  braving  dangers ;  he 
pointed  out  to  them  the  example  of  their  officers,  living  upon 
the  same  food,  and  daily  exposing  themselves,  at  their  head,  to 
death  or  wounds.  He  told  them  that  the  First  Consul  was  ad- 
vancing with  an  army  to  deliver  them ;  that,  by  capitulating 
to-day,  they  should  lose  in  a  moment  the  result  of  two  months' 
efforts  and  devotedness.  "  A  few  days,  perhaps  a  few  hours 
longer,"  said  he,  "  and  you  will  be  delivered,  after  having  ren- 
dered eminent  services  to  your  country." 

Accordingly,  at  every  report,  every  sound  towards  the  horizon, 
they  imagined  that  they  heard  the  cannon  of  General  Bonaparte, 
and  eagerly  thronged  to  look  out.  One  day,  they  persuaded  them- 
selves that  cannon  were  firing  at  the  Bocchetta ;  a  mad  joy  burst 
forth  on  all  sides ;  Massena  himself  repaired  to  the  ramparts. 
Vain  illusion  !  It  was  the  sound  of  a  thunderstorm  in  the  gorges 
of  the  Apennines.     Again  they  sunk  into  the  deepest  dejection. 

At  length,  on  the  4th  of  June,  there  would  be  left  but  two 
ounces  of  that  horrid  bread,  made  of  starch  and  cacao,  to  each 
man  per  day.  The  surrender  of  the  place  could  be  no  longer 
deferred  ;  our  unfortunate  soldiers  could  not  be  reduced  to  such 
straits  as  to  devour  one  another,  and  there  was  an  inevitable 
term  to  resistance  in  the  material  impossibility  to  support  life. 
Besides,  the  army  was  conscious  that  it  had  done  all  that  could 
be  expected  of  its  courage.  It  felt  thoroughly  convinced  that  it 
no  longer  covered  the  Thermopylfe  of  France,  but  that  it  was 
made  subservient  to  a  mauceuvre,  which,  at  the  moment,  must 
have  succeeded  or  miscarried.  It  began,  in  particular,  to  believe 
that  the  First  Consul  was  more  solicitious  to  extend  his  com- 
binations than  to  afford  it  succour.  Massena  shared  this  feeling, 
without  avowing  it ;  but  he  did  not  consider  his  task  as  com- 
pletely accomplished  till  he  had  reached  the  last  possible  term 
of  resistance.  When  the  two  miserable  ounces  of  bread  left  to 
be  dealt  out  to  each  man  were  consumed,  he  must  surrender. 
He  made  up  his  mind  to  it,  at  least,  with  deep  chagrin. 

General  Ott  had  sent  a  flag  of  truce,  for  the  Austrians  were  as 
much  pressed  to  bring  the  affair  to  a  conclusion  as  the  French. 
That  general  had,  in  fact,  the  most  positive  orders  to  raise  the 
siege  of  Genoa,  and  to  fall  back  upon  Alexandria.  The  offers 
of  the  enemy,  say  some  historians,  ought  to  have  enlightened 
]\rassena.  No  doubt,  he  knew  that  if  he  stood  out  one  or  two 
days  longer,  he  might,  perhaps,  be  relieved ;  but  he  could  not 


JUNEiSoo       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  223 

wait.  "  Give  me,"  said  he  to  the  Genoese,  "  two  days'  provisions, 
one  day's  only,  and  I  shall  save  you  from  the  Austrian  yoke ;  I 
shall  save  my  army  from  the  mortification  of  surrender." 

At  length,  on  the  3rd  of  June,  Masscna  was  obliged  to  nego- 
tiate. The  Austrians  talked  of  capitulation ;  he  rejected  the 
idea  in  such  a  manner,  that  they  refrained  from  recurring  to  it. 
He  insisted  that  the  army  should  retire  freely,  with  arms  and 
baggage,  with  colours  flying,  and  at  liberty  to  serve  and  fight  as 
soon  as  it  should  have  passed  the  lines  of  the  besiegers.  "If 
not,"  said  he  to  the  Austrian  officers,  sent  with  the  flag  of  truce, 
"  I  will  sally  from  Genoa,  arms  in  hand.  With  8000  famished 
soldiers,  I  will  appear  before  your  camp,  and  I  will  fight  till  I 
force  my  way  through."  They  agreed  to  allow  the  garrison  to 
depart,  but  required  that  he  himself  should  remain  prisoner, 
because  they  were  afraid  lest,  with  such  a  commander,  the 
garrison,  proceeding  from  Genoa  to  Savona,  might  join  Suchet's 
troops,  and  attempt  some  formidable  enterprise  in  the  rear  of 
Baron  de  Melas.  To  allay  the  indignation  of  Massena,  they 
avowed  the  motive,  so  honourable  to  him,  of  this  condition.  He 
would  not  hear  of  it.  They  then  insisted  that  the  garrison 
should  retire  by  sea,  that  it  might  not  have  time  to  join  Suchet's 
corps.  To  all  these  propositions  he  returned  his  usual  answer, 
that  he  would  cut  his  way  through.  At  length  they  consented 
to  let  8000  men  depart  by  land,  in  other  words,  all  those  who 
could  still  support  the  weight  of  their  arms.  The  convalescents 
were  to  be  successively  embarked,  and  conveyed  to  the  head- 
quarters of  General  Suchet.  There  would  be  left  behind  4000 
sick,  whom  the  Austrians  engaged  to  victual,  to  take  care  of,  and 
to  restore  afterwards  to  the  French  army.  General  Miollis  was 
to  be  left  in  command  of  them.  Massena  made  stipulations  in 
favour  of  the  Genoese  ;  he  required,  as  an  express  condition,  that 
none  of  them  should  be  molested  for  opinions  manifested  during 
our  occupation,  that  persons  and  ]'>roperty  should  be  rigidly 
respected.  M.  de  Corvetto,  an  eminent  Genoese,  afterwards 
minister  in  France,  had  been  admitted  to  these  conferences,  that 
he  might  be  able  to  attest  tlie  efi^orts  made  in  behalf  of  his 
countrymen.  Massena  wished,  moreover,  that  they  sliould  be 
permitted  to  retain  the  form  of  government  whicli  tliey  then  had, 
and  for  which  they  were  indebted  to  the  French  Eevolution.  On 
this  point  the  Austrian  gencn-als  refused  to  enter  into  any  engage- 
ment. "Well,  then,"  said  Massena,  "do  as  you  ])lease  ;  but  I 
declare  to  you  that,  before  llic  fortniglit's  end,  1  will  be  back 
again  in  Genoa"' — a  ])ro])holic  declaration,  to  which  ]\I.  de  Si. 
Julien  made  this  nol)lo  and  delicate  re])ly  :  "  You  will  find  in  tliis 
place,  general,  men  whom  you  have  taught  how  to  defend  it." 

Th(^  definitive  conference  was  held  on  the  morning  of  tiie  4th 
of  June,  in  a  cha]iel  at  the  bridge  of  ( 'ornigliano.      'I'he  article. 


224  HISTORY  OF  THE  juneiSoo 

stipulating  that  part  of  the  army  should  be  allowed  to  retire  by- 
land,  gave  rise  to  a  last  difficulty.  But  Massena,  leaving  the 
Austrian  generals  no  other  alternative  than  to  consent  to  what 
he  desired,  or  to  expect  a  desperate  battle  on  the  morrow,  they 
yielded  the  point.  It  was  stipulated  that  this  convention  of 
evacuation,  from  which  the  word  capitulation  was  carefully 
banished,  should  be  concluded  that  same  evening.  The  enemy's 
officers,  we  may  add,  filled  with  admiration  for  the  French  general, 
paid  him  all  possible  attention  and  marks  of  respect. 

Evening  having  arrived,  he  still  hesitated  to  sign,  even  then 
hoping  that  he  might  be  delivered.  At  length,  when  it  was  im- 
possible to  delay  any  longer  without  breaking  his  word,  he  affixed 
his  signature.  On  the  following  day,  our  troops  marched  out, 
with  General  Gazan  at  their  head,  and  found  rations  at  the  ad- 
vanced posts.  Massena  himself  embarked,  that  he  might  reach 
the  headquarters  of  Suchet  the  more  expeditiously.  He  left 
the  port  in  a  vessel  carrying  the  tricoloured  flag,  and  under  the 
guns  of  the  English  squadron. 

Thus  ended  that  memorable  siege,  during  which  the  French 
army  had  signalised  itself  by  such  eminent  virtues  and  such 
eminent  services.  It  had  made  more  prisoners,  and  slain  more 
enemies,  than  it  numbered  soldiers.  With  15, OCX)  men,  it  had 
taken  or  put  hors  de  combat  more  than  18,000  Austriaus.  It 
had,  above  all,  destroyed  the  confidence  of  the  Austrian  army, 
by  compelling  it  to  make  incessant  and  extraordinary  efforts. 
But  would  the  reader  like  to  know  at  what  cost  this  brave 
garrison  of  Genoa  had  held  out  so  long?  Out  of  15,000  com- 
batants, it  had  lost  3000  in  fight ;  4000  others  were  wounded, 
more  or  less  severely ;  8000  only  were  fit  to  rejoin  the  active 
army.  Soult,  the  second  in  command,  had  fallen  into  the  hands 
of  the  enemy,  after  having  had  his  leg  broken.  Out  of  three 
generals  of  divisions,  one,  Marbot,  died  of  epidemic  disease ; 
another,  Gazan,  was  dangerously  wounded.  Out  of  six  generals 
of  brigade,  four  were  wounded,  Gardanne,  Petitot,  Fressinet, 
and  d'Arnaud.  Out  of  twelve  adjutant  -  generals,  six  were 
wounded,  one  taken,  one  killed.  Two  officers  of  the  staff  were 
killed,  seven  taken,  fourteen  wounded.  Eleven  colonels,  out  of 
seventeen,  were  put  hors  de  combat,  or  made  prisoners.  Three- 
fourths  of  the  officers  had  met  with  the  like  fate.  Thus  we 
see  that  it  was  by  setting  an  example  of  devot(>dness  that  the 
leaders  of  this  brave  army  supported  it  amidst  such  cruel  trials. 
In  a  word,  it  proved  itself  worthy  of  those  who  commanded  it, 
and  never  did  the  French  soldier  display  more  fortitude  and 
heroism.  Honour,  then,  to  the  unfortunate  bravery,  which,  by 
its  unbounded  steadfastness,  contributed  to  the  triumphs  of 
that  fortunate  bravery,  the  exploits  of  which  it  is  now  our 
province  to  record ! 


jUNEiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  225 

While,  urged  to  raise  the  siege  of  Genoa,  General  Ott  was 
granting  to  Massena  the  honourable  conditions  which  we  have 
just  specified,  General  Elsnitz,  recalled  by  the  orders  of  the 
Baron  de  Melas,  abandoned  the  bridge  of  the  Var.  The  attacks 
of  the  Austrians  upon  that  bridge  had  been  delayed,  because 
their  heavy  artillery,  conveyed  by  sea,  had  been  long  in  coming. 
Various  attempts  had  been  successively  made  on  the  22nd  and 
the  27th  of  May;  the  last,  in  particular,  was  a  real  effort  of 
despair,  on  the  part  of  General  Elsnitz,  who  was  determined  not 
to  spare  any  exertion  before  he  withdrew.  These  attacks  were 
gallantly  repulsed.  General  Elsnitz,  convinced  that  there  was 
no  chance  of  success,  then  thought  of  recrossing  the  mountains. 
Suchet,  forming  a  prompt  and  just  conception  of  the  intentions 
of  the  Austrian  general,  laid  his  plans  so  as  to  prevent  him 
from  executing  his  retreat  in  security.  He  clearly  perceived 
that,  by  continuing  to  manoeuvre  by  his  left  along  the  mountains, 
he  should  place  the  Austrians  in  a  perilous  situation,  and  should 
probably  be  enabled  to  take  from  them  some  detached  corjDS. 
Now,  outside  the  line  of  the  Var,  which  had  stayed  the  invasion, 
runs  in  a  parallel  direction  the  line  of  the  Roya,  the  source  of 
which  is  situated  at  the  Col  de  Tende  itself.  If  the  French,  pro- 
ceeding beyond  the  Var,  were  to  reach  the  sources  of  the  lioya 
before  the  Austrians,  they  would  oblige  their  adversaries  to 
move  along  the  crests  of  the  Apennines,  in  quest  of  a  pass 
through  them.  This  correct  conception  of  General  Suchet,  exe- 
cuted with  vigour,  was  crowned  with  complete  success.  He  began 
by  dislodging  General  Gorupp  from  Ronciglione,  continued  to 
march  briskly  by  his  left,  on  the  shaken  right  of  the  Austrians, 
took  successively  the  Col  de  Rauss,  which  affords  a  pass  from 
the  valley  of  the  Var  into  that  of  the  Roya,  and  the  famous 
camp  of  Mille  Fourches,  and,  master  of  the  Col  de  Tende,  he 
found  himself,  on  the  ist  of  June,  upon  the  line  of  retreat  of 
General  Elsnitz.  General  Gorupp,  thrown  in  disorder  on  the 
Upper  Roya,  had  still  time  to  gain  the  Col  de  Teude,  but  left 
many  dead  and  prisoners  by  the  way.  General  Elsnitz,  with  the 
rest  of  his  army,  had  no  other  course  but  to  follow  the  maritime 
slope,  as  far  as  Oneglia,  and  to  return  by  Pieve  and  St.  Jacques 
into  the  valley  of  the  Tanaro.  He  had  to  cross  tremendous 
mountains,  with  soldiers  already  demoralised  by  this  species  of 
flight,  and  having  at  his  heels  a  foe  who  passed  with  joy  from 
the  defensive  to  the  offensive.  For  five  whole  days  the  Aus- 
trians were  pursued  without  intermission,  experiencing  continual 
checks  ;  and,  at  length,  on  the  6th  of  June,  General  Flsnitz.  on 
his  arrival  at  Ormea,  numbered  not  so  many  as  10,000  men. 
On  the  7th,  he  was  at  Ceva.  General  Gorupp  had  retired  ujKm 
Coni,  with  a  weak  division.  The  loss  sustained  by  the  Austrian 
corjis,  since  leaving  the  Var,  was  estimated  at  10,000  men. 

VOL.    I.  V 


226  HISTORY  OF  THE  juneiSoo 

General  Sachet,  so  long  separated  from  Massena,  found  him 
again,  in  proceeding  along  the  coast,  in  the  environs  of  Savona. 
The  12,000  French  who  had  come  from  the  Var,  united  with 
the  8000  from  Genoa,  composed  a  corps  of  20,000  men,  advan- 
tageously placed  for  falling  upon  the  rear  of  M.  de  Melas.  But 
Massena  had  received,  in  landing,  a  very  dangerous  wound,  which 
prevented  him  from  mounting  on  horseback ;  the  8000  men  whom 
he  was  leading  were  emaciated  with  fatigue ;  and,  it  must  be 
confessed,  all  the  defenders  of  Genoa  harboured  in  their  breasts 
a  secret  ii'ritation  against  the  First  Consul,  who  was  known  to 
be  triumphing  at  Milan,  while  the  army  of  Liguria  was  reduced 
to  the  necessity  of  capitulating.  Massena  was  unwilling  that 
General  Suchet  should  run  the  risk  of  a  descent  into  Italy,  while 
in  ignorance  of  the  movements  about  to  be  made  beyond  the  Alps 
by  the  two  generals  opposed  to  each  other.  The  Baron  de  Melas, 
rejoined  by  all  his  lieutenants,  Haddick,  Kaim,  Elsnitz,  and  Ott, 
might  be  at  the  head  of  a  formidable  force,  fall  upon  Suchet,  and 
crush  him  before  he  went  to  meet  General  Bonaparte.  Massena 
permitted  his  lieutenant,  Suchet,  to  cross  the  Apennines,  to  post 
himself  in  advance  of  Acqui,  and  ordered  him  to  remain  in  that 
position,  observing,  harassing  the  Austrian  army,  and  hanging 
over  its  head  like  the  sword  of  Damocles.  We  shall  see  presently 
what  further  services  the  army  of  Liguria  rendered  by  its  mere 
presence  on  the  summit  of  the  Apennines. 

Massena  thought  that  this  brave  army,  in  terminating  by  a 
threatening  movement  the  memorable  defence  of  Genoa,  had 
done  enough  for  the  triumph  of  the  First  Consul,  and  that  it 
could  not  do  more  without  imprudence :  this  great  captain  was 
right.  He  turned  over  the  Austrians,  exhausted,  reduced  by 
above  one-third,  to  General  Bonaparte.  Of  tlie  70,000  men 
who  had  crossed  the  Apennines,  there  returned  not  more  than 
40,000,  including  the  detachment  brought  back  by  M.  de  Melas 
to  Turin.  The  50,000  left  in  Lombardy  were  also  much  re- 
duced, and,  moreover,  widely  dispersed.  Generals  Haddick  and 
Kaim,  who  guarded,  the  one  the  valley  of  Aosta,  the  other  the 
valley  of  Susa,  had  sustained  very  considerable  losses.  General 
Wukassowich,  thrown  beyond  the  Mincio,  and  separated  from  his 
commander-in-chief  by  the  French  army  which  descended  from 
the  St.  Bernard,  was  paralysed  for  the  rest  of  the  campaign. 
A  corps  of  some  thousand  men  had  ventured  into  Tuscany.  By 
immediately  uniting  Generals  Elsnitz  and  Ott,  who  were  re- 
turning from  the  banks  of  the  Yar  and  from  Genoa,  with 
Generals  Haddick  and  Kaim,  who  were  coming  from  the  valleys 
of  Aosta  and  Susa,  M.  de  Melas  might  still  form  a  mass  of  about 
75,000  men.  But  it  was  requisite  that  he  should  leave  garri- 
sons in  the  fortresses  of  Piedmont  and  Liguria,  such  as  Genoa, 
Savona,  Gavi,  Acqui,  Coni,  Turin,  Alexandria,  and  Tortona;  so 


JUNEiSoo       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  227 

that  there  would  not  be  left  him  more  than  fifty  and  some  odd 
thousand  soldiers  to  place  in  line  on  a  day  of  battle,  supposing 
that  he  did  not  sacrifice  too  great  a  number  to  the  guarding 
of  the  fortresses,  and  that  the  junction  of  his  generals  was 
effected  without  accident. 

The  situation  of  the  Austrian  generalissimo  was,  therefore, 
extremely  critical,  even  after  the  reduction  of  Genoa.  It  was 
critical,  not  only  on  account  of  the  dispersion  and  the  diminution 
of  his  forces,  but  also  on  account  of  the  route  to  be  pursued,  in 
order  to  get  out  of  the  cramped  enclosure  of  Piedmont,  in  which 
General  Bonaparte  had  confined  him.  He  would  be  obliged, 
in  fact,  to  recross  the  Po  before  the  face  of  the  French,  and  to 
regain,  through  Lombardy,  which  they  occupied,  the  highroad 
to  Tyrol  and  to  the  Friule.  The  difficulty  would  be  immense  in 
presence  of  an  adversary,  who  excelled,  particularly  in  war,  in 
the  art  of  great  movements. 

M.  de  i\Ielas  had  remained  master  of  the  Upper  Po,  from  its 
source  to  Valenza.  It  would  be  easy  for  him  to  cross  that  river 
at  Turin,  Chivasso,  Casale,  or  Valenza,  no  matter  which ;  but 
if  he  crossed  at  one  of  these  points,  he  would  fall  upon  the 
Tessino,  which  General  ]?onaparte  occupied,  and  upon  Milan, 
the  centre  of  all  the  French  forces.  He  had,  therefore,  but 
little  chance  of  escape  in  that  quarter.  Still  he  would  have  this 
course  left — to  appny  on  his  right,  to  proceed  towards  the  lower 
part  of  the  Po,  that  is,  march  to  Piacenza  or  Cremona,  in  order 
to  gain  the  highroad  to  Mantua.  If  he  pursued  this  plan, 
Piacenza  would  become  for  both  adversaries  the  capital  point 
to  occupy.  For  M,  de  Melas,  it  would  be  almost  the  only  way 
to  escape  the  Caudine  Forks ;  for  General  Bonaparte,  it  would 
be  the  means  of  reaping  the  reward  of  his  audacious  march 
across  the  Alps.  If,  in  fact,  the  latter  suffered  the  Austrians  to 
escape,  though  he  should  have  delivered  Piedmont,  this  would 
be  but  a  meagre  result,  in  comparison  with  the  perils  wliich  he 
had  braved ;  he  should  even  incur  some  ridicule  in  the  eyes  of 
Europe,  attentive  to  this  campaign ;  for  his  manoeuvre,  the  in- 
tention of  wliich  was  now  manifest,  would  be  baflied.  I'iacenza 
was,  consequently,  the  key  of  Piedmont ;  it  was  indispensable, 
as  well  to  him  who  wanted  to  get  out  of  it,  as  for  him  who 
wished  to  shut  up  his  adversary  there. 

From  tliese  considerations  M.  de  ]\Ielas  fixed  upon  two  points 
for  the  concentration  of  his  troops :  Alexandria  for  the  troops 
which  were  in  Upper  Piedmont ;  Piacenza  for  those  wliich 
were  about  Genoa.  He  ordered  Generals  Haddick  and  Kaim  to 
march  from  Turin,  by  Asti,  upon  Alexandria  :  General  Klsnitz, 
who  liad  returned  from  the  banks  of  the  Var,  to  proceed  thither 
by  Ceva  and  Cherasco.  These  three  corps,  once  unittnl,  were 
to  move  from  Alexandria  to   Piacenza.     lie  enjoined   General 


228  HISTORY  OF  THE  juneiSoo 

Ott,  returning  from  Genoa,  to  descend  direct,  by  the  Bocchetta 
and  Tortona,  upon  Piacenza.  A  corps  of  infantry,  relieved 
from  all  the  incumbrances  of  an  army,  had  orders  to  proceed 
thither  still  more  directly  by  the  route  of  Bobbio,  which  runs 
along  the  valley  of  the  Trebbia.  Lastly,  General  Oreilly,  who 
was  already  around  Alexandria  with  a  strong  detachment  of 
cavalry,  received  instructions  not  to  await  the  concentration  of 
the  troops  from  Upper  Piedmont,  but  proceed  to  Piacenza  at 
the  utmost  speed  of  his  horses.  The  little  corps  hazarded  in 
Tuscany  likewise  received  instructions  to  repair  thither,  through 
the  duchy  of  Parma,  and  by  the  road  of  Fioreuzuola.  Thus, 
while  the  principal  part  of  the  Austrian  army  was  concentrating 
itself  upon  Alexandria,  for  the  pui"pose  of  thence  marching  to 
Piacenza,  the  corps  nearest  to  Piacenza  itself  had  orders  to 
march  thither  in  a  direct  line  and  instantaneously. 

But  it  was  doubtful  whether  it  would  be  possible  to  anticipate 
General  Bonaparte  in  so  important  an  object.  He  had  lost  at 
Milan  five  or  six  days  in  waiting  for  the  corps  coming  from  the 
St.  Gothard — most  valuable  time,  since  Genoa  had  fallen  in 
that  interval.  But  now  that  General  Moncey,  with  the  troops 
detached  from  Germany,  had  crossed  the  St.  Gothard,  he  was 
not  going  to  lose  another  minute.  Placed  on  the  route  of  the 
couriers  despatched  from  Vienna  to  M.  de  Melas  at  Turin,  and 
sent  back  by  M.  de  Melas  from  Turin  to  Vienna,  he  was  now 
initiated  in  all  the  plans  of  the  imperial  government.  Pie  had 
read,  for  example,  the  singular  despatches,  in  which  M.  de 
Thugut,  cheering  up  the  Austrian  general,  recommended  to  him 
to  be  easy,  and  not  suffer  himself  to  be  diverted  from  his  object 
by  the  fable  of  the  army  of  reserve ;  to  possess  himself  as 
speedily  as  possible  of  Genoa  and  of  the  line  of  the  Var,  that 
he  might  be  able  to  spare  a  detachment  to  reinforce  the  army  of 
Marshal  de  Kray,  driven  back  upon  Ulm.  He  had  read  also  the 
despatches  of  M.  de  Melas,  at  first  full  of  confidence,  and  very 
soon  of  anxiety  and  uneasiness.  This  satisfaction,  however,  was 
somewhat  disturbed  on  the  8th  of  June,  when  he  learned  from 
this  same  correspondence  that  Massena  had  been  obliged  to 
surrender  Genoa  on  the  4th.  This  intelligence,  it  is  true,  made 
no  change  in  his  plan  for  the  campaign  ;  for,  having  determined 
to  get  upon  the  rear  of  the  enemy,  in  order  to  envelop  him,  and 
to  oblige  him  to  lay  down  his  arms,  if  he  succeeded,  Italy  and 
the  city  of  Genoa  would  be  reconquered  at  one  blow.  The  really 
serious  inconvenience  resulting  from  the  reduction  of  Genoa 
was,  that  he  should  have  on  his  hands  the  disposable  troops  of 
General  Ott.  But  the  intercepted  despatch  brought  consolation 
with  it;  for  this  despatch  said  that  Massena's  soldiers  were 
not  prisoners  of  war.  If,  therefore,  on  the  one  hand,  a  more 
considerable   Austrian   force   was   about  to    descend  from    the 


JUNE  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  229 

Apennines;  on  the  other,  French  troops,  which  he  could  not 
reckon  upon  at  first,  were  to  descend  from  the  Apennines,  at 
the  heels  of  the  Austrian  troops. 

The  First  Consul,  now  that  Genoa  had  opened  its  gates,  was 
in  less  hurry  to  meet  M.  de  Melas.  But  it  was  most  urgent 
for  him  to  occupy  the  line  of  the  Po,  from  Pavia  to  Piacenza 
and  Cremona ;  and  he  made  dispositions  quite  as  active  as  those 
of  M.  de  Melas,  to  possess  himself  of  such  important  points, 
and  especially  of  Piacenza.  While  he  was  occupied  at  Milan  in 
collecting  the  troops  which  had  come  from  the  different  points 
of  the  Alps,  he  marched  the  troops  which  had  come  with  him 
by  the  St.  Bernard  upon  the  Po.  Lannes  had  already  taken 
possession  of  Pavia  with  Watrin's  division.  This  general  was 
directed  to  cross  the  Po  a  little  below  its  junction  with  the 
Tessino  :  that  is  to  say,  at  Belgiojoso.  Murat,  with  Boudet's 
and  Monnier's  divisions,  had  orders  to  cross  it  at  Piacenza ; 
Duhesme,  with  Loison's  division,  at  Cremona. 

On  the  6th  of  June,  Lannes,  having  collected  at  Pavia,  in  the 
Tessino,  all  the  disposable  craft,  took  them  into  the  Po,  and,  on 
arriving  between  Belgiojoso  and  San  Cipriano,  set  about  cross- 
ing. General  Watriu,  who  was  placed  under  his  command, 
crossed  the  river  with  a  detachment.  No  sooner  had  he  reached 
the  right  bank,  than  he  was  attacked  by  the  troops  which  had 
come  from  ^'alenza  and  Alexandria,  and  were  hastening  to 
Piacenza.  He  was  in  danger  of  being  thrown  into  the  river ; 
but  General  Watrin  stood  firm,  till  the  boats  jjoino-  and  return- 
iug  had  brought  him  reinforcements,  and  he  was  finally  left 
master  of  the  ground.  The  remainder  of  Watrin's  division,  led 
by  Lannes,  then  passed  over,  and  took  a  position  a  little  farther 
on,  threatening  the  highroad  from  Alexandria  to  Piacenza. 

The  same  day  IMurat  arrived  before  Piacenza.  The  Austrian 
commissariat  was  established  in  that  town,  with  some  liundreds 
of  men  to  guard  the  stores.  On  the  approach  of  the  danger,  the 
Austrian  officer  ordered  cannon  to  be  ])]anted  at  the  tetc  du  i^ont 
of  ]^iacenza,  situated  on  the  left  bank  of  the  I'o,  and  endeavoured 
to  defend  himself  there,  till  the  corps,  which  were  advancing  on 
all  sides,  should  have  come  to  liis  aid.  The  advanced  guard  of 
Monnier's  division,  conceiving  that  it  was  approaching  an  un- 
defended position,  was  received  with  a  tremendous  discharge 
of  grape-shot,  and  could  make  no  impression  on  it  by  attacking 
in  front.  It  was  therefore  determined  to  wait  till  next  day  to 
make  a  regular  attack. 

On  the  following  dav,  tlu^  7th,  General  Oreilly.  wlui  had  re- 
ceived orders  from  M.  de  IMelas  to  ride  with  all  sjieed  to  Piacenza, 
arrived  there  witli  liis  cavalry.  The  otlier  Austrian  cor]>s.  tliat 
which  was  ascendin*,'  from  l\arma  by  Fiorenzuola,  that  which 
was  descending  with  General  Gottesheim  by  Bobbio,  and  that 


230  HISTORY  OF  THE  juiNeiSoo 

coming  with  General  Ott  by  Tortona,  had  not  yet  arrived. 
General  Oreilly  alone,  with  his  squadrons,  could  scarcely  be 
equal  to  the  defence  of  Piacenza.  The  few  hundred  men  who 
had  attempted  to  resist  at  the  tetc  du  pont  had  lost  one-fourth 
of  their  number.  In  this  situation  the  Austrian  commandant 
ordered  all  the  artillery  to  be  taken  away,  and  the  bridge  of 
Piacenza,  formed  of  boats,  to  be  cut ;  and  when  General  Boudet 
hastened  up  to  repair  the  check  of  the  preceding  day,  he  found 
the  tete  du  pont  evacuated,  and  the  bridge  itself  destroyed.  But 
part  of  the  boats  employed  in  its  construction  were  still  left. 
Murat  took  possession  of  them,  and  caused  Monnier's  brigade 
to  be  conveyed  to  the  other  side  of  the  Po  by  successive  trips,  a 
little  lower  down,  at  Nocetto.  This  brigade  fell  upon  Piacenza, 
and  penetrated  into  it,  after  a  very  warm  contest.  General 
Oreilly  hastily  fell  back,  that  he  might  be  in  time  to  save  the 
park  of  artillery  coming  from  Alexandria,  and  which  would  be 
in  danger  of  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  French,  if  it  appeared 
before  Piacenza.  He  retreated,  in  fact,  with  such  expedition  as 
to  prevent  that  park  from  falling  into  the  hands  either  of  Murat 
or  of  Lannes.  He  had  to  make  more  than  one  charge  of  cavalry 
against  the  advanced  troo]3s  of  Lannes,  which  had  crossed  the 
]'o  at  Belgiojoso ;  but  he  disengaged  himself,  and  had  time  to 
issue  counter-orders  to  the  park,  which  shut  itself  up  in  Tortona. 
While  General  Oreilly,  passing  almost  scatbless  through  our  ad- 
vanced posts,  was  returning  to  Alexandria,  the  advanced  guard 
of  the  infantry  of  General  Gottesheim,  which  had  descended 
along  the  Trebbia,  by  Bobbio,  appeared  before  Piacenza.  It  was 
Klebeck's  regiment,  which  had  thus  come  upon  Boudet's  entire 
division,  and  got  cut  to  pieces.  This  unfortunate  regiment, 
assailed  by  superior  forces,  lost  a  great  number  of  prisoners,  and 
fell  back  in  disorder  upon  Gottesheim's  principal  corps,  which 
it  preceded.  General  Gottesheim,  alarmed  at  this  rencontre,  re- 
ascended  in  all  haste  the  slope  of  the  Apennines,  to  return  across 
the  mountains  to  Tortona  and  Alexandria,  which  caused  him 
to  lose  his  way,  and  wander  about  for  several  successive  days. 
Lastly,  the  regiment  returning  from  Tuscany,  by  the  route  of 
Parma  and  Fiorenzuola,  arrived  the  same  day  before  the  suburbs 
of  Piacenza.  The  consequence  was  a  fresh  rout  of  that  detached 
corps,  which,  falling  unawares  into  the  midst  of  an  enemy's 
army,  was  thrown  back  in  disorder  upon  the  Parma  road.  Thus, 
out  of  the  four  corps  marching  upon  Piacenza,  three — the  least 
important,  it  is  true — had  been  overthrown  and  fled,  leaving 
prisoners  behind  them.  The  fourth  and  most  considerable,  that 
of  General  Ott,  having  a  longer  circuit  to  make,  was  still  behind, 
and  was  soon  to  fall  in  with  Lannes,  in  advance  of  Belgiojoso. 
Prom  this  moment  the  French  were  masters  of  the  Po,  and  had 
in  their  possession  the  two  principal  passages,  that  of  Belgiojoso, 


jUNEiSoo       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  231 

near  Pavia,  and  that  of  Piacenza  itself.  They  soon  occupied  a 
third ;  for,  on  the  following  day,  General  Duhesme,  at  the  head 
of  Loison's  division,  took  Cremona  from  a  detachment  which 
General  Wukassowich  had  left  in  that  city  when  he  retired.  He 
took  there  a  great  quantity  of  materiel  and  2000  prisoners. 

General  Bonaparte  directed  all  these  operations  from  Milan. 
He  had  sent  Berthier  to  the  bank  of  the  Po,  and,  day  by  day, 
frequently  hour  by  hour,  prescribed,  in  an  incessant  correspon- 
dence, the  movements  that  were  to  be  executed. 

Though,  by  possessing  himself  of  the  Po  from  Pavia  to  Pia- 
cenza, he  was  master  of  the  line  of  retreat  which  M.  de  Melas 
might  be  expected  to  attempt  to  follow,  yet  other  points  claimed 
consideration  :  for  what  rendered  the  route  of  Piacenza  the  real 
line  of  retreat  for  the  Austrians  was  the  presence  of  the  French 
behind  the  Tessino  and  about  Milan.  The  French,  in  fact,  in 
this  position  closed  the  passage  which  the  Austrians  would  have 
had  it  in  their  power  to  open  by  crossing  the  I^o  between  Turin 
and  Valenza ;  but  if  now,  for  the  puqjose  of  going  to  meet  M. 
de  Melas,  the  French  were  to  cross  the  Po  between  Pavia  and 
Piacenza,  and  thus  to  abandon  Milan  and  to  weaken  the  Tessino, 
they  might  again  hold  out  to  M.  de  JMelas  a  temptation  to  cross, 
either  at  Turin,  or  at  Casale,  or  at  Valenza,  to  harass  our  un- 
covered rear,  enter  the  city  of  Milan  itself,  and  to  serve  us 
nearly  as  we  had  served  him  in  descending  from  the  Alps. 

Neither  was  it  impossible  that  M.  de  Melas,  sacrificing  part 
of  his  baggage  and  of  his  heavy  artillery,  w^hich,  besides,  he 
could  leave  in  the  fortresses  of  l^icdmont,  might  retire  upon 
Genoa,  then,  ascending  again  by  'J'ortona  and  Novi,  as  far  as 
the  Bocchetta,  and  there  striking  into  the  valley  of  the  'J'rebbia, 
might  contrive  to  reach  the  J^o,  below  Piacenza,  in  the  environs 
of  Cremona  or  Parma,  and  succeed  in  gaining  Mantua  and  the 
Austrian  States  by  this  out  of  the  way  route.  This  march  across 
Liguria  and  along  tlie  back  of  the  Apennines,  the  same  that  had 
recently  been  prescribed  to  General  Gottesheim,  was  the  least 
]')robable,  for  it  presented  great  difficulties,  and  would  occasion 
the  sacrifice  of  part  of  the  mdtcrid ;  but  it  was  strictly  possible, 
and  it  was  necessary  to  provide  against  it  as  well  as  the  others. 
The  whole  attention  of  General  Bona])arte  was  now  engrossed 
in  securinof  himself  acfainst  these  various  continfjencies :  and 
History  furnishes  perha]is  no  example  of  combinations  so  skil- 
ful, so  profoundly  conceived,  as  those  which  he  devised  on  this 
decisive  occasion. 

He  had  this  trij^le  problem  to  solve  :  to  close  by  a  barrier  of 
iron  the  princi]')al  rr)ut«\  that  leading  direct  fi-oiu  Alexandria 
to  ]'iacenza  :  to  occupy,  in  such  a  manner  as  to  be  able  to 
hasten  thither  in  case  of  need,  tliat  which,  passing  along  the 
Upper  Po,  fell  upon  llie  Tessino  ;  lastly,  to  retain  the  faculty  of 


232  HISTORY  OF  THE  june  i8cx) 

descending  timely  upon  the  Lower  Po,  if  the  Austrians,  seeking 
to  fly  along  the  back  of  the  Apennines,  should  attempt  to 
cross  the  river  below  Piacenza,  towards  Cremona  or  Parma. 
General  Bonaparte,  incessantly  poring  over  the  map  of  Italy 
to  find  a  post  which  fulfilled  these  three  conditions,  made  a 
choice  worthy  of  being  for  ever  admired. 

If  we  examine  the  course  of  the  chain  of  the  Apennines, 
we  shall  see  that,  in  consequence  of  the  curve  which  it  forms 
to  embrace  the  Gulf  of  Genoa,  it  runs  northward,  and  throws 
out  branches  which  approach  very  closely  to  the  Po,  from  the 
position  of  La  Stradella  to  the  environs  of  Piacenza.  In  all 
this  part  of  Piedmont  and  the  duchy  of  Parma,  the  foot  of 
the  heights  advances  so  near  to  the  river  as  to  leave  but  a 
very  narrow  space  for  the  highroad  to  Piacenza.  An  army 
posted  in  advance  of  La  Stradella,  at  the  entrance  of  a  sort  of 
defile  several  leagues  in  length,  its  left  upon  the  heights,  its 
centre  upon  the  road,  its  right  along  the  Po  and  the  marshy 
groands  that  border  it,  is  difficult  to  dislodge.  It  must  be 
added  that  the  route  is  studded  with  hamlets  and  villages,  built 
of  stone,  and  very  capable  of  resisting  cannon.  Against  the 
imperial  army,  which  was  strong  in  cavalry  and  artillery,  this 
position,  therefore,  independently  of  its  natural  advantages, 
possessed  the  property  of  annulling  those  two  arms. 

It  had,  moreover,  other  most  peculiar  advantages.  It  is 
very  near  this  position  that  the  tributary  streams  on  the  other 
side  of  the  Po,  most  important  to  occupy,  such  as  the  Tessino 
and  the  Adda,  effect  their  junction.  Thus  the  Tessino  falls 
into  the  Po,  a  little  below  Pavia  and  above  Belgiojoso,  nearly 
opposite  to  La  Stradella,  at  the  distance  of  two  leagues  at  most. 
The  Adda,  running  beyond  and  for  a  greater  distance  before 
it  unites  with  the  Po,  discharges  itself  into  that  river  between 
Piacenza  and  Cremona.  The  reader  will  at  once  comprehend 
that,  placed  at  La  Stradella,  and  master  of  the  bridges  of 
Belgiojoso,  of  Piacenza,  and  of  Cremona,  General  Bonaparte 
would  be  in  possession  of  the  most  decisive  points ;  for  he 
would  bar  the  principal  road,  that  from  Alexandria  to  Piacenza, 
and  he  would  have  it  in  his  power,  at  the  same  time,  by  a  long- 
march,  to  hasten  to  the  Tessino,  or  to  redescend  the  Po  to 
Cremona,  and  to  fly  towards  the  Adda,  which  covered  his  rear 
against  the  corps  of  Wukassowich. 

It  was  in  this  sjDecies  of  net,  formed  by  the  Apennines,  the  Po, 
the  Tessino,  and  the  Adda,  that  he  distributed  his  forces.  He 
resolved  first  to  proceed  to  La  Stradella  himself,  with  the  30,000 
best  soldiers  of  his  army,  Watrin's,  Chambarlhac's,  Gardanne's, 
Bondet's,  and  Monnier's  divisions,  placed  under  ]\rurat,  Victor, 
and  Launes,  in  the  position  that  we  have  described,  the  left  to 
the  mountains,  the  centre  upon  the  highroad,  the  right  along 


JUNE  1 800      CONS  ULA  TE  AND  TEE  EMPIRE.  233 

the  Po.  Chabran's  division,  which  had  come  by  the  Little  St. 
Bernard,  and  had  at  first  been  directed  to  occupy  Ivrea,  was 
afterwards  sent  on  to  Vercelli,  with  orders  to  fall  back  upon 
the  Tessino,  in  case  of  the  enemy's  approach.  Lapoype's 
division,  which  descended  the  St.  Gothard,  was  posted  on  the 
Tessino  itself,  in  the  environs  of  Pa  via.  These  were  from  9000 
to  10,000  men,  who  were  to  fall  back  upon  one  another,  to  dis- 
pute the  passage  of  the  Tessino  to  the  last  extremity,  and  to  give 
General  Bonaparte  time  to  hasten  in  one  day  to  their  assistance. 
The  detachment  of  the  Simplon  guarded,  under  General  B(3then- 
court,  towards  Arona,  the  route  of  the  St.  Gothard,  the  retreat 
of  the  French  army  in  case  of  disaster.  Gilly's  division  was  to 
guard  Milan  :  this  was  rendered  necessary  by  the  presence  of  an 
Austrian  garrison  in  the  citadel  of  that  city.  There  were  three 
or  four  thousand  more  men  destined  for  this  twofold  purpose. 
Lastly,  Lorges'  division,  which  had  come  from  Germany,  had 
orders  to  establish  itself  at  Lodi  ofi  the  Adda.  Loison's  division, 
which  formed  part  of  the  army  of  reserve,  was  commissioned, 
under  the  command  of  General  Duhesme,  to  defend  Piacenza 
and  Cremona.  This  was  another  force  of  10,000  or  1 1,000  men 
employed  on  these  two  last  points. 

Such  was  the  distribution  of  the  fifty  odd  thousand  soldiers 
whom  General  Bonaparte  had  at  his  disposal  at  the  moment ; 
32,000  were  at  the  central  point  of  La  Stradella,  from  9000  to 
10,000  on  the  Tessino,  3000  or  4000  at  Milan  and  Arona,  lastly, 
from  10,000  to  1 1,000  on  the  lower  course  of  the  Po  and  of  the 
Adda,  all  placed  in  such  a  manner  as  to  support  one  another 
reciprocally  with  extreme  promptness.  In  fact,  on  receiving 
notice  from  the  Tessino,  General  Bonaparte  could  in  a  day  fly 
to  the  succour  of  the  10,000  French  who  guarded  it.  On  notice 
from  the  Lower  Po,  he  could,  in  the  same  space  of  time, 
descend  upon  Piacenza  and  Cremona,  while  General  Loison, 
defending  the  passage  of  the  river,  would  give  him  time  to 
hasten  up.  All  and  each  of  them,  on  their  part,  could  march 
ujwn  La  Stradella  and  reinforce  General  Bonaparte  in  as  short 
a  time  as  it  would  take  him  to  reach  them. 

General  Bonaparte  seemed  here  to  deviate  from  his  usual 
principle,  that  of  concentrating  his  forces  on  the  eve  of  a  great 
battle.  If  such  a  concentration  jiasses  for  a  masterpiece  of  art 
when  it  is  effected  seasonably,  at  the  moment  of  a  decisiv(^  action, 
and  in  the  case  of  two  adversaries  anxious  to  measun*  their 
strength,  totally  different  tactics  should  be  employed  when  one  of 
the  two  is  attempting  to  esca]5e.  and  the  art  consists  in  seizing 
before  fighting  him  !  Such  was  the  case  here.  It  was  re(|uisite, 
in  fact,  that  General  Bonapartt^  should  s]:)read  a  net  around  tlit^ 
Austrian  army,  and  that  this  net  should  be  strong  enough  to 
detain  it :   for,  if  there  had  been  on  the  Tessino  or  the  Lower 


234  HISTORY  OF  THE  juneiSoo 

Po  nothing  but  advanced  guards,  proper  at  most  for  giving  notice, 
not  for  barring  the  road  against  an  enemy,  the  aim  would  have 
been  totally  missed.  There  were  needed  at  all  the  points  posts 
capable  at  once  of  giving  warning  and  of  keeping  the  Austrians 
in  check,  whilst  a  principal  mass  was  retained  at  the  centre  ready 
to  hasten  to  any  quarter  with  decisive  means.  It  was  impossible, 
then,  to  combine  with  more  profound  art  the  employment  of 
his  forces,  and  to  modify  more  skilfully  the  application  of  his 
own  principles,  than  General  Bonaparte  did  on  this  occasion. 
It  is  in  their  manner  of  applying,  according  to  circumstances, 
a  true  but  general  principle,  that  we  recognise  superior  men 
of  action. 

This  plan  once  decided  upon.  General  Bonaparte  gave  his 
orders  accordingly.  Lannes,  with  Watrin's  division,  had  been 
despatched  to  La  Stradella  by  Pavia  and  Belgiojoso.  It  was 
of  importance  that  Ohambarlhac's,  Gardanne's,  Monnier's,  and 
Boudet's  divisions  should  carry  to  him  the  succour  of  their 
forces  before  the  Austrian  corps — which,  repulsed  from  Piacenza, 
might  join  General  Ott's  force  towards  Tortona — should  have 
time  to  press  him.  This  was  what  General  Bonaparte  had 
foreseen  with  his  prodigious  sagacity.  Being  unable  to  leave 
Milan  till  the  8th  and  to  reach  La  Stradella  before  the  9th,  he 
despatched  the  following  instructions  to  Berthier,  Lannes,  and 
Murat.  "Concentrate  yourselves,"  said  he,  "at  La  Stradella.  On 
the  8th,  or  the  9th  at  latest,  you  will  have  upon  your  hands 
15,000  or  18,000  Austrians,  coming  from  Genoa.  Go,  meet 
them,  rout  them.  There  will  be  so  many  the  fewer  Austrians 
to  fight  on  the  day  of  the  decisive  battle  which  awaits  us  with 
the  whole  army  of  M.  de  Melas."  Having  given  these  orders, 
he  set  out  on  the  8th  from  Milan  to  cross  the  Po  in  person 
and  to  be  the  next  day  at  La  Stradella. 

It  was  impossible  to  divine  more  accurately  the  movements  of 
the  enemy.  We  said  just  now  that  three  Austrian  detachments 
had  appeared  uselessly  before  Piacenza ;  that  the  detachment 
which  had  arrived  from  Tuscany  by  Fiorenzuola  had  been  driven 
back ;  that  the  detachment  of  General  Gottesheim,  who  had 
descended  with  infantry  by  the  valley  of  the  Trebbia,  had  been 
thrown  back  into  that  valley ;  lastly,  that  General  Oreilly,  has- 
tening from  Alexandria  with  cavalry,  had  been  forced  to  return 
towards  Tortona.  But  General  Ott,  on  his  part,  marching  by 
the  road  from  Genoa  to  Tortona,  arrived  at  La  Stradella  on  the 
morning  of  the  9th  of  June,  as  General  Bonaparte  had  foreseen. 
He  brought  along  before  him  Generals  Gottesheim  and  Oreilly, 
whom  he  had  met  retreating,  and  determined  to  make  a  vigorous 
effort  upon  Piacenza,  not  imagining  that  nearly  the  whole  French 
army  could  be  posted  en  dchelon  in  the  defile  of  La  Stradella. 
Including  the  troops  that  had  just  rejoined  him,  he  had   17,000 


JUNEiSoo       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  235 

or  18,000  men.  Lannes  could  not  collect,  on  the  morning  of 
the  9th,  more  than  7000  or  8000;  but  in  consequence  of  the 
repeated  warnings  of  the  commander-in-chief,  from  5000  to  6000 
more  were  to  rejoin  him  in  the  course  of  the  day.  The  field  of 
battle  was  that  which  we  have  described.  Lannes  presented 
himself — his  left  on  the  heights  of  the  Apennines,  the  centre  on 
the  chauss4e  towards  the  hamlet  of  Casteggio,  the  right  on  the 
plain  of  the  Po.  He  had  been  wrong  in  proceeding  a  little  too 
far  in  advance  of  La  Stradella,  towards  Casteggio  and  Montebello, 
just  where  the  road  ceases  to  form  a  defile,  owing  to  the  extent 
of  the  plain.  But  the  French,  full  of  confidence,  though  inferior 
in  number,  were  capable  of  the  greatest  efforts  of  devotedness, 
especially  under  a  leader  like  Lannes,  who  possessed  in  the  highest 
degree  the  art  of  inducing  them  to  follow  him  anywhere. 

Lannes,  directing  with  vigour  Watrin's  division  upon   Cas- 
teggio, beat  back  the  advanced  posts  of  Oreilly.     His  plan  con- 
sisted in  making  himself  master  of  the  hamlet  of  Casteggio, 
lying  before  him  on  the  road,  either  by  attacking  it  in  front, 
or  by  turning  it  by  the  plain  of  the  Po  on  the  one  hand,  by 
the  acclivities  of  the  Apennines  on  the  other.     The  numerous 
artillery  of  the  Austrians,  established  on  the  road,  swept  the 
ground  in  all  directions.     Two  battalions  of  the  6tli  light  strove 
to  take  this  murderous  artillery  by  turning  it  by  the   right; 
while  the  3rd  battalion  of  the   6th  and  the   whole  40th   en- 
deavoured to  gain  the  neighbouring  hills,  situated  on  the  left. 
and  the  rest  of  Watrin's  division  marched  upon  Casteggio  itself, 
where  the   centre   of  the  enemy   was.      An  obstinate  combat 
ensued  at  all  these  points.     The  French  had  well-nigh  carried 
the  attacked  positions,  when  General  Gottesheim,  hastening  u]) 
with  his  infantry  to  support  Oreilly,  overthrew  the  battalions 
which  had  climbed  the  heights.      Lannes,  under  a  tremendous 
fire,  supported  his  troops,  and  prevented  them  from  yielding  to 
numbers.      They  were,  nevertheless,  ready  to  succumb,  when 
Cliambarlhac's  division,  forming  part  of  General  Victor's  cor]')s, 
arrived.     General  Pivaud,  at  the  head  of  the  43rd,  climbed  the 
heights  afresh,  rallied  the  French  battalions  which  had  been  re- 
pulsed from  them,  and,  after  incredible  efforts,  finally  maintained 
himself  there.     At  the  centre,  that  is,  on  the  highroad,  the  96th 
came  to  the  assistance  of  General  Watrin  in  his  attack  on  the 
hamlet  of  Casteggio  ;  and  the  24th,  extending  itself  to  the  riglit 
in  the  plain,  endeavoured  to  turn  the  left  of  the  enc^my,  in  order 
to  silence  the  fire  of  his  artillery.     During  this  conibin(>d  effort 
on  the  wings,  the  brave  Watrin  had  to  sustain  a  furious  combat 
in  Casteggio  ;  he  lost  and  retook  the  hamlet  several  times.     J]ut 
Lannes,  present  everywhere,  gave  the  decisive  im]iulsion.      15y 
his  orders.  General  ]{ivaiul,  on  the  left,  having  remained  master 
of   the   heierhts   and   crossed   them,   descended    on    tlu>    rear    of 


236  HISTORY  OF  THE  june  1800 

Casteggio ;  the  troops,  sent  into  the  plain  on  the  right,  turned 
the  hotly  contested  hamlet ;  both  marched  to  Montebello,  while 
General  Watrin,  making  a  last  effort  on  the  enemy's  centre, 
broke  through  it,  and  at  length  proceeded  to  beyond  Casteggio. 
The  Austrians,  finding  themselves  at  this  moment  repulsed  in 
all  quarters,  fled  to  Montebello,  leaving  in  our  hands  a  con- 
siderable number  of  prisoners. 

The  action  had  lasted  from  eleven  in  the  forenoon  till  eight  in 
the  evening.  It  was  the  Austrians  who  had  blockaded  Genoa, 
trained  by  Massdna  to  the  most  furious  fights,  that  were  here,  in 
the  plains  of  Piedmont,  struggling  with  desperation  to  force  their 
way  through.  They  were  supported  by  a  numerous  artillery,  and 
they  had  displayed  more  than  ordinary  bravery.  The  First  Consul 
arrived  at  the  very  moment  when  the  battle,  the  place  and  the 
day  of  which  he  had  so  correctly  foreseen,  was  just  finished.  He 
found  Lannes  covered  with  blood,  but  intoxicated  with  joy,  and 
the  troops  enchanted  with  their  success.  They  felt,  as  he  has 
since  said,  that  they  had  behaved  well.  The  conscripts  had 
proved  themselves  worthy  to  vie  with  the  veteran  soldiers.  We 
had  taken  4000  prisoners,  wounded  or  killed  nearly  3COO  men. 
The  victory  had  been  difficult  for  us  to  gain,  since  12,000 
combatants,  at  most,  had  been  opposed  to  1 8,000. 

Such  was  the  battle  of  Montebello,  which  gave  to  Lannes  and 
his  family  the  title  that  distinguishes  it  among  the  French 
families  of  the  present  time — a  glorious  title,  which  his  descen- 
dants ought  to  be  proud  to  bear ! 

This  first  rencontre  was  a  promising  beginniug,  but  it  intimated 
to  M.  de  Melas  the  difficulty  he  would  have  in  forcing  his  way. 
General  Ott,  with  a  force  diminished  by  7000  men,  retired  in  con- 
sternation upon  Alexandria.  The  courage  of  the  French  army 
was  raised  to  the  highest  degree  of  hardiliood. 

The  First  Consul  lost  no  time  in  collecting  his  divisions,  and 
in  strongly  occupying  that  road  from  Alexandria  to  Piacenza. 
which,  in  all  probability,  M.  de  Melas  would  follow.  Lannes 
having  advanced  too  far,  the  First  Consul  fell  back  a  little  to 
the  very  point  which  is  called  La  Stradella,  because  the  defile, 
narrowed  in  this  place  by  the  approximation  of  the  heights  and 
the  river,  renders  the  position  more  secure. 

The  loth  and  i  ith  of  June  were  passed  in  observing  the  move- 
ments of  the  Austrians,  in  concentrating  the  army,  in  giving  it 
a  little  rest  after  its  rapid  marches,  in  organising  the  artillery 
in  the  best  possible  manner ;  for,  till  now,  not  more  than  forty 
field-pieces  could  be  brought  together  at  this  point. 

On  the  iith,  one  of  the  most  distinguished  generals  of  that 
period,  Desaix,  who,  perhaps,  equalled  Moreau,  Massena,  Kleber. 
Lannes,  in  military  talents,  but  who  surpassed  them  all  in  the 
rare  perfections  of  his  character,  arrived  at  headquarters.     He 


JUNEiSoo       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  237 

had  just  returned  from  Egypt,  where  Kldber  had  committed 
political  faults,  which  we  shall  soon  have  the  chagrin  to  record, 
which  Desaix  strove  in  vain  to  prevent,  and,  to  escape  the  pain- 
ful sight  of  which,  he  had  fled  to  Europe.  These  faults,  however, 
had  afterwards  been  gloriously  retrieved.  Desaix,  stopped  near 
the  coast  of  France,  had  been  treated  by  the  English  in  the  most 
shameful  manner.  He  loved  the  First  Consul  with  a  sort  of 
passion ;  and  the  First  Consul,  touched  by  the  affection  of  such 
a  noble  heart,  requited  it  by  the  warmest  friendship  that  he  ever 
felt  in  his  life.  They  passed  a  whole  night  together,  in  relating 
to  each  other  what  had  happened  in  Egypt  and  in  France,  and 
the  First  Consul  immediately  gave  him  the  command  of  Alonnier's 
and  Boudet's  united  divisions. 

On  the  following  day,  June  1 2th,  General  Bonaparte,  suiprised 
at  seeing  nothing  of  the  Austrians,  could  not  help  feeling  some 
apprehensions.  Astonished  that,  in  such  a  situation,  M.  de 
Melas  should  hesitate,  lose  time,  and  suffer  all  the  outlets  to  be 
closed  around  him,  measuring  his  adversary  too  closely  by  his 
own  standard,  he  said  that  M.  de  Melas  could  not  have  wasted 
such  precious  hours,  and  that  he  must  have  escaped,  either  by 
ascending  towards  Genoa,  or  by  crossing  the  Upper  Po,  with 
the  intention  of  forcing  the  Tessino.  Tired  of  waiting,  he  left, 
in  the  afternoon  of  the  12th,  his  position  of  La  Stradella,  and 
advanced,  followed  by  the  whole  army,  to  the  height  of  Tortona. 
He  gave  orders  for  the  blockade  of  that  fortress,  and  established 
his  headquarters  at  Voghera.  On  the  morning  of  the  1 3th,  he 
crossed  the  Scrivia,  and  debouched  in  the  immense  plain  extend- 
ing between  the  Scrivia  and  the  Bormida,  which,  at  the  present 
day,  has  no  other  name  but  the  plain  of  ]\rareugo.  It  was  the 
very  same  which,  several  months  before,  his  imagination  marked 
out  for  the  theatre  of  a  great  battle  with  M.  de  Melas.  At  this 
place,  the  Po  flows  at  a  distance  from  the  Apennines.  The 
intervening  country  is  intersected  by  the  Bormida  and  the 
Tanaro,  whose  currents  have  become  less  rapid,  and  uniting 
near  Alexandria,  afterwards  discharge  themselves  into  tlie  bed 
of  the  Po.  The  road  skirting  the  foot  of  the  Apennines  to 
Tortona  separates  from  it  opposite  to  that  place,  turns  off  to  tlie 
right,  passes  the  Scrivia,  and  debouches  in  a  vast  plain.  It 
runs  across  it  to  a  first  village  called  San  Giuliano,  proceeds  to 
a  second  called  ]\rarengo,  at  length  crosses  the  Boriuida,  and 
leads  to  the  celebrated  fortress  of  Alexandria.  "  If  the  enemy 
meant  to  follow  the  highroad  from  Piacenza  to  IMantua,  it  is 
here  that  he  would  wait  for  me,"  said  General  Ijonaparte  to 
himself;  '"here  his  numerous  artillery,  his  fine  cavaliy.  would 
have  great  advantages,  and  he  would  figlit  with  all  liis  united 
means."  Having  made  this  reflection,  General  l^onaparte,  in 
order  to  confirm  himself  in  his  coniectures,  ordered  the  countrv 


238  HISTORY  OF  THE  June  1800 

to  be  scoured  by  light  cavalry,  which  did  not  fall  in  with  a  single 
Austrian  outpost.  Towards  evening,  he  sent  forward  General 
Victor's  corjDS,  composed  of  Gardanne's  and  Ohanibarlhac's  divi- 
sions, to  Marengo.  At  this  point  we  encountered  a  detachment, 
that  of  Oreilly,  which  defended  for  a  moment  the  village  of 
Marengo,  then  abandoned  it,  and  recrossed  the  Bormida.  A 
reconnaissance,  not  made  with  due  care,  even  afforded  room  to 
suppose  that  the  enemy  had  no  bridge  upon  the  Bormida. 

From  all  these  signs,  General  Bonaparte  ceased  to  doubt  that 
M.  de  Melas  had,  as  he  expressed  it,  given  him  the  slip.  He 
would  not  have  abandoned  the  plain,  and  particularly  the  village 
of  Marengo,  which  forms  the  entrance  to  it,  if  he  had  meant  to 
cross  it,  to  fight  a  battle,  and  to  conquer  the  route  from  Alexandria 
to  Piacenza.  Misled  by  this  most  just  reflection,  General  Bona- 
parte left  General  Victor,  with  his  two  divisions,  at  Marengo  ; 
he  placed  Lannes  en  echelon  in  the  plain  with  Watrin's  division, 
and  galloped  off  for  his  headquarters  at  Voghera,  to  get  intelli- 
gence from  General  Moncey,  stationed  on  the  Tessino,  from 
General  Duhesme,  stationed  on  the  Lower  Po,  and  thus  ascertain 
what  had  become  of  M.  de  Melas.  Officers  of  the  staff,  starting 
from  all  points,  were  directed  to  meet  him  at  his  headquarters. 
But  the  Scrivia  was  overflowed,  and  very  fortunately  he  was 
obliged  to  stop  at  Torre  di  Garofolo.  Accounts  from  the  Tessino 
and  the  Po,  dated  that  very  day,  intimated  that  all  was  perfectly 
quiet.  M.  de  Melas  had  attempted  nothing  in  that  quarter. 
What  could  have  become  of  him  ?  .  .  .  General  Bonaparte  con- 
ceived that  he  had  marched  back  upon  Genoa,  by  Novi,  with  the 
intention  of  passing  into  the  valley  of  the  Trebbia,  and  again 
falling  upon  Cremona.  It  seemed,  in  fact,  that,  as  he  was  not 
at  Alexandria,  as  he  was  not  on  march  for  the  Tessino,  he  could 
not  have  taken  any  other  course.  It  might  also  be  conjectured 
that,  following  the  example  of  Wurmser  at  Mantua,  he  had 
gone  and  shut  himself  up  in  Genoa,  where,  supplied  by  the 
English,  having  a  garrison  of  50,000  men,  he  would  have  the 
means  of  protracting  the  war.  These  ideas  had  taken  snch 
strong  hold  of  the  mind  of  the  First  Consul,  that  he  directed 
Desaix  to  march  upon  Rivalta  and  Novi  with  Boudet's  single 
division.  It  was,  in  fact,  through  Novi  that  M.  de  Melas  would 
have  to  pass,  in  going  from  Alexandria  to  Genoa. 

However,  from  a  lucky  presentiment,  he  kept  IMonnier's  divi- 
sion, and  the  second  of  Desaix's  divisions,  at  headquarters,  and 
he  provided  as  far  as  possible  for  all  contingencies,  by  leaving 
Victor  at  Marengo  with  two  divisions,  Lannes  with  one  in  the 
plain,  Murat  at  his  sides  with  all  the  cavalry.  If  we  consider 
the  general  distribution  of  the  French  forces  at  this  moment, 
spread  partly  on  the  Tessino,  partly  on  the  Lower  Po  and  the 
Adda,  partly  on  the  route  to  Genoa,  we  shall  be  struck  with 


JUNEiSoo       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  239 

their  dispersion.  This  was  the  necessary  consequence  of  the 
general  situation  and  of  the  circumstances  of  the  day. 

The  night  of  the  13th,  which  preceded  one  of  the  most  glorious 
days  in  history,  General  Bonaparte  passed  at  the  village  of  Torre 
di  Garofolo,  and  fell  asleep,  expecting  to  receive  tidings  on  the 
morrow. 

Meanwhile,  confusion  reigned  in  Alexandria.  The  Austrian 
army  was  in  despair.  A  council  of  war  had  just  been  held,  and 
none  of  the  resolutions  which  the  French  general  was  afraid  of 
had  been  adopted.  There  had  indeed  been  some  talk  of  retiring 
by  the  Upper  Po  and  the  Tessino,  or  shutting  themselves  up  in 
Genoa,  but  the  Austrian  generals,  like  brave  men,  as  they  were, 
had  preferred  following  the  suggestions  of  honour.  After  all, 
said  they,  we  have  been  fighting  for  these  eighteen  months,  like 
good  soldiers  ;  we  had  reconquered  Italy  ;  we  were  in  march  for 
the  frontiers  of  France ;  our  government  urged  us  forward ;  it 
was  but  yesterday  that  it  gave  such  orders :  it  behoved  it  to 
apprise  us  of  the  danger  which  threatened  our  rear.  If  any 
blame  attaches  to  our  situation,  to  the  government  that  blame 
belongs.  All  the  means  proposed  for  avoiding  an  engagement 
with  the  French  army  are  complicated,  difficult,  hazardous ; 
there  is  but  one  simple  and  honourable  course,  it  is  to  break 
through.  To-morrow  we  must  open  a  way  for  ourselves  at  the 
price  of  our  blood.  If  we  succeed,  we  will  regain,  after  a 
victory,  the  road  to  Piacenza  and  Mantua ;  if  not,  after  we  have 
done  our  duty,  the  responsibility  for  our  disaster  will  fall  upon 
others,  not  upon  ourselves. 

The  First  Consul  could  not  comjDrehend  how  so  much  time 
could  be  thrown  away  in  deliberating  in  such  an  emergency. 
But  there  was  none  who  equalled  the  promptness  of  his  deter- 
minations, and  M.  de  Melas  was  in  a  position  sufficiently  des- 
perate to  cause  the  cruel  perplexities  which  delayed  his  defi- 
nitive resolution  to  be  forgiven.  In  deciding  to  give  battle,  the 
Austrian  general  behaved  like  a  soldier  full  of  honour  ;  but  he 
might  be  reproached  for  having  left  25.000  men  in  the  for- 
tresses of  Coui,  Turin,  Tortona,  Genoa,  Ac()ui,  Giavi,  and  Alex- 
andria, especially  after  the  loss  which  Ott  had  sustained  at 
Montebello.  With  25,000  men  in  the  fortresses,  3000  in  Tus- 
cany, 12,000  between  ]\lantua  and  A'enice,  he  had  left  40,000 
men  at  most  to  bring  u])on  tlic  field  of  battle,  where  the  issue 
of  the  war  was  to  be  decided.  To  this  number  had  dwindled 
that  fine  army  120.OOO  strong,  which,  at  the  commencement  of 
liie  campaign,  was  to  force  the  southern  frontiers  of  France! 
40.000  had  ])i'ris]u'd.  40.000  were  scattered,  40,000  were  about 
to  figlit,  in  order  to  escape  the  Caudine  Forks ;  but  among  these 
last  were  a  powerful  cavalry  and  200  ]iieces  of  cannon. 

It  was  decided  that,   on  the   follow injif  dav.  the   whole  armv 


240  HISTORY  OF  THE  june  1800 

should  debouch  by  the  bridges  of  the  Bormida,  for  there  were 
two,  covered  by  one  and  the  same  Utc  du  jjont,  notwithstanding 
the  false  intelligence  given  to  General  Bonaparte ;  that  General 
Ott,  at  the  head  of  10,000  men,  half  cavalry,  half  infantry,  should 
debouch  from  the  Bormida,  and,  turning  to  the  left,  proceed 
towards  a  village  called  Castel  Ceriolo ;  that  Generals  Haddick 
and  Kaim,  at  the  head  of  the  main  body  of  the  army,  about 
20,000  men,  should  carry  the  village  of  Marengo,  which  forms 
the  entrance  to  the  plain ;  and  that  General  Oreilly,  with  5000 
or  6000  soldiers,  should  turn  to  the  right  and  ascend  the  Bor- 
mida. A  powerful  artillery  was  to  support  this  movement.  A 
considerable  detachment,  particularly  strong  in  cavalry,  was  left 
in  the  rear  of  Alexandria,  on  the  Acqui  road,  to  observe  Suchet's 
troops,  of  whose  arrival  vague  accounts  had  been  received. 

We  have  described  that  vast  plain,  traversed  throughout  its 
whole  extent  by  the  highroad  from  Alexandria  to  Piacenza,  and 
enclosed  between  the  8crivia  and  the  Bormida.  The  French, 
marching  from  Piacenza  and  the  Scrivia,  came  first  to  San 
Giuliano,  then,  three-quarters  of  a  league  further,  to  Marengo, 
which  was  very  near  the  Bormida,  and  formed  the  principal 
cUhoucM  that  the  Austrian  army  had  to  gain  possession  of,  in 
order  to  get  out  of  Alexandria.  Between  San  Giuliano  and 
Marengo  ran,  in  a  straight  line,  the  road  that  was  about  to  be 
disputed,  and  on  either  side  extended  a  plain  covered  with  corn- 
fields and  vineyards.  Below  Marengo,  and  on  the  right  of  the 
French,  on  the  left  of  the  Austrians,  was  Castel  Ceriolo,  a  large 
hamlet,  through  which  General  Ott  would  have  to  pass,  in  order 
to  turn  the  corps  of  General  Victor  stationed  in  Marengo.  Upon 
Marengo,  then,  the  principal  attack  of  the  Austrians  was  to  be 
directed,  since  that  village  commanded  the  entrance  to  the  plain. 

At  daybreak,  the  Austrian  army  crossed  the  two  bridges  of 
the  Bormida.  But  its  movement  was  slow,  owing  to  its  having 
but  a  single  Utc  du  pont  to  debouch  by.  Oreilly  passed  first,  and 
fell  in  with  Gardanne's  division,  wliich  General  Victor,  after  he 
had  occupied  Marengo,  had  sent  forward.  This  division  consisted 
of  only  the  loist  and  the  44th  demi-brigades.  Oreilly,  supported 
by  a  numerous  artillery,  and  having  twice  the  force,  obliged  it  to 
fall  back  and  to  seek  shelter  in  Marengo.  Fortunately  he  did  not 
follow  it  into  the  place,  but  waited  until  the  centre,  under  General 
Haddick,  was  able  to  support  him.  The  tardiness  of  the  march 
through  the  defile  formed  by  the  bridges  caused  the  Austrians  to 
lose  two  or  three  hours.  At  length,  Generals  Haddick  and  Kaim 
deployed  in  the  rear  of  Oreilly,  and  General  Ott  crossed  the  same 
bridges,  to  proceed  to  Castel  Ceriolo.  General  Victor  instantly 
united  his  two  divisions  to  defend  Marengo,  and  sent  word  to 
the  First  Consul,  that  the  whole  Austrian  army  was  advancing, 
with  the  evident  intention  of  giving  battle. 


JUNEiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  241 

A  defence  peculiar  to  the  ground  served  most  seasonably  to 
second  the  intrepidity  of  our  soldiers.  In  advance  of  Marengo, 
between  the  Austrians  and  the  French,  was  a  deep  and  muddy 
rivulet,  called  the  Fontanone.  It  ran  between  Marengo  and  the 
Bormida,  and  emptied  itself,  a  little  lower  down,  into  the  Bor- 
mida.  Victor  placed  towards  his  right,  that  is,  in  the  village 
of  Marengo,  the  loist  and  44th  demi-brigades,  under  General 
Gardanne ;  to  the  left  of  the  village,  the  24th,  the  43rd,  and  the 
96th,  under  General  Chambarlhac ;  a  little  further  back.  General 
Kellermann,  with  the  20th,  2nd,  and  8th  cavalry,  and  a  squadron 
of  the  1 2th.  The  rest  of  the  1 2th  was  sent  to  the  Upper  Bor- 
mida, to  observe  the  distant  movements  of  the  enemy. 

General  Haddick  advanced  towards  the  rivulet,  protected  by 
twenty-five  pieces  of  artillery,  which  played  upon  the  French. 
He  threw  himself  bravely  into  the  bed  of  the  Fontanone,  at  the 
head  of  Bellegarde's  division.  General  Rivaud,  instantly  leaving 
the  shelter  of  the  village,  with  the  44th  and  the  loist,  opened  a 
point-blank  fire  upon  the  Austrians,  who  were  endeavouring  to 
debouch.  A  most  obstinate  conflict  ensued  along  the  Fontanone. 
Haddick  made  repeated  attempts ;  but  Rivaud,*  keeping  his 
ground  under  the  batteries  of  the  Austrians,  stopped  Haddick's 
corps  by  a  fire  of  musketry  within  short  range,  and  drove  it  back 
in  disorder  to  the  other  side  of  the  rivulet.  The  unfortunate 
General  Haddick  received  a  wound,  which  afterwards  proved 
mortal,  and  his  soldiers  retired.  M.  de  Melas  then  ordered 
General  Kaim's  troops  to  advance,  and  directed  Oreilly  to  ascend 
the  bank  of  the  Bormida  to  a  place  called  La  Stortigliona,  with 
the  design  of  charging  our  left  with  Pilati's  cavalry.  But  at 
this  moment  General  Kellermann  was  on  horseback,  at  the 
head  of  his  division  of  cavalry,  observing  the  movements  of  the 
enemy's  squadrons ;  and  Lannes,  who  had  lain,  the  preceding 
night,  to  the  right  of  Victor,  in  the  plain,  had  just  placed  himself 
in  line  between  Marengo  and  Castel  Ceriolo.  The  Austrians, 
then,  made  a  second  effort.  Gardanne's  and  Chambarlhac's  divi- 
sions, drawn  up  in  a  semicircle,  around  the  semicircular  bed  of  the 
Fontanone,  were  placed  in  such  a  manner  as  to  pour  a  converg- 
ing fire  upon  the  point  of  attack.  Their  musketry  spread  havoc 
among  the  troops  of  General  Kaim.  Meanwhile,  General  Pilati, 
ascending  higher,  had  succeeded  in  crossing  the  Fontanone,  at 
the  head  of  2000  horse.  The  gallant  Kellermann,  who  on  this 
day  added  greatly  to  the  glory  he  had  acquired  on  the  field  of 
Valmy,  daslied  upon  Pilati's  squadrons  as  soon  as  they  attempted 
to  debouch,  slauofhterino-  and  hurlinof  thein  into  tlie  muddv  bed 
of  that  little  stream,  which  art  could  not  have  formed  better  for 
covering  the  position  of  the  French. 

At  this  moment,  though  our  army,  taken  by  surprise,  had  no 

*  Olivier  Kivaud. 
VOL.  I.  Q 


242  HISTORY  OF  THE  juneiSoo 

more  than  the  two  corps  of  Victor  and  Lannes  in  line,  that  is 
to  say,  15,000  or  16,000  men  to  resist  36,000,  still,  owing  to 
the  fault  committed  by  the  Austrians  on  the  preceding  day,  in 
neglecting  to  occupy  Marengo,  a  fault,  however,  which  had 
been  productive  of  advantages  to  them,  inasmuch  as  it  had  led 
General  Bonaparte  into  error,  our  army  had  time  to  wait  the 
arrival  of  its  commander,  and  of  the  reserves  remaining  behind, 
or  sent  by  the  route  of  Novi. 

Such  was  the  state  of  things,  when  M.  de  Melas  determined 
to  make  a  desperate  effort  to  save  the  honour  and  the  liberty  of 
his  army,  and,  gallantly  seconded  by  his  soldiers,  all  veterans, 
whose  victories  in  the  preceding  campaign  had  heightened  their 
courage,  M.  de  Melas  made  another  attack  on  the  French  line. 
General  Ott,  who  had  taken  a  good  deal  of  time  in  filing  off, 
began  to  be  in  a  condition  to  act  on  the  left  of  the  Austrians. 
He  manoeuvred  with  a  view  to  turn  us,  passed  through  Castel 
Ceriolo,  and  fell  upon  Lannes,  who,  placed  beside  Victor,  be- 
tween Marengo  and  Castel  Ceriolo,  formed  the  right  of  our  line. 
While  General  Ott's  corps  occupied  the  attention  of  Lannes,  the 
corps  of  Oreilly,  Haddick,  and  Kaim,  having  united,  were  directed 
anew  upon  the  Fontanone,  in  front  of  Marengo.  A  formidable 
artillery  slipported  all  their  movements.  Lattermann's  grena- 
diers entered  the  brook,  crossed  it,  and  gained  the  other  bank. 
Chambarlhac's  division,  posted  on  the  left  of  Marengo,  and  on 
the  flanks  of  the  Austrian  grenadiers,  kept  up  a  destructive  fire 
upon  them.  A  battalion  of  these  grenadiers,  nevertheless,  con- 
trived to  maintain  its  ground  beyond  the  Fontanone.  M.  de 
Melas  redoubled  the  cannonade  on  Chambarlhac's  division,  which 
was  not  covered  by  the  houses  of  the  village,  like  that  which  de- 
fended Marengo  itself.  Meanwhile  the  Austrian  pioneers  hastily 
constructed  a  bridge  on  trestles.  The  gallant  Rivaud,  at  the 
head  of  the  44th,  issuing  from  the  village  of  Marengo,  and  march- 
ing up  to  the  assailants,  in  spite  of  the  grape-shot,  was  on  the 
point  of  driving  them  into  the  Fontanone,  when  tremendous  dis- 
charges of  artillery  stopped  the  44th,  exhausted  by  this  obstinate 
struggle,  and  Rivaud  himself  was  wounded.  Availing  themselves 
of  this  advantage,  Lattermann's  grenadiers  advanced  en  masse, 
and  penetrated  into  Marengo.  Rivaud,  covered  with  blood,  placed 
himself  once  more  at  the  head  of  the  44th,  made  a  vigorous 
charge  on  these  grenadiers,  and  drove  them  out  of  Marengo ;  but 
received,  as  soon  as  he  lost  the  shelter  of  the  houses,  by  a  fearful 
fire  of  artillery,  he  could  not  force  them  to  recross  the  brook, 
which  had  hitherto  so  well  protected  our  army.  Weakened  by 
loss  of  blood,  and  scarcely  able  to  support  himself,  this  brave 
officer  was  obliged  to  submit  to  be  carried  off  the  field  of  battle. 
The  Austrian  grenadiers  therefore  retained  possession  of  the 
position   which  they  had   just  carried.     At  the   same  instant. 


jUNEiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  243 

Chambarlhac's  division,  which,  as  we  have  said,  was  not  protected 
by  any  shelter,  but  completely  exposed  to  the  grape-shot,  was 
well-nigh  mowed  down.  General  Oreilly  repulsed  the  96th, 
which  formed  our  extreme  left,  and  then  began  to  act  on  the 
offensive.  Towards  the  right,  Lannes,  who,  having  at  first  the 
single  corps  of  General  Kaim  only  to  deal  with,  had  been  on  the 
point  of  driving  it  into  the  bed  of  the  Fontanone,  perceived  that 
he  was  all  at  once  turned  by  General  Ott,  debouching  from 
Castel  Ceriolo  with  a  large  body  of  cavalry.  Champeaux's 
brigade  of  cavalry,  drawn  up  in  rear  of  Lannes'  corjos,  as  was 
Kellermann  in  rear  of  Victor's,  made,  but  in  vain,  several  brilliant 
charges.  The  unfortunate  Champeaux  received  a  mortal  wound. 
Our  army,  severely  pressed  on  both  wings,  separated  from 
Marengo,  the  point  to  which  it  had  at  first  so  strongly  clung, 
and,  having  no  longer  any  support,  ran  the  risk  of  being  forced 
back  into  the  plain  in  the  rear,  where  it  could  make  no  stand 
against  two  hundred  pieces  of  cannon  and  an  immense  cavalry-. 

It  was  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning.  The  carnage  had  been 
frightful.  A  considerable  mass  of  wounded  encumbered  the 
road  between  Marengo  and  San  Giuliano.  Already  part  of 
Victor's  troops,  overwhelmed  by  numbers,  were  retiring  in  dis- 
order, crying  that  all  was  lost.  All  must  have  been  lost,  in  fact, 
without  a  reinforcement  of  troops,  which  were  not  exhausted, 
and,  more  especially,  without  a  great  captain,  capable  of  regain- 
ing the  victory  wrested  from  vis. 

General  Bonaparte,  on  receiving  intelligence  that  the  Austrian 
army,  which  he  so  feared  might  escape  him,  had,  on  the  con- 
trary, taken  his  army  by  sur[3rise,  in  that  very  plain  of  Marengo, 
so  deserted  on  the  preceding  day,  hastened  from  Torre  di  Garo- 
falo,  congratulating  himself  on  the  lucky  inundation  of  the 
Scrivia,  which  had  prevented  him  from  passing  the  night  at 
Voghera.  He  brought  with  him  the  consular  guard,  a  body  not 
very  numerous,  but  of  incomparable  valour,  and  which  became 
subsequently  the  imperial  guard  ;  he  brought  ]\[onnier's  division, 
composed  of  three  excellent  demi-brigades  ;  he  was  followed  at 
a  little  distance  by  a  reserve  of  two  regiments  of  cavalry  ;  and 
he  further  sent  orders  to  Desaix  to  march  with  the  utmost 
expedition  for  San  Giuliano. 

The  First  Consul,  at  the  head  of  these  reserves,  proceeded  at 
a  gallop  to  the  field  of  battle.  He  found  Lannes  attacked  on 
the  right  by  tlie  infantry  and  cavalry  of  General  Ott.  and  en- 
deavouring, nevertheless,  to  supi^ort  himself  on  the  left  around 
Marengo.  Gardanne  was  defending  himself  in  tlie  hedges  of 
that  village,  the  object  of  sucli  a  furious  strugglt^  ;  and,  o\\  the 
other  side,  Chambarlhac's  division  was  dispersing  under  the 
heavy  discharges  of  the  Austrian  artillery.  A  glance  sufficed 
for  his  military  eye  to  perceive  what  was  fitting  to  be  done  in 


244  HISTORY  OF  THE  june  1800 

order  to  retrieve  the  day.  His  mutilated  left  was  absolutely 
routed ;  but  his  right,  which  was  only  threatened,  still  main- 
tamed  its  ground ;  it  was  that,  therefore,  which  ought  to  be 
reinforced.  By  keeping  a  firm  hold  of  Castel  Ceriolo  he  should 
have  a  point  of  support  amidst  that  extensive  plain ;  he  should 
be  able  to  make  a  pivot  of  his  strengthened  wing,  and  bring  his 
beaten  wing  into  the  rear,  where  it  would  be  out  of  the  reach  of 
the  enemy.  If  he  should  lose  by  this  movement  the  highroad 
from  Marengo  to  San  Giuliano,  the  evil  would  be  reparable ;  for, 
behind  his  new  position,  there  would  be  another  road,  leading 
to  Sale,  and  from  Sale  to  the  banks  of  the  Po.  His  line  of 
retreat  to  Pavia  would  thus  be  still  secured.  Placed,  more- 
over, on  the  right  of  the  plain,  he  would  be  on  the  flank  of  the 
Austrians,  who  would  take  the  highroad  from  Marengo  to  San 
Giuliano,  if  they  meant  to  follow  up  the  victory. 

Having  made  these  reflections  with  the  rapidity  of  lightning. 
General  Bonaparte  put  instantly  into  execution  the  resolution 
which  he  had  just  conceived.  He  sent  forward  into  the  plain, 
to  the  right  of  Lannes,  the  800  grenadiers  of  the  consular 
guard,  ordering  them  to  stop  the  Austrian  cavalry  till  the  arrival 
of  Monnier's  three  demi-brigades.  These  brave  fellows,  formed 
in  square,  received  with  admirable  coolness  the  charges  of  the 
Lobkowitz  dragoons,  and  stood  unbroken  by  the  repeated  assaults 
of  a  multitude  of  horse.  A  little  on  their  right,  General  Bona- 
parte ordered  two  of  Monnier's  demi-brigades,  which  arrived  at 
the  moment,  to  proceed  towards  Castel  Ceriolo.  These  two  demi- 
brigades,  headed  by  General  Carra  St.  Cyr,  marched  forward, 
and,  sometimes  drawn  up  in  square  to  stop  the  cavalry,  some- 
times in  columns  of  attack  to  charge  the  infantry,  they  at  length 
recovered  the  lost  ground,  and  lodged  themselves  in  the  hedges 
and  gardens  of  Castel  Ceriolo.  At  the  same  moment.  General 
Bonaparte,  at  the  head  of  the  72nd,  lent  his  support  to  the  left 
under  Lannes,  while  Dupont,  the  chief  of  the  staff,  went  to  rally 
in  the  rear  the  wrecks  of  Victor's  corps,  pursued  by  Oreilly's 
horse,  but  protected  by  Murat  with  the  reserve  of  cavalry.  The 
presence  of  the  First  Consul,  the  sight  of  the  bearskin  caps  of 
his  horse-guard,  infused  fresh  spirit  into  the  troops.  The  battle 
recommenced  with  new  fury.  The  brave  Watrin,  of  Lannes' 
corps,  with  the  6th  of  the  line  and  the  22nd,  drove  Kaim's  soldiers 
into  the  Fontanone  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  Lannes,  firing 
the  40th  and  the  28th  with  his  own  heroic  spirit,  pushed  both  of 
them  upon  the  Austrians.  The  battle  raged  fiercely  over  the  whole 
of  the  immense  plain.  Gardanne  strove  to  reconquer  Marengo ; 
Lannes  endeavoured  to  make  himself  master  of  the  rivulet  which, 
at  first,  had  so  usefully  covered  our  troops  ;  the  grenadiers  of  the 
consular  guard,  still  in  square,  like  a  living  citadel  amidst  that 
field  of  battle,  filled  the  gap  between  Lannes  and  the  columns  of 


JUNEiSoo       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  245 

Carra  St.  Cyr,  which  had  entered  the  first  houses  of  Castel  Ceriolo. 
But  Baron  de  Melas,  with  the  courage  of  despair,  bringing  up 
his  united  masses  upon  Marengo,  debouched  at  last  from  the 
village,  and  drove  back  the  exhausted  soldiers  of  Gardanne, 
who,  in  vain,  took  advantage  of  all  obstacles.  Oreilly  continued 
to  overwhelm  with  grape-shot  the  division  of  Chambarlhac, 
which  was  still  left  exposed  to  the  fire  of  an  immense  artillery. 

It  was  impossible  for  the  French  to  keep  their  ground ;  they 
were  obliged  to  give  way.  General  Bonaparte  ordered  them  to 
fall  back  by  degrees,  at  the  same  time  keeping  up  a  firm  coun- 
tenance. But,  while  his  left,  deprived  of  Marengo,  and  thence- 
forward without  support,  retreated  rapidly  to  San  Giuliano, 
wbere  it  might  find  shelter,  he  continued  to  hold  the  right  of 
the  plain,  and  drew  away  from  it  slowly,  thanks  to  the  point  of 
Castel  Ceriolo,  thanks  to  the  energy  of  the  consular  guard,  and 
thanks  above  all  to  Lannes,  who  made  unparalleled  efforts. 
Provided  only  he  holds  his  position  on  the  right,  the  First 
Consul  still  retains  a  line  of  retreat  by  Sale  towards  the  banks 
of  the  Po ;  and,  if  Desaix,  sent  the  preceding  day  upon  Novi, 
should  come  up  in  time,  he  may  still  reconquer  the  field  of 
battle  and  bring  back  victory  to  his  side. 

It  was  at  tliis  moment  that  Lannes  and  his  four  demi-brigades 
made  efforts  worthy  of  the  admiration  of  posterity.  The  enemy, 
who  had  debouched  en  masse  from  Marengo  into  the  plain, 
poured  forth  a  shower  of  balls  and  grape-shot  from  eighty  pieces 
of  cannon.  Lannes,  at  the  head  of  his  four  demi-brigades,  was 
two  hours  in  retiring  three-quarters  of  a  league.  When  the 
enemy  approached  and  became  too  pressing,  he  halted  and 
charged  with  the  bayonet.  Though  his  artillery  was  dismounted, 
a  few  light  pieces,  drawn  by  the  best  horses,  and  manoeuvred 
with  equal  skill  and  boldness,  were  brought  up,  and  assisted  by 
their  fire  the  demi-brigades  that  were  too  much  cramped,  and 
dared  to  place  themselves  in  battery  against  the  formidable 
Austrian  artillery.  The  consular  guard,  wliich  could  not  be 
broken  by  charges  of  cavalry,  was  now  attacked  with  cannon. 
The  enemy  strove  to  batter  it  in  brt\ach,  like  a  wall,  and  then 
charged  it  with  Frimont's  horse.  It  sustained  considerable  loss, 
and  fell  back,  but  unbroken.  Carra  St.  Cyr  fell  back  also,  and 
abandoned  Castel  Ceriolo,  still  retaining,  liowever.  a  last  support 
in  the  vineyards  in  rear  of  that  village.  We,  nevertheless,  re- 
mained masters  of  the  road  from  Castel  Ceriolo  to  Sale.  On  all 
sides,  the  plain  exhibited  a  vast  scene  of  carnage,  where  the  roar 
of  explosions  mingled  with  that  of  the  artillery  ;  tor  f.annc^s  blew 
up  the  ammunition-waggons  which  he  could  not  carry  off. 

Half  the  day  was  spent.  M.  de  ^Felas  fancied  himself  sure  of 
the  victory,  which  he  had  so  dearly  purchased.  Tiiisold  warrior, 
who,  for  courage  at  least,  proved  himself  worthy  of  his  adversary 


246  nmTORY  OF  THE  juneiSoo 

on  that  memorable  clay,  returned  to  Alexandria,  worn  out  with 
fatigue.  He  left  the  command  to  M.  de  Zach,  the  chief  of  his 
staff,  and  sent  off  couriers  to  all  Europe,  to  proclaim  his  victory 
and  the  defeat  of  General  Bonaparte  at  Marengo.  This  chief  of 
the  staff,  invested  with  the  command,  then  formed  the  bulk  of 
the  Austrian  army  into  marching  column,  on  the  highroad  from 
Marengo  to  San  Giuliano.  He  put  at  the  head  two  regiments 
of  infantry,  and  then  the  column  of  Lattermann's  grenadiers, 
followed  by  the  baggage  train.  He  placed  General  Oreilly  on  the 
left,  and  Generals  Kaim  and  Haddick  on  the  right,  and  endea- 
voured to  gain  in  this  order  that  highroad  to  Piacenza,  the  object 
of  so  many  efforts,  and  the  salvation  of  the  Austrian  army. 

It  was  now  three  o'clock.  If  no  new  circumstance  intervened, 
the  battle  might  be  considered  as  lost  by  the  French,  unless  they 
could,  on  the  morrow,  with  the  troops  shifted  from  the  Tessino 
and  the  Adda  to  the  Po,  retrieve  the  misfortune  of  the  day. 
Desaix,  however,  with  Boudet's  whole  division,  had  not  yet  come 
up :  would  he  arrive  in  time  ?  On  this  circumstance  depended 
the  issue  of  the  battle.  The  aides-de-camp  of  the  First  Consul 
had  been  galloping  in  quest  of  him  ever  since  morning.  But, 
long  before  they  reached  him,  Desaix,  on  the  first  cannon-shot 
fired  in  the  plain  of  Marengo,  had  instantly  wheeled  about. 
Hearing  this  distant  report,  he  had  concluded  that  the  enemy, 
whom  he  had  been  sent  in  search  of  to  Novi,  on  the  Genoa  road, 
was  at  Marengo  itself.  He  had  immediately  despatched  Savary, 
with  a  few  hundred  horse,  to  Novi,  to  see  what  was  going  for- 
ward, and  had  waited  with  his  division,  listening  intently  to  the 
cannon  of  the  Austrians  and  the  French,  which  never  ceased 
thundering  in  the  direction  of  the  Borniida.  From  Savary  having 
discovered  no  trace  of  the  enemy  in  the  environs  of  Novi,  Desaix 
was  confirmed  in  his  happy  conjecture,  and,  without  further 
delay,  marched  for  Marengo,  sending  before  him  several  aides- 
de-camp  to  apprise  the  First  Consul  that  he  was  coming.  He 
had  marched  the  whole  day,  and,  at  three  o'clock,  his  heads  of 
columns  at  hMigth  a]:)pear(^d  at  the  entrance  into  the  plain,  in 
the  vicinity  of  San  Giuliano.  He  himself,  preceding  them  at  a 
gallop,  rode  up  to  the  First  Consul.  Happy  inspiration  of  a 
lieutenant  equally  intelligent  and  attached !  happy  fortune  of 
youth !  If,  fifteen  years  later,  the  First  Consul,  now  so  well 
seconded  by  his  generals,  had  found  a  Desaix  on  the  field  of 
Waterloo,  he  would  have  preserved  the  empire,  and  France  her 
preponderant  position  among  the  powers  of  I]urope. 

The  presence  of  Desaix  changed  the  aspect  of  things.  He 
was  surrounded ;  he  was  made  acquainted  with  the  occurrences 
of  the  day.  The  generals  formed  a  circle  about  him  and  the 
First  Consul,  and  discussed  with  warmth  the  critical  position  of 
the  army.     Most  of  them  advised   retreat.     The  First  Consul 


JUNEiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  24; 

was  not  of  this  opinion,  and  he  earnestly  pressed  Desaix  for  his. 
Desaix,  surveying  the  devastated  field  of  battle,  then  drawing 
out  his  watch  and  looking  at  the  hour,  replied  to  General  Bona- 
parte in  these  simple  and  noble  terms  :  "  Yes,  the  battle  is  lost ; 
but  it  is  only  three  o'clock ;  there  is  time  enough  to  gain  another." 
General  Bonaparte,  delighted  with  the  opinion  of  Desaix,  pre- 
pared to  avail  himself  of  the  succour  brought  him  by  that  general, 
and  of  the  advantages  ensured  to  him  by  the  position  taken  ever 
since  morning.  He  was,  in  fact,  in  the  plain,  on  the  right,  while 
the  enemy  was  on  the  left,  in  marching  column,  on  the  highroad, 
advancing  towards  San  Giuliano.  Desaix,  arriving  from  San 
Giuliano,  with  6000  fresh  troojjs,  and  facing  the  Austrians, 
might  stop  them  short,  while  the  bulk  of  the  rallied  army  should 
fall  upon  their  flank.  Orders  were  forthwith  issued  in  accord- 
ance with  this  plan. 

The  three  demi-brigades  of  Desaix  were  formed  in  advance 
of  San  Giuliano,  a  little  to  the  right  of  the  highroad ;  the  30th 
deployed  in  line  ;  the  9th  and  59th  in  close  columns  on  the  wings 
of  the  former.  A  slight  undulation  of  the  ground  concealed 
them  from  the  enemy.  On  their  left  were  the  rallied  and  some- 
what recovered  wrecks  of  Chambarlhac's  and  Gardanne's  troops 
under  General  Victor ;  on  their  right,  in  the  plain,  Lannes,  whose 
retreating  movement  was  suspended,  then  the  consular  guard, 
then  Carra  St.  Cyr,  who  had  kept  as  near  as  possible  to  Castel 
Ceriolo.  The  army  then  formed  a  long  oblique  line  from  San 
Giuliano  to  Castel  Ceriolo,  and  between  Desaix  and  Lannes,  and 
a  little  in  rear,  was  placed  Kellermann's  cavalry  in  the  interval. 
A  battery  of  twelve  pieces,  the  sole  remnant  of  the  whole  artillery 
of  the  army,  was  spread  upon  the  front  of  the  corps  of  Desaix. 

These  dispositions  made,  the  First  Consul  rode  through  the 
ranks  of  his  soldiers,  and  addressed  the  different  corps.  "  My 
friends,"  said  he,  ''we  have  fallen  back  far  enough:  recollect 
that  I  am  accustomed  to  lie  on  the  field  of  battle."  Having  re- 
animated the  troops,  who,  inspirited  by  the  arrival  of  the  reserves, 
burned  with  imjjatience  to  resume  the  fight,  he  gave  the  signal 
for  attack.     A  charge  was  beaten  along  the  whole  line. 

The  Austrians,  in  order  of  march  rather  than  in  order  of  battle, 
were  proceeding  along  the  highroad.  The  column  under  the 
command  of  M.  de  Zach  came  first.  A  little  in  rear  came  the 
centre,  half  deploj^ed  in  the  plain,  and  making  front  to  Lannes. 

General  Marmont  all  at  once  unmasked  twelve  pieces  of  cannon. 
A  thick  shower  of  grape-shot  fell  upon  the  head  of  the  surprised 
Austrian  column,  which  expected  no  further  resistance ;  for 
the  enemy  believed  that  the  French  were  decidedly  retreating. 
Scarcely  had  it  recovered  from  this  sudden  shock,  when  Desaix 
set  the  9th  light  in  motion.  "  (70  and  inform  the  First  Consul," 
said  he  to  Savary,  his  aide-de-camp,  "that  I  am  charging,  and 


248  HISTORY  OF  THE  juneiSoo 

that  I  am  in  want  of  cavalry  to  support  me."    Desaix,  on  horse- 
back, led  on  this  demi- brigade.     He  ascended  with  it  the  slight 
rise  of  the  ground  which  hid  it  from  the  view  of  the  Austrians, 
and  abruptly  revealed  himself  to  them  by  a  fire  of  musketry  dis- 
charged within  a  few  paces  of  them.    The  Austrians  returned  it, 
and  Desaix  fell,  pierced  by  a  ball  in  the  chest.      "  Conceal  my 
death,"  said  he  to  General  Boudet,  his  chief  of  division;  "it 
might  dishearten  the  troops."     Useless  precaution  of  that  hero ! 
His  fall  had  been  observed,  and  his  soldiers,  like  those  of  Turenne, 
insisted,  with  loud  shouts,  on  avenging  their  leader.     The  9th 
light,  which  on  that  day  earned  the  title  of  inco7nparable,  which 
it  bore  till  the  termination  of  our  wars — the  Qtli  light,  having 
poured  forth  its  fire,  formed  in  column,  and  fell  upon  the  dense 
mass  of  the  Austrians.     At  sight  of  it,  the  first  two  regiments 
which  opened  the  march,  taken  by  surprise,  fell  back  in  disorder 
on  the  second  line,  and  disappeared  in  its  ranks.     The  column  of 
Lattermann's  grenadiers  was  then  alone  at  the  head,  and  received 
this  shock  like  crack  troops.    It  stood  firm.    The  conflict  extended 
on  both  sides  of  the  highroad.     The  9th  light  was  supported  on 
the  right  by  Victor's  rallied  troops,  on  the  left  by  the  30th  and 
59th  demi-brigades  of  Boudet's  division,  which  had  followed  the 
movement.    Lattermann's  grenadiers  were  defending  themselves 
with  difiiculty,  when  an  unforeseen  storm  suddenly  burst  over 
their  heads.     General  Kellermann,  who,  on  the  application  of 
Desaix,  had  received  orders  to  charge,  set  off  at  a  gallop,  and, 
passing  between  Lannes  and  Desaix,  placed  part  of  his  squadrons 
en  potence,  to  make  head  against  the  Austrian  cavalry,  which  he 
saw  before  him  ;  then,  with  the  rest,  he  fell  upon  the  flank  of  the 
column  of  the  grenadiers,  already  attacked  in  front  by  Boudet's 
infantry.     This  charge,  executed  with  extraordinary  vigour,  cut 
the  column  in  two.     Kellermann's  dragoons  slaughtered  to  the 
right  and  to  the  left,  till,  pressed  on  all  sides,  the  unfortunate 
grenadiers  laid  down  their  arms.     Two  thousand  of  them  sur- 
rendered.    At  their  head,  General  Zacli  himself  was  obliged  to 
deliver  his  sword.     The  Austrians  were  thus  deprived  of  their 
commander  during  the  conclusion  of  the  battle  ;  for  M.  de  Melas, 
as  we  have  seen,  thinking  himself  sure  of  the  victory,  had  retired 
to  Alexandria.     Kellermann  did  not  stop  there  ;  daslii ng  upon 
the  Lichtenstein  dragoons,  he  put  them  to  flight.     The  latter  fell 
back  upon  the  centre  of  the  Austrians,  which  was  deploying  in 
the  plain,  in  face  of  Lannes,  and  threw  it  into  some  disorder. 
Lannes  then  advanced,  and  attacked  the  shaken  centre  of  the 
Austrians   with  vigour ;   while  the  grenadiers  of  the   consular 
guard  and  Carra  St.  Cyr  again  moved  towards  Castel  Ceriolo, 
from  which  they  were  not  far  distant.     Along  the  whole  line 
from  San  Giuliano  to  Castel  Ceriolo  the  French  had  resumed 
the  offensive ;  they  marched  forward,  intoxicated  with  joy  and 


JUNEiSoo       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  249 

enthusiasm,  on  perceiving  victory  returning  to  them.     Surprise 
and  discouragement  had  passed  to  the  side  of  the  Austrians. 

Admirable  determination  of  character,  which  persists,  and,  by 
persisting,  brings  back  Fortune !  From  San  Giuliano  to  Castel 
Ceriolo,  that  oblique  line  of  the  French  advanced  at  the  charge- 
step,  driving  back  the  Austrians,  utterly  astonished  at  having  a 
new  battle  to  fight.  Carra  St.  Cyr  had  soon  retaken  the  village 
of  Castel  Ceriolo,  and  General  Ott,  who  had  at  first  advanced 
beyond  that  village,  fearful  of  being  overpowered,  thought  of 
falling  back,  lest  he  should  have  his  communication  cut  off.  A 
panic  was  communicated  to  the  cavalry ;  it  fled  at  full  speed, 
shouting,  "  To  the  bridges  !  "  All,  then,  strove  who  should  first 
reach  those  bridges  of  the  Bormida.  General  Ott,  recrossing  at 
Castel  Ceriolo  with  Vogelsang's  troops,  was  obliged  to  force  his 
way  through  the  French.  He  succeeded,  and  regained  in  haste 
the  banks  of  the  Bormida,  to  which  all  hurried  with  furious 
precipitation. 

Generals  Kaim  and  Haddick  strove  in  vain  to  keep  their 
ground  in  the  centre ;  Launes  did  not  allow  them  the  means  of 
doing  so ;  he  drove  them  into  Marengo,  and  prepared  to  push 
them  into  the  Fontanone,  and,  from  the  Fontanone,  into  the 
Bormida.  But  Weidenfeld's  grenadiers  made  head  for  a  moment, 
to  give  Oreilly,  who  had  advanced  as  far  as  Cassina  Grossa,  time 
to  come  back.  The  Austrian  cavalry,  on  its  part,  attempted 
several  charges  to  stop  the  progress  of  the  French.  But  it  was 
repelled  by  the  horse  grenadiers  of  the  consular  guard,  led  by 
Bessieres  and  young  Beauharnais.  Lannes  and  Victor,  with  their 
united  corps,  at  last  fell  upon  Marengo,  and  threw  Oreilly 's  as 
well  as  Weidenfeld's  grenadiers  into  disorder.  The  confusion 
on  the  bridges  of  the  Bormida  increased  every  moment.  Foot, 
horse,  artillery,  were  crowded  together  there  in  disorder.  The 
bridges  beinof  insufficient  for  all,  manv  threw  themselves  into 
the  Bormida,  for  the  purpose  of  fording  it.  An  arlillery-driver 
attempted  to  cross  with  his  gun.  He  succeeded,  and  tlie  whole 
of  the  artillery  would  then  have  followed  his  example,  but  part 
of  the  carriages  stuck  fast  in  the  bed  of  the  river.  The  Frencli 
hotly  pursuing  them,  took  men,  horses,  cannon,  and  l)aggnge. 
The  unfortunate  Baron  de  Melas,  who,  two  hours  before,  had  left 
his  army  victorious,  had  hastened  to  the  spot  on  h(\'\ring  of  tliis 
disaster,  and  could  not  believe  his  eyes.  He  was  a  prey  to  vexa- 
tion and  despair.  Such  was  the  sanguinary  battle  of  ^larengo. 
which,  as  we  shall  presently  see,  had  an  immense  infhience  on 
the  destinies  of  France  and  of  the  world ;  it  gave,  in  fact,  at  the 
moment,  peace  to  the  Eejiublic,  and,  a  little  later,  the  Kni]iire  to 
the  h'irst  Consul.  It  was  cruelly  dis])uted,  ami  it  was  worth  the 
disputing;  for  never  was  the  issue  of  a  battle  more  serious  for 
both  adversaries.     M.  de  INlelas  fouMit  to  avoid  a  humiliating 


2 so  HISTORY  OF  THE  juneiSoo 

capitulation ;  General  Bonaparte  staked  on  that  day  his  whole 
fortune.  The  losses,  considering  the  number  of  the  combatants, 
were  immense,  and  out  of  all  the  usual  proportions.  The  Austrians 
lost  about  8000  men  in  killed  and  wounded,  and  more  than  4000 
prisoners.  Their  staff  was  cruelly  decimated.  General  Haddick 
was  killed;  Generals  Vogelsang,  Latterniann,  Bellegarde,  Lamar- 
saille,  and  Gottesheim  were  wounded ;  and  with  them  a  great 
number  of  officers.  Thus  they  lost,  in  men  hors  de  combat  or 
taken,  one-third  of  their  army,  if  it  was  from  36,000  to  40,000 
strong,  as  it  is  generally  said  to  have  been.  As  for  the  French, 
they  had  6000  killed  or  wounded,  and  about  looo  of  them  were 
taken  prisoners,  which  again  exhibits  a  loss  of  one-fourth  out 
of  28,000  soldiers  present  at  the  battle.  Their  staff  suffered 
as  severely  as  the  Austrian  staff.  Generals  JNIainony,  Rivaud, 
Malher,  ChamjDeaux,  were  wounded,  the  last  mortally.  The 
greatest  loss  was  that  of  Desaix.  France  had  not  sustained  one 
more  to  be  regretted  during  a  ten  years'  warfare.  In  the  esti- 
mation of  the  First  Consul,  this  loss  was  great  enough  to  dimi- 
nish the  joy  that  he  felt  for  the  victory.  His  secretary,  M.  de 
Bourrienne,  hastening  to  congratulate  him  on  this  miraculous 
triumph,  said  to  him,  "  What  a  glorious  day  !  "  "  Yes,"  replied 
the  First  Consul,  "it  would  have  been  glorious  indeed,  could  I 
but  have  embraced  Desaix  this  evening  on  the  field  of  battle.  I 
was  going,"  added  he,  "to  make  him  minister  of  war;  I  would 
have  made  him  a  prince,  if  I  could."  The  conqueror  of  Marengo 
had  as  yet  no  notion  that  he  should,  at  no  distant  day,  have  it 
in  his  power  to  bestow  crowns  on  those  who  served  him.  The 
body  of  the  unfortunate  Desaix  was  lying  near  San  Giuliano, 
amidst  that  vast  field  of  carnage.  His  aide-de-camp,  Savary, 
who  had  been  long  attached  to  him,  sought  out  his  body  from 
among  the  dead,  and,  recognising  it  by  his  profusion  of  hair,  had 
it  removed,  and  wraj^ped  in  an  hussar  cloak ;  then  placing  it  on 
his  horse,  he  conveyed  it  to  the  headquarters  at  Torre  di  Garofalo. 
Though  the  plain  of  Marengo  was  drenched  with  French 
blood,  joy  pervaded  the  array.  Soldiers  and  generals  felt  the 
merit  of  their  conduct,  and  appreciated  the  immense  importance 
of  a  victory  gained  on  the  rear  of  the  enemy.  The  Austrians,  on 
the  contrary,  were  in  consternation  ;  they  knew  that  they  were 
enveloped,  and  had  no  alternative  but  to  submit  to  the  law  of 
the  conqueror.  Baron  de  Melas,  who,  on  this  day,  had  two 
horses  killed  under  him,  and  who,  in  spite  of  his  great  age,  had 
behaved  as  well  as  the  youngest  and  most  valiant  soldier  in  his 
army  could  have  done — Baron  de  Melas  was  overwhelmed  with 
the  profoundest  grief.  He  had  returned  to  Alexandria,  to  rest 
himself  a  little,  in  the  belief  that  he  was  the  victor.  Now  he 
saw  his  army  half  destroyed,  seeking  flight  by  every  outlet, 
abandoning  its  artillery  to  the  French,  or  leaving  it  swamped  in 


jUNEiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  251 

the  marshes  of  the  Bormida.  To  complete  the  misfortune,  Zach, 
the  chief  of  his  staff,  who  enjoyed  his  entire  confidence,  was  at 
this  moment  a  prisoner  with  the  P>ench.  In  vain  he  turned 
his  eyes  from  one  of  his  generals  to  another ;  none  of  them 
would  give  an  opinion,  but  all  cursed  the  cabinet  of  Vienna, 
which  had  kept  them  under  such  fatal  illusions,  and  thus  plunged 
them  into  an  abyss.  It  was  imperative,  however,  to  come  to 
some  determination,  but  what  ?  ...  To  fight,  in  order  to  clear 
themselves  a  way  ?  They  had  just  tried  that  ]:)lan,  but  not  suc- 
ceeded. To  retire  upon  Genoa,  or  to  cross  the  Upper  Po,  for 
the  purpose  of  forcing  the  Tessino  ?  These  courses,  difficult 
before  the  battle,  were  impracticable  since  it  had  been  fought 
and  lost.  General  Suchet  was  a  few  leagues  in  rear  with  the 
army  of  Liguria,  towards  Acqui;  General  Bonaparte  was  in 
advance  of  Alexandria,  with  the  victorious  army  of  reserve. 
They  were  on  the  point  of  effecting  their  junction,  and  cutting 
off  the  road  to  Genoa.  General  Moncey,  who,  with  the  detach- 
ments which  had  come  from  Germany,  was  guarding  tlie  Tessino, 
might  be  succoured  by  General  Bonaparte  in  as  short  a  time  as 
it  would  take  to  march  to  him.  Thus  there  was  no  chance  of 
escape  on  any  side,  and  tliey  were  compelled  to  adopt  the  cruel 
idea  of  capitulating ;  happy  if,  in  abandoning  Italy,  they  could 
save  the  liberty  of  the  Austrian  army,  and  if  they  could  obtain 
from  the  generosity  of  the  conqueror  the  concession  that  those 
unfortunate  troops  should  not  be  made  prisoners  of  war.  In 
consequence,  it  was  resolved  that  a  flag  of  truce  should  be  sent 
to  General  Bonaparte,  for  the  puqiose  of  entering  into  negotia- 
tions. Prince  Lichten  stein  was  selected  to  repair,  next  morning, 
June  1 5th  (26th  Prairial),  to  the  French  headcpiarters. 

The  First  Consul,  on  his  part,  had  many  reasons  for  treating. 
His  princi]:>al  aim  was  attained,  for  Italy  was  delivered  by  a 
single  battle.  After  the  victory  which  he  had  just  won,  and 
which  enabled  him  completely  to  hem  in  the  Austrians,  he  was 
certain  to  obtain  the  evacuation  of  Italy  ;  he  might  even,  in 
strictness,  require  the  vanquislied  to  lay  down  tlieir  arms,  and  to 
surrender  themselves  prisoners.  But,  by  wounding  the  honour 
of  those  brave  men,  he  might,  perhaps,  urge  them  to  an  act  of 
despair.  It  would  be  siiilling  useless  blood,  and,  above  all.  it 
would  be  losing  time.  Having  been  absent  from  J^aris  for  above 
a  month,  he  was  sensible  how  im]iortant  it  was  that  he  sliould 
return  as  speedily  as  possible.  ^Ve  had  a  prisoniM-.  wlio  was 
capable  of  being  a  most  useful  medium  of  counnunicatidii.  Tiiis 
was  General  Zacli.  To  him  the  First  Consul  opened  his  mind  ; 
he  expressed,  in  liis  presence,  his  sincere  desire  to  make  peace, 
his  disposition  to  spare  the  imperial  army,  and  to  grant  it 
honourable  terms.  The  Austrian  ilag  of  truce  having  meanwliile 
arrived,  he  manifested  before  that  envoy  the  same  sentiments 


252  HISTORY  OF  THE  june  1800 

that  he  had  expressed  to  M.  de  Zach,  and  charged  both  of  them 
to  return  with  Berthier  to  M.  de  Melas,  to  settle  the  bases  of  a 
capitulation.  According  to  his  custom  in  all  cases  of  this  kind, 
he  declared  irrevocably  the  conditions  already  fixed  in  his  own 
mind,  adding  that  no  parleying  would  induce  him  to  modify  them. 
Thus  he  refrained  from  insisting  that  the  army  of  the  Austrians 
should  be  declared  prisoners  of  war ;  he  was  willing  to  allow  it 
to  pass  with  the  honours  of  war ;  but  he  required  that  all  the 
fortresses  of  Liguria,  Piedmont,  Lombardy,  and  the  Legations 
should  be  immediately  given  up  to  I  ranee,  and  that  the  Austrians 
should  evacuate  all  Italy  as  far  as  the  Mincio.  The  negotiators 
set  out  forthwith  for  the  Austrian  headquarters. 

The  conditions  which  they  brought,  though  rigorous,  were 
natural,  one  might  even  say  generous.  One  only  was  mortify- 
ing, almost  humiliating ;  this  was  the  surrender  of  Genoa,  after 
such  effusion  of  blood,  and  after  an  occupation  of  a  few  days 
only ;  but  evidently  the  conqueror  could  not  waive  this  point. 
M.  de  Melas,  nevertheless,  sent  his  principal  negotiator  to  the 
First  Consul,  to  make  some  remonstrances  against  the  proposed 
armistice.  "Sir,"  said  the  First  Consul,  watli  warmth,  "my 
conditions  are  irrevocable.  It  was  not  yesterday  that  I  began 
my  military  life ;  your  position  is  as  well  known  to  me  as  to 
yourselves.  You  are  in  Alexandria,  incumbered  with  dead, 
wounded,  sick,  destitute  of  provisions ;  you  have  lost  the  best 
troops  of  your  army,  and  are  surrounded  on  all  sides.  There  is 
nothing  that  I  might  not  require,  but  I  respect  the  grey  hair  of 
your  general,  and  the  valour  of  your  troops,  and  I  require 
nothing  more  than  is  imperatively  demanded  by  the  present 
situation  of  affairs.  Return  to  Alexandria ;  do  what  you  will, 
you  shall  have  no  other  conditions." 

The  convention  was  signed  at  Alexandria  on  that  same  day. 
the  15th,  according  to  the  bases  proposed  by  General  Bonaparte. 
It  was  agreed,  in  the  first  place,  that  there  sliould  be  a  sus- 
pension of  arms  in  Italy  till  the  receipt  of  an  answer  from 
Vienna.  If  the  convention  was  confirmed,  the  Austrians  were 
to  be  at  liberty  to  retire  with  the  honours  of  war  behind  tht> 
line  of  the  Mincio.  They  engaged,  in  retiring,  to  deliver  up 
to  the  French  all  the  fortresses  wliich  they  occupied.  Tht> 
citadels  of  Tortona,  Alexandria,  Milan,  Arona,  and  Piacenza 
were  to  be  delivered  up  between  the  i6tli  and  tlie  20th  of  June 
(27th  Prairial,  and  ist  Messidor)  ;  the  citadels  of  Ceva,  Savona, 
the  fortresses  of  Coni  and  Genoa,  between  the  i6th  and  the 
24th  of  June ;  and  the  fort  of  Urbino  on  the  26th.  The  Aus- 
trian army  was  to  be  divided  into  three  columns,  which  were 
to  retire  one  after  another,  as  fast  as  the  fortresses  were 
delivered  up.  The  immense  stores  of  provisions,  accumulated 
by  M.  de  Melas  in  Italy,  were  divided  equally ;  the  artillery  of 


JUNEiSoo       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  253 

the  Italian  foundries  was  assigned  to  the  French  army,  the 
artillery  of  the  Austrian  foundries  to  the  imperial  army.  The 
Imperialists,  after  they  had  evacuated  Lombardy  as  far  as  the 
Mincio,  were  to  confine  themselves  behind  the  following  line 
— the  Mincio,  the  Fossa  jMaestra,  the  left  bank  of  the  Po,  from 
Borgo  Forte  to  the  mouth  of  the  river  in  the  Adriatic.  Pes- 
chiera  and  Mantua  were  left  to  the  Austrian  army.  It  was 
stipulated,  without  any  explanation,  that  the  detachment  of 
that  army,  then  in  Tuscany,  should  continue  to  occupy  that 
province.  Concerning  the  States  of  the  Pope  and  the  King  of 
Naples,  no  mention  could  be  made  in  this  capitulation,  because 
those  princes  had  nothing  to  do  with  events  passing  in  Upper 
Italy.  If  this  convention  was  not  ratified  by  the  emperor,  ten 
days'  notice  of  the  resumption  of  hostilities  was  to  be  given. 
In  the  meantime,  no  detachment  was  to  be  sent  off  to  Germany 
by  either  party. 

Such  was  the  substance  of  the  celebrated  convention  of 
Alexandria,  that  in  one  day  gained  for  France  the  restitution 
of  Upper  Italy,  which  involved  the  restitution  of  the  whole 
of  Italy.  M.  de  Melas  has  since  been  censured  much,  and 
much  too  severely,  for  this  campaign  and  this  convention.  We 
ought  to  be  just  towards  misfortune,  especially  when  it  is  re- 
deemed by  conduct  full  of  honour.  M.  de  ]\Ielas  was  deceived, 
respecting  the  existence  of  the  army  of  reserve,  by  the  cabinet 
of  Vienna,  which  was  incessantly  feeding  him  with  the  most 
mischievous  illusions.  AVhen  once  undeceived,  ho  may  be  cen- 
sured for  not  having  collected  his  troops  eitlier  soon  enough,  or 
completely  enough,  and  for  having  left  too  many  men  in  the 
fortresses.  It  was,  in  fact,  not  behind  the  walls  of  those  places, 
but  on  the  field  of  battle  of  Marengo,  that  they  ought  to  have 
been  defended.  Admitting  this  fault,  it  must  be  acknowledgred 
that  M.  de  Melas  conducted  himself  as  brave  men  do  when 
they  are  surrounded ;  he  strove  to  cut  his  way  tlirougli.  sword 
in  hand.  The  attempt  was  most  gallantly  made,  and  he  was 
vanquished.  From  that  time  there  was  but  one  thing  possible 
for  him  to  do,  and  that  was,  to  save  the  liberty  of  his  army, 
for  Italy  was  irrecoverably  lost  to  him.  He  could  not  obtain 
more  than  he  did  obtain  ;  he  might  even,  had  the  conqueror 
so  willed  it,  have  been  subjected  to  further  humiliations.  And 
the  conqueror  himself  did  well  not  to  require  more,  since,  had 
he  determined  to  humble  these  brave  men,  he  would  have 
incurred  the  risk  of  driving  them  to  desperate  extremities,  and 
of  losing  valuable  time,  his  presence  in  J\aris  bring  at  that 
moment  indispensable.  Let  us,  then,  ])ity  M.  (If  Mehis,  and 
admire,  without  reserve,  the  conduct  of  the  victor,  who  owed  the 
prodigious  results  of  this  cam]:)aign,  not  to  ehauce,  but  to  the 
most  profound  and  the  most  marvellously  executed  combinations. 


254  HISTORY  OF  THE  juneiSoo 

Some  detractors  of  General  Bonaparte  have  pretended  to 
attribute  to  General  Kellermann  the  victory  of  Marengo  and 
all  the  results  which  that  memorable  battle  brought  in  its  train. 
Why  then,  if  General  Bonaparte  must  be  stripped  of  this  glory, 
not  ascribe  it  to  that  noble  victim  of  the  happiest  inspiration, 
to  that  Desaix,  who,  anticipating  the  orders  of  his  chief,  sacri- 
ficed his  life,  but  won  the  day  ?  Or  why  not  ascribe  it  to  that 
intrepid  defender  of  Genoa,  who,  by  detaining  the  Austrians  on 
the  Apennines,  gave  General  Bonaparte  time  to  descend  from 
the  Alps,  and  delivered  them  up  to  him  almost  half  destroyed  ? 
According  to  some  people.  Generals  Kellermann,  Desaix,  and 
Massena  would  be  the  real  conquerors  of  Marengo — all,  ex- 
cepting General  Bonaparte.  But,  in  this  world,  the  voice  of 
nations  has  always  decreed  glory,  and  the  voice  of  nations  has 
proclaimed  conqueror  him,  who  discovered,  with  the  glance 
of  genius,  the  use  that  might  be  made  of  the  High  Alps  for 
debouching  on  the  rear  of  the  Austrians,  who  deceived  their 
vigilance  for  three  successive  months,  who  created  an  army 
which  did  not  exist,  who  caused  its  formation  to  be  disbelieved 
by  all  Europe,  who  crossed  the  St.  Bernard  without  beaten  road, 
appeared  unexpectedly  in  the  midst  of  Italy ;  confounded  with 
astonishment,  surrounded  his  unfortunate  adversary  with  mar- 
vellous art,  and  fought  with  him  a  decisive  battle,  lost  in  the 
morning,  regained  in  the  evening,  and  sure  to  have  been  re- 
gained, if  not  on  that  day,  yet  on  the  next :  for  besides  Desaix's 
6000  men,  10,000  hastening  up  from  the  Tessino,  and  10,000 
posted  on  the  Lower  Po,  would  have  furnished  infallible  means 
for  destroying  the  hostile  army.  Let  us  suppose,  in  fact,  the 
Austrians,  victorious  on  the  14th  of  June,  entering  the  defile 
of  La  Stradella,  finding  at  Piacenza  Generals  Duhesme  and 
Loison,  with  10,000  men,  ready  to  dispute  with  them  the  pas- 
sage of  the  Po,  and  at  their  heels  General  Bonaparte,  reinforced 
by  Generals  Desaix  and  Moncey ;  what  would  the  Austrians 
have  done  in  that  dangerous  place,  stopped  by  a  well-defended 
river,  and  pursued  by  an  army  superior  in  number?  They 
would  have  succumbed  more  disastrously  than  in  the  plains 
of  the  Bormida.  The  real  conqueror  of  Marengo  was,  there- 
fore, he  who  chained  Fortune  by  his  combinations,  profound, 
admirable,  unequalled  in  the  history  of  great  captains. 

For  the  rest,  he  was  ably  served  by  his  lieutenants,  and  there 
is  no  need  to  sacrifice  any  glory  for  the  purpose  of  building  up 
his.  Massdna,  by  an  heroic  defence  of  Genoa — Desaix,  by  the 
most  happy  determination — Lannes,  by  incomparable  firmness 
in  the  plain  of  Marengo — Kellermann,  by  a  splendid  charge  of 
cavalry — all  aided  him  in  his  triumph.  He  rewarded  them 
all  in  the  most  signal  manner;  and,  as  for  Desaix,  he  evinced 
for  his  death  the  noblest   sorrow.     The  First  Consul   decreed 


jUNEiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  255 

magnificent  honours  to  the  man  who  had  rendered  France  so 
important  a  service ;  he  even  adopted  his  military  family  and 
placed  about  his  own  person  his  two  aides-de-camp,  who  were 
thrown  out  of  employment  by  the  death  of  their  general :  these 
were  Colonels  Kapp  and  Savary. 

Before  he  left  the  field  of  battle  of  Marengo,  the  First  Consul 
resolved  to  write  another  letter  to  the  Emperor  of  Germany. 
Though  the  first  had  elicited  only  an  indirect  answer,  addressed 
by  M.  de  Thugut  to  M.  de  Talleyrand,  he  conceived  that  in  the 
hour  of  victory  he  might  condescend  to  renew  his  rejected  over- 
tures. At  this  moment  he  was  most  ardently  desirous  of  peace  : 
he  felt  that,  to  give  peace  to  France  abroad,  as  he  had  pacified 
it  at  home,  was  his  real  vocation,  and  that  the  accomplishment 
of  this  task  would  legitimatise  his  nascent  authority  much  more 
than  new  victories  could  possibly  do.  Susceptible,  moreover, 
of  the  strongest  impressions,  he  had  been  most  deeply  touched 
on  beholding  that  plain  of  INIarengo,  on  which  lay  a  fourth  of 
two  armies :  under  the  influence  of  these  sentiments,  he  wrote 
a  singular  letter  to  the  emperor.  "  It  is  on  the  field  of  battle," 
said  he,  "  amidst  the  sufferings  of  a  multitude  of  wounded,  and 
surrounded  by  15,000  dead,  that  I  beseech  your  Majesty  to 
listen  to  the  voice  of  humanity,  and  not  to  permit  two  brave 
nations  to  slaughter  each  other  for  interests  which  are  foreign 
to  both.  It  is  for  me  to  urge  your  Majesty ;  since  I  am  nearer 
than  you  to  the  theatre  of  war,  your  heart  cannot  be  so  strongly 
impressed  as  mine." 

The  letter  was  long.  The  First  Consul  discussed  in  it,  with 
the  eloquence  peculiar  to  himself,  and  in  language  which  was 
not  that  of  diplomacy,  the  motives  which  France  and  Austria 
could  still  have  for  continuing  armed  against  one  another.  "  Is 
it  for  religion  that  you  are  fighting?"  said  he.  "In  this  case, 
make  war  upon  the  Russians  and  the  I]nglish,  who  are  tlie 
enemies  of  your  faith,  and  be  not  their  ally.  Is  it  to  check  the 
progress  of  revolutionary  principles  ?  But  the  war  has  pro- 
pagated them  over  half  the  continent,  by  extending  the  con- 
quests of  France,  and  it  cannot  but  propagate  them  still  farther. 
Is  it  for  the  balance  of  power  in  Europe  ?  But  the  English 
threaten  that  balance  more  than  we  do;  for  they  are  become 
the  masters  and  the  tyrants  of  commerce,  and  nobody  can  now 
match  them ;  whereas  Euro]:)e  will  always  be  able  to  control 
France,  if  she  were  seriously  to  threat(^n  the  indejitMidence  of 
nations.  [A  proposition  unfortunately  but  too  well  foundi'd,  as 
a  war  of  fifteen  years  has  but  too  fully  proved  !]  Is  it."  added 
the  warrior  diplomatist,  "is  it  for  the  integi'ity  of  tht^  (iernianic 
Empire  ?  But  vour  Majesty  has  yourself  givsMi  u])  to  us  Maycnce 
and  the  German  States  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Jxhine.  J5esides, 
the  Empire  is  earnestly  entreating  you  to  give  it  peace.     Is  it, 


256  HISTORY  OF  THE  juneiSoo 

lastly,  for  the  interests  of  the  house  of  Austria  ?  Nothing  is 
more  natural ;  but  let  us  carry  out  the  treaty  of  Campo  Formio, 
which  secures  to  your  Majesty  large  indemnities  in  compensa- 
tion of  the  provinces  lost  in  the  Netherlands,  and  ensures  them 
to  you  in  that  quarter  where  you  had  rather  obtain  them,  that 
is,  in  Italy.  Let  your  Majesty  send  negotiators  whithersoever 
you  please,  and  we  will  add  to  the  treaty  of  Campo  Formio 
stipulations  capable  of  satisfying  you  relative  to  the  existence 
of  the  secondary  States,  which  the  French  Kepublic  is  charged 
with  having  shaken."  The  First  Consul  here  alluded  to  Hol- 
land, Switzerland,  Piedmont,  the  Roman  States,  Tuscany,  and 
Naples,  which  the  Directory  had  revolutionised.  "  On  these  con- 
ditions," he  added,  "  peace  is  made ;  let  us  extend  the  armistice 
to  both  armies,  and  enter  into  immediate  negotiations." 

M.  de  St.  Julien,  one  of  the  generals  who  possessed  the  confi- 
dence of  the  emperor,  was  to  be  the  bearer  of  this  letter  and  of 
the  convention  of  Alexandria  to  Vienna. 

Some  days  afterwards,  his  first  impressions  having  somewhat 
worn  off,  the  First  Consul  felt  that  species  of  regret  which  he 
often  experienced,  when  he  happened  to  write  an  important 
paper  from  the  first  impulse,  and  without  consulting  cooler  minds 
than  his  own.  In  apprising  the  Consuls  of  the  step  he  had  taken, 
he  said,  "  I  have  despatched  a  courier  to  the  emperor  with  a 
letter  which  the  minister  of  foreign  affairs  will  communicate  to 
you.  You  will  find  it  rcdher  original ;  but  it  was  written  on 
the  field  of  battle.     (June  22nd.) 

Having  taken  leave  of  his  army,  he  set  out  for  Milan  on  the 
morning  of  the  17th  of  June  (28th  Prairial),  three  days  after 
the  victory  of  Marengo.  He  was  awaited  there  with  keen  im- 
patience. He  arrived  about  dark.  The  population,  forewarned, 
thronged  the  streets  to  see  him  pass.  They  raised  shouts  of 
joy,  and  threw  flowers  into  his  carriage.  The  city  was  illumi- 
nated with  that  brilliancy  which  the  Italians  alone  understand 
the  art  of  displaying  on  such  occasions.  The  Lombards,  who 
had  just  borne  for  ten  or  twelve  months  the  Austrian  yoke, 
rendered  more  galling  by  the  war  and  the  violence  of  circum- 
stances, trembled  for  fear  of  being  replaced  under  their  insup- 
portable authority.  During  the  various  phases  of  this  short 
campaign,  in  which  the  most  contrary  reports  reached  them, 
they  had  experienced  the  most  painful  anxiety,  and  they  were 
transported  with  joy  to  see  their  deliverance  at  last  ensured. 
General  Bonaparte  ordered  the  re-establishment  of  the  Cisalpine 
Republic  to  be  immediately  proclaimed,  and  hastened  to  intro- 
duce some  order  into  the  affairs  of  Italy,  the  aspect  of  which 
was  completely  changed  by  his  recent  victory. 

We  have  already  observed  that  the  war,  undertaken  by  the  for- 
midable coalition  of  the  Russians,  the  English,  and  the  Austrians, 


JUNE  rSoo       CONSULATE  AND  TEE  EMPIRE.  257 

to  re-establish  in  their  dominions  the  princes  overthrown  by  the 
alleged  encroachments  of  the  Directory,  had  not  replaced  any 
of  them.  The  King  of  Piedmont  was  at  Rome,  and  the  Grand 
Duke  of  Tuscany  in  Austria;  the  Pope  had  died  at  Valence, 
and  his  provinces  were  invaded  by  the  Neapolitans.  The  royal 
family  of  Naples,  entirely  devoted  to  the  English,  was  alone  in 
its  dominions.  The  Queen  of  Naples,  Sir  John  Acton,  and  Lord 
Nelson  permitted,  if  they  did  not  order,  abominable  cruelties. 
The  victory  of  the  French  Republic  was  destined  to  change  all 
this :  humanity  was  as  much  interested  in  the  matter  as  policy. 

The  First  Consul  instituted  a  provisional  government  in  Milan, 
till  the  Cisalpine  could  be  reorganised,  and  definitive  frontiers 
assigned  to  it,  which  would  not  be  possible  before  peace.  He 
did  not  conceive  that  he  was  obliged  to  pay  more  regard  to  the 
King  of  Piedmont  than  Austria  had  shown  for  him,  and  there- 
fore he  was  in  no  hurry  to  re-establish  him  in  his  dominions. 
He  appointed  instead  a  provisional  government,  and  nominated 
General  Jourdan  commissioner  to  this  government,  with  the 
direction  of  which  he  was  charged.  The  First  Consul  had  long 
wished  to  employ,  and  to  withdraw  from  his  enemies,  this  wise 
and  honest  man,  not  at  all  fitted  to  be  the  head  of  the  anarchists 
in  France.  Piedmont,  therefore,  was  held  in  reserve,  with  the 
intention  of  disposing  of  it  at  the  peace,  either  for  the  profit 
of  the  French  Republic,  or  as  a  pledge  of  reconciliation  with 
Europe,  when  reconstituting  her  secondary  States,  destroyed 
under  the  Directory.  Tuscany  was  to  continue  occupied  by  an 
Austrian  corps.  The  First  Consul  caused  it  to  be  watched,  ready 
to  lay  hands  on  it  if  the  English  should  land,  or  if  more  men 
should  be  raised  against  France.  As  for  Naples,  he  said  nothing, 
he  did  nothing,  waiting  to  see  the  effect  of  his  \dctory  on  the 
spirit  of  that  court.  The  Queen  of  Naples,  in  affright,  was 
already  preparing  to  set  out  for  Vienna,  to  solicit  the  support 
of  Austria,  and,  more  especially,  that  of  Russia. 

There  remained  the  court  of  Rome :  here  temporal  inte- 
rests were  bound  up  with  the  most  important  spiritual  interests. 
Pius  VL,  as  we  have  seen,  had  recently  died  in  France,  the  prisoner 
of  the  Directory.  The  First  Consul,  true  to  his  policy,  had  caused 
funeral  honours  to  be  paid  to  him.  A  conclave  had  assembled  at 
Venice,  and  had,  with  great  difficulty,  obtained  permission  from 
the  Austrian  cabinet  to  appoint  a  successor  to  the  deceased  l'o])e. 
Thirty-five  cardinals  attended  this  conclave.  A  jirelate  was 
secretary :  this  was  Monsignor  Consalvi,  a  ]loman  priest,  young, 
ambitious,  remarkable  for  the  pliancy,  the  penetration,  the  agree- 
able qualities  of  his  mind,  and  who  has  since  been  mixed  u]i  with 
the  most  important  affairs  of  the  time.  The  conclave,  as  usual 
in  all  elections,  political  or  religious,  was  divided.  Twenty-two 
of  its  members  sided  with  Cardinal  Braschi,  nephew  of  the  late 

VOL.  I.  n 


258  HISTORY  OF  THE  juneiSoo 

Pope,  and  supported  the  pretensions  of  Cardinal  Bellisomi,  Bishop 
of  Cesena.  Those  who  were  unwilling  to  perpetuate  at  Home 
the  all-powerful  influence  of  the  Braschi  family  joined  Cardinal 
Antonelli,  who  was  in  favour  of  Cardinal  Mattel,  who  signed  the 
treaty  of  Tolentino.  But  they  gave  him  only  thirteen  votes. 
For  several  months  this  silent  but  obstinate  contest  had  been 
going  on.  Neither  of  the  two  competitors  had  as  yet  gained  any 
votes  from  the  other.  At  length  the  learned  Cardinal  Gerdil, 
who  had  figured  in  the  controversies  of  the  last  century,  was 
thought  of.  This  new  candidate  was  a  native  of  Savoy,  and  had 
become,  since  the  victories  of  the  Republic,  a  subject  of  France. 
Austria  exercised  her  right  of  exclusion  against  him.  To  put 
an  end  to  the  matter,  two  members  of  the  conclave  deserted 
Cardinal  Mattel,  and  promised  to  support  Cardinal  Bellisomi, 
which  ensured  him  twenty-four  votes,  that  is,  two-thirds,  the 
number  rigorously  required  by  the  laws  of  the  Church  to  render 
an  election  valid.  But,  as  the  assembly  was  held  in  the  dominions 
of  Austria,  it  was  thought  proper  first  to  submit  to  her  this 
nomination,  in  order  to  obtain  her  tacit  assent.  The  court  of 
Vienna  had  the  discourtesy  to  let  more  than  a  month  elapse 
before  returning  an  answer.  The  susceptibility  of  the  princes 
of  the  Church  was  wounded ;  at  the  same  time  the  plans  of  all 
parties  were  upset,  and  the  election  of  Cardinal  Bellisomi  became 
impossible.  This  moment  of  disorder  and  fatigue  the  able 
secretary  of  the  conclave,  the  prelate  Consalvi,  had  been  waiting 
for,  to  start  a  fresh  candidate,  the  object  of  his  long  and  secret 
meditations.  Addressing  himself  to  each  party  in  that  language 
which  was  most  likely  to  touch  it,  he  demonstrated  to  one  the 
inconveniences  of  the  preponderance  of  the  Braschi ;  to  another 
the  little  reliance  that  could  be  placed  on  Austria,  or  the  other 
Christian  courts :  then,  appealing  to  the  old  Roman  interest,  so 
profound,  so  sagacious,  he  unfolded  to  their  astonished  eyes  a 
prospect  absolutely  new  to  them  all.  "It  is  from  France,"  said 
he  to  them,  "  that  we  have  suffered  persecution  for  these  ten 
years  past.  Well,  it  is  from  France  that  we  may,  perhaps,  derive 
future  support  and  consolation.  France,  ever  since  the  days  of 
Charlemagne,  has  always  been  the  most  useful,  the  least  irksome 
of  protectors.  A  young  and  very  extraordinary  man,  of  whom  it 
is  still  very  difiicult  to  form  a  judgment,  now  rules  that  country, 
and,  depend  upon  it,  he  will  very  soon  have  reconquered  Italy. 
[The  battle  of  Marengo  had  not  then  been  fought.]  Recollect 
that  he  protected  the  pi'iests  in  1797,  and  that  he  has,  quite 
recently,  paid  funeral  honours  to  Pius  VI.  Singular  expressions 
which  he  has  been  heard  to  use,  on  the  subject  of  religion  and 
of  the  court  of  Rome,  have  been  repeated  to  us  by  witnesses 
worthy  of  credit.  Do  not  neglect  the  support  which  you  may 
derive  from  that  quarter.     Let  us  make  a  final  choice  that  cannot 


JUNEiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  259 

be  considered  as  an  hostility  to  France ;  that  may  even,  up  to  a 
certain  point,  be  agreeable  to  her ;  and  we  shall,  perhaps,  do  a 
thing  more  serviceable  to  the  Church  than  applying  for  candi- 
dates to  all  the  Catholic  courts  in  Europe." 

This  was  certainly  a  flash  from  that  genius  of  the  court  of 
Rome  which  afterwards  blazed  forth  at  the  commencement  of 
the  present  century.  Monsignor  Consalvi  then  put  forward 
the  name  of  Cardinal  Chiaramonti,  Bishop  of  Imola.  It  was 
impossible  to  make  a  choice  more  consonant  with  the  end  which 
he  had  in  view.  Cardinal  Chiaramonti,  a  native  of  Cesena, 
aged  fifty-eight  years,  related  to  Pius  VI.,  elevated  by  him  to 
the  Roman  purjole,  had  long  been  universally  esteemed  for  his 
understanding,  his  learning,  and  his  aimable  character.  With 
these  attractive  qualities  he  united  great  firmness  ;  and  he  had 
been  seen  at  an  earlier  period  struggling  with  a  victorious  forti- 
tude against  the  annoyances  of  his  Order,  that  of  St.  Benedict, 
and  the  persecutions  of  the  Holy  Office.  His  most  recent  and 
most  celebrated  act  was  a  homily  written  in  quality  of  Bishop 
of  Imola,  when  his  diocese  had  been  united  with  the  Cisalpine 
Republic.  He  had  then  spoken  of  the  French  Revolution  with 
a  moderation  which  had  charmed  the  conqueror  of  Italy,  and 
scandalised  the  fanatics  of  the  old  order  of  things.  Respected, 
nevertheless,  by  everybody,  he  joleased  the  Braschi  party,  was 
not  disliked  by  the  contrary  party,  suited  all  the  cardinals,  weary 
of  the  length  of  the  conclave,  and  was  deemed  a  happy  choice 
by  those  who  hoped  much  from  the  good-will  of  France  in 
future.  The  unexpected  adhesion  of  an  illustrious  personage 
decided  his  election,  which,  in  fact,  met  with  no  real  difficulty 
but  in  his  personal  reluctance  to  accept  such  an  honour.  This 
adhesion  was  that  of  Cardinal  Maury.  This  celebrated  cham- 
pion of  the  ancient  French  monarchy  had  retired  to  the  court 
of  Rome,  where  he  lived,  rewarded  by  a  cardinal's  hat  for  his 
struggles  with  Barnave  and  IMirabeau.  He  was  an  emigrant, 
but  an  emigrant  endowed  with  a  remarkable  mind,  extraordinary 
sense,  and  cherishing  with  secret  satisfaction  the  idea  of  attach- 
ing himself  again  to  the  government  of  France,  since  glory  re- 
deemed the  nov(4ty  of  that  government.  He  could  dis]50se  of 
six  votes,  and  gave  them  to  Cardinal  Chiaramonti,  who  was 
elected  Rope  nearly  at  the  moment  of  the  arrival  of  General 
Bonaparte  at  ]\[ilan.  after  crossing  the  St.  Bernard. 

The  new  Pontiff  was  at  Venice,  having  b(>en  unable  to  obtain 
from  the  court  of  \'ienna  permission  to  be  crowned  at  St.  Clark's, 
or  from  the  court  of  Na]")les  the  restitution  of  iiom(\  However, 
having  set  out  almost  suddenly  to  ]iroceed  to  Ancona.  he  nego- 
tiated in  that  city  the  evacuation  of  thi^  States  of  tiie  Church, 
and  his  own  return  to  the  cajiital  of  the  ( 'liristian  world.  France, 
which  had  become  friendlv  towards  the  Jlolv  See.  had  it  in  her 


26o  HISTORY  OF  THE  june  1800 

power  to  afford  him  very  timely  support  in  this  precarious 
position,  and  the  singular  foresight  of  Mousignor  Consalvi 
might  receive  its  fulfilment  in  a  manner  which  was  altogether 
unexpected.  This  meeting  of  Cardinal  Chiaramonti  and  the 
First  Consul,  the  one  raised  to  the  pontifical  throne,  the  other 
to  the  republican  dictatorship,  nearly  at  the  same  time,  was 
not  one  of  the  least  extraordinary  or  the  least  fertile  in  conse- 
quences of  the  events  of  the  present  century. 

Young  Bonaparte,  in  1796,  the  submissive  general  of  the 
Directory,  unable  as  yet  to  dare  everything,  and  not  as  yet  pre- 
tending to  school  the  French  Revolution,  had  maintained  the 
Pope  by  the  treaty  of  Tolentino,  and  had  taken  from  him  nothing 
but  the  Legations  for  the  purpose  of  annexing  them  to  the 
Cisalpine  Kepublic.  Having  now  become  First  Consul,  having 
it  in  his  power  to  do  what  he  thought  fit,  determined  to  rectify 
many  of  the  things  which  the  French  Revolution  had  accom- 
plished, he  could  not  hesitate  as  to  his  conduct  towards  the  re- 
cently elected  Pope.  No  sooner  had  he  returned  to  Milan  than 
he  had  an  interview  with  Cardinal  Martiuiana,  Bishop  of  Vercelli, 
a  friend  of  Pius  VII.'s,  declared  to  him  that  he  was  resolved  to 
live  on  good  terms  with  the  Holy  See,  to  reconcile  the  French 
Revolution  with  the  Church,  even  to  support  the  latter  against 
her  enemies,  if  the  new  Pope  showed  himself  reasonable,  and 
thoroughly  comprehended  the  then  situation  of  France  and  of 
the  world.  This  intimation,  dropped  into  the  ear  of  the  aged 
cardinal,  was  not  destined  to  be  lost,  and  was  soon  to  produce 
abundant  fruit.  The  Bishop  of  Vercelli  despatched  to  Rome 
his  own  nephew,  Count  Alciati,  to  open  a  negotiation. 

To  this  overture  General  Bonaparte  added  an  act  which  was 
still  bolder,  and  in  which  he  durst  not  have  indulged  in  Paris ; 
but  he  was  delighted  to  make  the  news  of  it  travel  from  a  dis- 
tance into  France,  as  a  token  of  his  future  intentions.  The 
Italians  had  made  preparations  for  a  solemn  Te  Deum  in  the 
ancient  cathedral  of  Milan.  He  determined  to  be  present  at 
the  ceremony,  and,  on  the  i8th  of  June  (29tli  Prairial),  he 
wrote  these  words  to  the  Consuls :  "  To-day,  in  spite  of  all  that 
our  Paris  atheists  may  say,  I  am  going  in  great  state  to  the 
Te  Dcum  which  is  to  be  sung  in  the  cathedral  of  Milan." 
(Archives  of  the  State  Paper  Office.) 

After  he  had  thus  turned  his  mind  to  the  general  affairs  of 
Italy,  he  made  some  indispensable  arrangements  for  the  distribu- 
tion of  the  army  in  the  conquered  country,  and  for  its  subsistence 
and  reorganisation.  Massena  had  just  joined  him.  The  ill- 
humour  of  the  defender  of  Genoa  was  dispelled  by  the  flattering 
reception  which  the  First  Consul  gave  him,  and  he  was  appointed 
to  the  command  of  the  army  of  Italy,  to  which  he  was  so  well 
entitled.     This  army  was   composed  of   the  corps  which  had 


jUNEiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  261 

defended  Genoa,  of  that  which  had  defended  the  Var,  of  the  troops 
which  had  crossed  the  St.  Bernard,  and  of  those  under  General 
Moncey,  which  had  come  from  Germany.  These  together  formed 
an  imposing  mass  of  80,000  tried  men.  The  First  Consul  quar- 
tered them  in  the  rich  plains  of  the  Po,  to  give  them  rest  after 
their  fatigues,  and  to  indemnify  them  for  their  privations  by 
the  abundance  which  they  would  there  enjoy. 

With  his  accustomed  foresight,  the  First  Consul  ordered  the 
forts  and  citadels  which  closed  the  passes  between  France  and 
Italy  to  be  blown  up.  In  consequence,  the  demolition  of  the 
forts  of  Arona,  Bard,  and  Seravalle,  and  of  the  citadels  of  Ceva 
and  Ivrea,  was  prescribed  and  executed.  He  fixed  the  extent 
of  the  contributions,  which  were  to  serve  for  the  subsistence 
of  the  army,  and  the  mode  in  which  they  were  to  be  levied  : 
despatched  the  consular  guard  himself,  calculating  the  days' 
marches  in  such  a  manner  that  it  should  arrive  in  Paris  in  time 
for  the  festival  of  the  14th  of  July,*  which,  according  to  his 
intentions,  was  to  be  celebrated  with  great  pomp.  He  took  the 
trouble  while  yet  at  Milan  to  regulate  the  details  of  that  fete. 
"It  is  necessary,"  he  writes,  " to  study  to  make  the  solemnity 
of  the  14th  of  July  a  brilliant  one,  and  not  to  let  it  cqje  the 
rejoicings  which  have  hitherto  taken  place.  Chariot-races  might 
be  very  well  in  Greece,  where  they  fought  in  chariots.  They 
are  out  of  place  and  unmeaning  in  France."  (Milan,  June  22nd. 
State  Paper  Office.)  He  forbade  triumphal  arches  to  be  erected 
for  him,  observing,  that  he  wished  for  no  other  triumphal  arch 
than  the  public  satisfaction. 

If  the  First  Consul,  notwithstanding  the  urgent  interests  that 
called  for  his  presence  at  Paris,  did  tarry  ten  days  at  Milan,  it 
was  that  he  might  thoroughly  assure  himself  of  the  punctual 
execution  of  the  convention  of  Alexandria.  He  mistrusted 
Austrian  honesty,  and  even  imagined  that  he  perceived  some 
delay  in  the  delivery  of  certain  places.  He  immediately  stormed 
asrainst  the  weakness  of  Berthier,  and  ordered  the  second  and 
third  columns  of  the  army  of  M.  de  Melas  to  be  detained.  The 
first  had  already  set  out.  Then^  was  reason  for  some  fears 
respecting  Genoa,  in  particular,  wliicli  the  Austrians  might 
easily  be  tempted  to  deliver  u]i  to  the  English,  before  the 
French  had  time  to  take  ])ossession  of  it.  In  fact,  the  Prince 
of  Hohenzollern,  either  of  his  own  accord,  or  instigated  by  the 
English,  refused  at  this  moment  to  give  up  to  iNlassona's  troops 
a  place  which  the  Austrians  had  found  it  so  difficult  to  take. 
M.  de  ]\[elas,  when  ijiformed  of  these  demurs,  enjoined  his 
lieutenant,  in  the  most  lionourable  manner,  to  fulfil  the  con- 
vention of  Alexandria,  threatening,  if  he  resisted,  to  give  him 
up  to  the  consec(uenc(>s  liable  to  be  brought  u]ion  him  by  such 
*  The  anniver.sary  of  the  stormicg  of  the  Bastille  in  17S9. 


262  HISTORY  OF  THE  june  1800 

an  act  of  perfidy.  The  injunction  of  M.  de  Melas  was  obeyed, 
and  Genoa  was  delivered  to  the  French  on  the  24th  of  June, 
amidst  the  rejoicings  of  the  Ligurian  patriots,  freed  in  so  few 
days  from  the  presence  of  the  Austrians  and  the  domination 
of  the  oligarchy.  Thus  was  fulfilled  the  spirited  declaration  of 
Massena,  "  I  swear  to  you  that  I  will  be  back  again  in  Genoa 
before  a  fortnight  is  over !  " 

All  this  being  done,  the  First  Consul  set  out  from  Milan 
on  the  24th  of  June,  with  Duroc,  his  favourite  aide-de-camp, 
Bessieres,  commandant  of  the  consular  guard,  M.  de  Bourrienne, 
his  secretary,  and  Savary,  one  of  the  two  officers  whom  he  had 
attached  to  his  person  in  memory  of  Desaix.  He  stopped  a  few 
hours  at  Turin,  to  give  orders  for  works  at  the  citadel,  crossed 
Mont  Cenis,  and  entered  Lyons  under  triumphal  arches,  amidst 
the  population,  amazed  at  the  prodigies  which  had  been  just 
accomplished.  The  Lyonnais,  who  were  equally  smitten  with 
his  glory  and  his  policy,  beset  the  Hotel  des  Celestins,  where  he 
had  alighted,  and  absolutely  insisted  on  seeing  him.  He  was 
obliged  to  show  himself.  Unanimous  acclamations  burst  forth 
at  sight  of  him.  He  was  so  earnestly  solicited  to  lay  the  first 
stone  of  the  Place  Bellecour,  the  rebuilding  of  which  was  about 
to  be  commenced,  that  he  could  not  help  complying.  He  passed 
a  day  at  Lyons,  amidst  the  concourse  of  all  the  inhabitants  of 
the  environs.  Having  addressed  the  Lyonnais  in  terms  which 
delighted  them,  relative  to  the  speedy  re-establishment  of  peace, 
order,  and  commerce,  he  set  out  for  Paris.  The  inhabitants  of 
the  country  thronged  together  at  every  place  through  which 
he  passed.  This  man,  so  kindly  treated  by  Fortune,  keenly 
enjoyed  his  glory,  and  yet,  conversing  incessantly  by  the  way 
with  his  travelling  companions,  he  made  this  grand  remark, 
which  so  finely  exjDresses  his  insatiable  thirst  of  renown.  "  Yes," 
said  he,  "  in  less  than  two  years  I  have  conquered  Cairo,  Milan, 
Paris ;  and  yet,  were  I  to  die  to-morrow,  I  should  not  have  half 
a  page  in  a  Universal  History."  He  arrived  in  the  night 
between  the  2nd  and  3rd  of  July  at  Paris. 

His  return  was  necessary,  for,  having  been  away  from  the 
capital  nearly  two  months,  his  absence,  especially  at  the  moment 
of  the  false  news  of  Marengo,  had  given  rise  to  some  intrigues. 
It  was  even  believed  for  a  moment  that  he  was  either  dead  or 
vanquished,  and  ambitious  persons  had  set  themselves  to  work. 
Some  thought  of  Carnot,  others  of  M.  de  la  Fayette,  who  had 
been  released  from  Olmiitz,  through  the  kindness  of  the  First 
Consul,  and  returned  to  France.  They  were  for  making  Carnot 
or  M.  de  la  Fayette  president  of  the  Eepublic.  M.  de  la  Fayette 
had  no  hand  in  these  intrigues ;  no  more  had  Carnot.  But 
Joseph  and  Lucien  Bonaparte  conceived,  and  most  unjustly,  a 
mistrust  of  the  latter,  which  they  infused  also  into  their  brother. 


JUNE  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  263 

Hence  that  unlucky  resolution,  which  the  First  Consul  executed 
a  little  later,  to  take  the  portfolio  of  war  from  Carnot.  Some 
even  imagined  that  they  could  perceive  in  Messrs.  de  Talle3rrand 
and  Fouch(5,  who  hated  one  another,  a  tendency  to  be  reconciled, 
no  doubt  for  the  .purpose  of  concerting  their  schemes,  and 
profiting  together  by  recent  events.  On  this  occasion  not  the 
slightest  symptom  of  stir  was  visible  on  the  part  of  M.  Sieyes, 
the  man  best  entitled  to  lead  the  country,  in  case  General  Bona- 
parte should  have  disappeared  from  the  scene.  But  he  was  the 
only  one  who  showed  so  much  reserve.  All  this,  however,  had 
scarcely  time  to  betray  itself,  so  speedily  were  the  bad  tidings 
superseded  by  good.  But  what  had  passed  was  greatly  exagger- 
ated in  the  relation,  and  the  First  Consul  conceived  against  certain 
persons  a  resentment,  which  he  had  the  good  sense  to  conceal, 
and  even  to  forget  entirely,  in  regard  to  all  those  who  had  been 
mentioned  to  him,  one  only  excepted,  the  illustrious  Carnot. 
The  First  Consul,  moreover,  wholly  engrossed  by  joy  at  his 
successes,  was  desirous  that,  at  this  moment,  not  the  slightest 
cloud  should  arise  to  overshadow  the  public  felicity.  He  gave  a 
gracious  reception  to  all,  and  was  himself  welcomed  with  trans- 
port, especially  by  those  who  had  reason  to  reproach  themselves. 
The  populace  of  Paris,  on  hearing  of  his  return,  collected  under 
the  windows  of  the  Tuileries,  and  thronged,  during  the  whole 
day,  the  courts  and  the  garden  of  the  palace.  The  First  Consul 
was  several  times  obliged  to  show  himself  to  the  crowd.  At 
night,  the  city  of  Paris  was  spontaneously  illuminated.  People 
were  eager  to  celebrate  a  miraculous  victory,  the  certain  presage 
of  an  ardently  desired  peace.  This  day  so  deeply  touched  him 
who  was  the  object  of  this  homage  that,  twenty  years  after- 
wards, in  loneliness,  in  exile,  a  prisoner  amidst  the  solitude  of 
the  Atlantic  Ocean,  he  mentioned  it  among  his  recollections  as 
one  of  the  happiest  of  his  life. 

On  the  following  day,  the  bodies  of  the  State  waited  upon 
him,  and  set  the  first  example  of  those  congratulations,  the  irk- 
some spectacle  of  which  we  have  since  seen  so  often  repeated, 
and  in  every  reign.  This  spectacle  was  then  new,  and  there 
was  an  adef|uate  motive  for  it.  There  appeared  successively  at 
the  Tuileries,  the  Senate,  the  Legislative  Body,  the  Tribunate, 
the  chief  tribunals,  the  Prefecture  of  the  Seine,  the  civil  and 
military  authorities,  the  directors  of  the  Bank  of  France,  lastly, 
the  Institute,  and  the  scientific  societies.  These  great  bodies 
hastened  to  compliment  the  conc|ueror  of  Marengo,  and  addressed 
him  in  such  language  as  kings  were  formerly  addressed,  as  they 
have  since  been  addressed  in.  But  it  must  be  admitted  tluit  this 
lan<Tua(:^e,  thouofli  uniformlv  that  of  praise,  was  dictated  bv  a 
sincere  enthusiasm.  In  fact,  the  aspect  of  tilings  chang(>d  ni 
a  few  months  :  security  succeeding  deep  alarm  ;  an  unparalleled 


264  HISTORY  OF  THE  juneiSoo 

victory  replacing  France  at  the  head  of  the  powers  of  Europe ; 
the  certainty  of  a  speedy  peace  putting  an  end  to  the  anxieties 
of  a  general  war;  in  short,  prosperity  already  showing  itself 
on  all  sides.  How  could  such  great  results,  so  speedily  realised, 
fail  to  transport  the  nation?  The  president  of  the  Senate 
concluded  his  address,  which  may  convey  an  idea  of  all  the 
others,  in  these  terms : — 

"  We  take  pleasure  in  acknowledging  that  to  you  the  country 
owes  its  salvation ;  that  to  you  the  Republic  will  owe  its  consoli- 
dation, and  the  people  a  prosperity,  which  you  have  in  one  day 
made  to  succeed  ten  years  of  the  most  stormy  of  revolutions." 

While  these  things  were  passing  in  Italy  and  in  France, 
Moreau,  on  the  banks  of  the  Danube,  continued  his  glorious 
campaign  against  M.  de  Kray.  We  left  him  manoeuvring  about 
Ulm,  to  oblige  the  Austrians  to  quit  that  stronghold.  He  had 
posted  himself  between  the  Iller  and  the  Lech,  supporting  his 
left  and  his  right  on  those  two  rivers,  turning  his  face  to  the 
Danube,  his  back  to  the  city  of  Augsburg,  ready  to  receive  M. 
de  Kray,  if  he  chose  to  fight,  and  meanwhile  barring  the  road 
to  the  Alps,  which  was  the  essential  feature  of  the  general  plan. 
If  the  successes  of  Moreau  had  not  been  either  prompt  or 
decisive,  they  had  been  steady  and  sufficient  to  allow  the  First 
Consul  to  accomplish  in  Italy  what  he  purposed  to  do  there. 
But  the  moment  was  come  when  the  general  of  the  army  of  the 
Rhine,  emboldened  by  time  and  by  the  success  of  the  army  of 
reserve,  was  resolved  on  trying  a  serious  manoiuvre,  to  dislodge 
M.  de  Kray  from  the  position  of  Ulm.  Now  that,  though  he 
knew  nothing  about  the  battle  of  Marengo,  he  had  heard,  how- 
ever, of  the  successful  passage  of  the  Alps,  Moreau,  no  longer 
fearful  of  uncovering  the  mountains,  had  full  liberty  in  his 
movements.  Of  the  different  manoeuvres  possible  for  effecting 
the  fall  of  the  position  of  Ulm,  he  preferred  that  which  con- 
sisted in  crossing  the  Danube  below  that  place,  and  forcing  M. 
de  Kray  to  decamp,  by  threatening  to  cut  off  his  line  of  retreat. 
This  manoeuvre  was,  in  fact,  the  best ;  for  that  which  consisted 
in  pushing  straight  on  by  Munich  for  Vienna  was  too  bold  for 
the  character  of  Moreau,  and  perhaps  premature,  in  the  general 
state  of  affairs.  That  which  would  have  consisted  in  crossing 
above  and  quite  close  to  Ulm,  and  storming  the  Austrian  camp, 
was  hazardous,  like  every  attack  by  main  force.  But  to  cross 
below  Ulm,  and,  by  threatening,  to  cut  off  M.  de  Kray's  line  of 
retreat,  to  oblige  him  to  retire  and  secure  it,  was  at  once  the 
most  prudent  and  the  safest  manoeuvre. 

From  the  15th  to  the  i8th  of  June,  Moreau  set  himself  in 
motion  to  execute  his  new  resolution.  The  organisation  of  his 
army,  as  we  have  said,  had  been  somewhat  changed  in  conse- 
quence of  the  departure  of  Generals  St.  Cyr  and  St.  Suzanne. 


jUNEiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  265 

Lecourbe  still  formed  the  right,  and  Moreau  the  centre,  at  the 
head  of  the  corps  of  reserve.  The  corps  of  St.  Cyr,  transferred 
to  General  Grenier,  formed  the  left.  The  corps  of  St.  Suzanne, 
reduced  to  the  proportions  of  a  strong  division,  and  given  to 
the  daring  Eichepanse,  was  to  perform  the  office  of  a  corps  of 
flankers,  which,  at  this  moment,  was  employed  in  observing  Ulm, 
while  the  rest  of  the  army  was  manoeuvring  below  it. 

There  had  been  some  fighting  about  Ulm,  in  particular  on  the 
5th  of  June,  when  two  French  divisions  had  made  head  against 
40,000  Austrians.  This  was  an  expedient  of  M.  de  Kray's  to 
keep  us  before  Ulm,  by  giving  us  plenty  of  occupation.  On  the 
1 8th  of  June,  Richepanse  was  in  sight  of  Ulm;  Grenier,  with 
the  left,  at  Guntzburg;  the  centre,  composed  of  the  corps  of 
reserve,  at  Burgau ;  Lecourbe,  with  the  right,  extended  to 
Dillingen.  The  enemy  had  cut  all  the  bridges  from  Ulm  to 
Donauwerth.  But  a  reconnaissance  made  by  Lecourbe  had 
decided  Moreau  to  choose  the  points  of  Blindheim  and  Grem- 
heim  for  crossing  the  Danube,  because  at  these  two  points  the 
bridges  were  imperfectly  cut,  and  might  easily  be  repaired. 
Lecourbe  was  charged  with  this  perilous  operation.  To  facili- 
tate it  for  him,  he  was  reinforced  by  General  Boyer  with  five 
battalions,  and  by  the  whole  reserve  of  cavalry,  under  the  com- 
mand of  General  d'Hautpoul.  The  centre,  under  the  general-in- 
chief,  moved  even  from  Burgau  to  Aislingen,  to  be  at  hand  to 
support  the  passage.  Grenier,  with  the  left,  had  orders  to  make 
an  attempt  on  his  side  to  attract  the  attention  of  the  enemy. 

On  the  morning  of  the  19th  of  June,  Lecourbe  had  posted 
his  troops  between  the  villages  of  Blindheim  and  Gremheim, 
the  bridges  of  which  were  but  half  destroyed,  and  he  took  care 
to  shelter  himself  behind  some  clumps  of  trees.  He  had  no 
bridge  equipage,  in  fact,  nothing  but  a  quantity  of  planks,  lie 
made  up  by  daring  courage  for  the  want  of  everything  else. 
General  Gudin  directed,  under  Lecourbe.  tliis  attempt  to  cross. 
Some  pieces  of  artillery  were  planted  on  the  bank  of  the  Danube, 
to  keep  off  the  enemy ;  at  the  same  time,  the  Adjutant  Quenot 
bravely  swam  off,  for  the  purpose  of  seizing  two  large  craft, 
which  were  lying  on  the  otlier  side.  This  courageous  officer 
brought  them  away  under  a  shower  of  balls,  and  returned  with 
only  a  slight  wound  on  the  foot.  Tlie  best  swimmers  in  tlie 
divisions  were  then  selected  ;  they  deposited  their  clothes  and 
their  arms  in  the  two  barks,  and  plunged  into  the  watt>r  under 
the  enemy's  fire.  On  reaching  the  other  bank,  without  even 
taking  time  to  put  on  their  clothes,  they  seized  their  arms, 
dashed  upon  some  companies  of  Austrians  who  guarded  that 
part  of  the  river,  dispersed  tliem,  and  took  from  tliem  two  jiieces 
of  cannon  with  the  ammunition  waggons.  "^J'his  done,  our  men 
hastened  to  the  bridges,  the  props  of  which  were  still  standing; 


266  HISTORY  OF  THE  juneiSoo 

they  worked  away  on  both  banks  and  made  use  of  ladders 
and  planks  to  re-establish  some  sort  of  communication.  Some 
French  artillerymen  availed  themselves  of  it  to  cross  to  the 
other  side  of  the  Danube,  and  turned  against  the  enemy  the 
two  pieces  of  cannon  which  had  been  taken  from  him.  We 
were  soon  masters  of  both  banks ;  and  the  bridges  were  suffi- 
ciently repaired  to  afford  passage  to  the  greater  part  of  the 
troops.  The  infantry  and  cavalry  began  to  debouch.  It  was 
to  be  expected  that  numerous  Austrian  reinforcements  would 
promptly  ascend  from  Donauwerth,  and  others  descend  from 
all  the  upper  positions,  Gundelfingen,  Guntzburg,  and  Ulm. 
Lecourbe,  who  had  repaired  himself  to  the  spot,  caused  such 
infantry  as  he  could  spare,  and  some  troops  of  horse,  to  be 
placed  in  the  village  of  Schwenningen,  which  was  on  the  road 
to  Donauwerth.  This  was  an  important  point;  for  it  was  that 
way  by  which  the  Austrians  ascending  the  Danube  must  come. 
Accordingly,  it  was  not  long  before  4000  infantry,  500  horse, 
and  six  pieces  of  cannon  made  their  appearance,  and  attacked 
the  village,  which  in  less  than  two  hours  was  several  times  lost 
and  retaken.  The  numerical  superiority  of  the  Austrians,  how- 
ever, and  their  obstinate  determination  to  recover  an  important 
position,  had  well-nigh  triumphed  over  our  troops,  and  obliged 
them  to  abandon  the  village,  when  Lecourbe  received  a  season- 
able reinforcement  of  two  squadrons  of  carabineers.  He  united 
with  them  a  few  troops  of  the  8th  hussars,  which  he  had  at  hand, 
and  pushed  them  upon  the  enemy's  infantry,  extended  over  the 
spacious  plain  to  the  banks  of  the  Danube.  This  charge  was 
executed  with  such  vigour  and  promptness  that  the  Austrians 
were  driven  back,  and  left  us  their  artillery,  2000  prisoners,  and 
300  horses.  Two  battalions  of  Wurtembergers,  endeavouring  to 
keep  their  ground  by  forming  into  squares,  were  broken  like  the 
others.  After  this  brilliant  action,  fought  by  I^ithod's  brigades, 
Lecourbe  had  nothing  more  to  fear  from  the  quarter  of  the 
Lower  Danube.  But  that  was  not  the  side  from  which  the 
greatest  danger  was  likely  to  come.  The  bulk  of  the  Austrians 
being  posted  above,  that  is  to  say,  at  Dillingen,  Gundelfingen, 
and  Ulm,  it  was  necessary  to  turn  towards  that  side,  to  face  the 
enemy  who  was  about  to  descend  from  it.  Luckily,  Montrichard's 
and  Gudin's  divisions  and  d'Hautpoul's  reserve  had  crossed  by 
the  repaired  bridges  of  Gremheim  and  Blindheim,  and  bordered 
the  celebrated  plain  of  Hochstett,  rendered  sadly  famous  for  us 
in  the  time  of  Louis  XIV.  (13th  of  August  1704).  The  enemy, 
having  hastened  from  the  nearest  points  to  Dillingen,  at  some 
distance  from  Hochstett,  was  drawn  up  near  the  Danube,  the 
infantry  on  our  left,  along  the  marshes  of  the  river,  and  behind 
some  clumps  of  trees ;  the  cavalry  in  very  strong  force  on  our 
right.     They  thus  presented  themselves  in  good  order,  awaiting 


jUNEiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  267 

the  reinforcements  which  were  coming,  and  retiring  slowly,  to 
draw  nearer  to  those  reinforcements.  The  37th  demi-brigade 
and  a  squadron  of  the  9th  hussars  followed  step  by  step  the 
retrograde  movement  of  the  Austrians.  Lecourbe,  having  rid 
himself  by  the  action  at  Schwenningen  of  any  enemy  that  could 
come  from  the  Lower  Danube,  had  arrived  at  a  gallop,  at  the 
head  of  the  2nd  regiment  of  carabineers,  the  cuirassiers,  the  6th 
and  9th  cavalry,  and  lastly,  the  9th  hussars.  This  was  nearly 
the  whole  of  General  d'Hautpoul's  reserve  of  cavaliy.  They 
were  on  level  ground,  and  separated  from  the  enemy  by  a  stream- 
let, the  ^ggQ,  on  which  was  a  village,  that  of  Schrezheim. 
Lecourbe,  at  the  head  of  the  cuirassiers,  galloped  through  the 
village,  formed  them  on  debouching,  and  pushed  them  upon 
the  Austrian  cavalry,  which,  surprised  by  this  vigorous  and 
sudden  charge,  fell  back  in  disorder,  leaving  uncovered  the  9000 
infantry  whom  it  was  destined  to  protect.  These  foot-soldiers, 
thus  abandoned,  would  have  thrown  themselves  into  the  ditches 
which  furrow  the  banks  of  the  Danube  about  Dillingen ;  but 
the  cuirassiers,  judiciously  commanded,  cut  the  column,  and 
separated  1800  men,  who  became  our  prisoners. 

This  was  the  second  successful  action  that  day,  gained  in  part 
by  the  cavalry,  and  it  was  not  the  last.  Lecourbe  placed  him- 
self on  the  Egge,  waiting  for  the  rest  of  his  reserves,  which  were 
to  arrive  by  the  bridge  of  Dillingen,  which  had  fallen  into  our 
hands.  But  M.  de  Kray's  cavalry  hastened  up  with  all  possible 
expedition,  outstripping  the  infantry,  and  formed  in  two  great 
lines  in  the  plain  behind  Lauingen.  This  was  an  opportunity 
for  our  cavalry  to  profit  by  the  ardour  which  the  successes  of  the 
morning  had  excited,  and  to  measure  themselves  in  the  plain 
with  the  numerous  and  brilliant  scpiadrons  of  the  Austrian  army. 
Lecourbe,  having  ordered  his  infantry  to  occupy  Lauingen, 
united  all  the  cavalry  of  his  divisions  with  d'Hautpoul's,  and 
deployed  it  in  the  plain,  offering  to  the  enemy  a  species  of  combat 
which  was  likely  to  tempt  him,  on  account  of  the  number  and 
the  quality  of  his  horse.  The  first  Aiistrian  line  charged  ours 
at  full  speed,  with  a  i-egularity  and  a  steadiness  natural  to  highly 
trained  cavalry.  It  drove  back,  in  fact,  the  2nd  regiment  of 
carabineers,  which  had  behaved  with  such  intrepidity  in  the 
morning,  and  some  squadrons  of  hussars,  which  had  charged  with 
it.  Our  cuirassiers  then  advanced,  rallied  the  carabineers  and 
the  hussars,  who  faced  about  on  seeing  themselves  sup])()rted, 
and  all  together  dashed  with  vigour  upon  the  Austrian  s(|uadr()iis. 
which  they  drove  back  in  their  turn.  At  this  sight,  the  second 
line  of  the  enemy's  cavalry  advanced,  and,  having  the  advantage 
of  impulsion  over  our  trooptn-s,  who  had  become  st^paraled  in  the 
charge,  obliged  them  to  fall  back  ]irecipitately.  Ikit  the  9t]i  was 
in  reserve.     Manoeuvrin''  with  skill  and  boldness,  it  took  the 


268  HISTORY  OF  THE  june  1800 

Austrian  cavalry  in  flank,  surprised,  threw  it  into  confusion,  and 
secured  to  our  victorious  squadrons  the  plain  of  Hochstett. 

The  losses  in  killed,  wounded,  and  prisoners  could  not  be  very 
considerable,  for  it  is  only  encounters  of  cavalry  with  infantry 
that  are  very  serious.  But  we  remained  in  possession  of  the 
plain,  and  our  cavalry  had  just  assumed  a  real  superiority  over 
that  of  the  Austrians,  which  it  never  had  before.  All  our  arms 
had  from  this  moment  a  decided  ascendency  over  those  of  the 
enemy.  It  was  eight  o'clock,  and,  in  the  long  days  of  June, 
there  was  still  time  left  for  the  Imperialists  to  dispute  with  us 
the  left  bank  of  the  Danube,  so  gloriously  conquered  in  the 
morning.  Eight  thousand  infantry  advanced,  in  fact,  to  the 
assistance  of  the  corps  already  beaten,  and  they  were  followed 
by  a  numerous  artillery.  Moreau  came  up,  meanwhile,  at  the 
head  of  all  his  reserves.  A  new  and  more  obstinate  battle 
ensued.  The  French  infantry,  in  its  turn,  attacked  the  Austrian 
infantry,  under  a  fire  of  balls  and  grape-shot.  The  soldiers  of 
M.  de  Kray,  who  fought  for  an  important  point,  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  position  of  Ulm,  displayed  extreme  vigour.  Moreau 
was  several  times  personally  engaged  in  the  thick  of  the  fray ; 
but  his  infantry,  supported  by  the  cavalry,  which  had  returned 
to  the  charge,  finally  remained  victorious  about  eleven  at  night. 
At  the  same  moment,  the  37th  demi-brigade  entered  Gundel- 
fingen,  and  then  all  the  positions  in  the  plain  were  in  our  hands. 
We  had  crossed  the  Danube,  taken  5CX)0  prisoners,  twenty  pieces 
of  cannon,  1 200  horses,  300  carriages,  and  the  considerable 
magazines  of  Donauwerth.  The  fighting  had  lasted  eighteen 
successive  hours.  This  operation,  which  changed  the  melancholy 
recollections  of  Hochstett  into  recollections  of  glory,  was,  next 
to  Marengo,  the  most  brilliant  operation  of  the  campaign.  It 
was  equally  honourable  to  Lecourbe  and  to  Moreau.  The  latter 
had  slowly  warmed  into  boldness ;  but  at  length,  stimulated  by 
the  examples  set  in  Italy,  he  had  displayed  tactics  of  a  higher 
order,  and  he  had  just  plucked  a  laurel  from  that  tree  from 
which  the  First  Consul  had  gathered  such  glorious  wreaths. 
Happy  and  noble  rivalry,  had  it  never  extended  any  further ! 

After  so  bold  and  so  decided  a  manoeuvre  on  the  part  of  his 
adversary,  M.  de  Kray  could  no  longer  remain  at  Ulm  without 
being  cut  off  from  his  communication  with  Vienna.  To  march 
direct  upon  the  French,  for  the  purpose  of  giving  them  battle, 
would  be  too  hazardous,  with  soldiers  whose  courage  had  been 
again  rudely  shaken  by  the  last  engagements.  He  hastened, 
therefore,  to  decamp  that  same  night.  He  sent  off  before  him 
the  park,  consisting  of  nearly  a  thousand  carriages,  and  fol- 
lowed next  day,  with  the  main  body  of  the  army,  by  the  Nord- 
lingen  road.  He  marched  in  dreadful  weather,  and  on  roads 
which  were  in   a  shocking    state  from  the   rain.     Such   was. 


JTJNEiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  269 

nevertheless,  the  rapidity  of  his  retreat,  that  in  twenty-four  hours 
he  reached  Neresheiin.  To  cheer  his  dispirited  troops,  he  put 
in  circulation  a  report  that  a  suspension  of  arms  had  just 
been  signed  in  Italy,  that  it  was  to  be  extended  to  Germany, 
and  that  peace  could  not  fail  to  follow.  This  intelligence 
diffused  joy  among  his  soldiers,  and  imparted  a  degree  of 
energy.     They  arrived  at  Nordlingen. 

Moreau  had  beeu  apprised  too  late  of  the  departure  of  the 
enemy.  Richepanse  was  not  able  to  perceive  the  evacuation  of 
Ulm  till  the  last  detachments  were  retiring,  and  he  immediately 
communicated  the  intelligence  to  the  commander-in-chief.  But 
the  Austrians  had  meanwhile  gained  the  start,  and  the  bad 
weather,  which  prevailed  for  two  days,  prevented  the  French 
from  overtaking  them  by  a  forced  march.  IMoreau,  neverthe- 
less, arrived  at  Nordlingen  on  the  23rd  of  June,  in  the  evening, 
closely  pressing  the  rear-guard  of  M.  de  Kray,  who  continued 
to  retreat.  Findiug  that,  owing  to  the  badness  of  the  roads,  he 
should  not  gain  sufficiently  upon  the  Austrian  army  to  overtake 
it,  and  that  he  might  be  drawn  on  in  a  fruitless  pursuit  to  un- 
known distances,  Moreau  resolved  to  halt,  and  to  choose  a 
position  adapted  to  the  present  state  of  things.  ]\L  de  Kray, 
concealing  the  joyful  tidings  of  the  victory  of  Marengo,  which 
were  not  yet  known  in  the  French  camp,  sent  him  word,  how- 
ever, of  the  suspension  of  arms  concluded  in  Italy,  and  proposed 
the  like  for  Germany.  Moreau,  suspecting  from  this  that  im- 
portant events  had  taken  place  beyond  the  Alps,  and  not  doubting 
that  they  were  propitious,  and  expecting  every  moment  to  re- 
ceive a  courier  to  inform  him  of  them,  would  not  conclude  any- 
thing before  he  was  acquainted  with  the  particulars,  and,  above 
all,  before  he  had  conquered  better  cantonments  for  his  troops. 
He  resolved  to  recross  the  Danube,  to  charge  Richepanse  with 
the  investment  of  the  two  principal  places  situated  on  that 
river,  Ulm  and  lugolstadt,  to  proceed  with  the  bulk  of  his 
army  beyond  the  Lech,  to  occupy  Augsburg  and  ]Muiiich,  and 
thus  to  secure  part  of  Bavaria  to  draw  ])rovisions  from,  and, 
lastly,  to  make  himself  master  of  the  bridges  over  the  Isar  and 
of  all  the  roads  leading  to  the  Inn. 

Moreau  accordingly  recrossed  the  Danube  and  the  Lech,  at 
Donauwerth  and  Rhain,  and  marched  his  different  coqis,  by 
Pottmess  and  Pfaffenhofen,  to  the  banks  of  the  Isar.  He 
occupied,  on  that  river,  tlie  points  of  Landshut,  INIoosburg.  and 
Freisingen ;  and  detached  Decaen  to  Munich,  which  tlu'  latter 
entered,  as  in  triumpli,  on  the  28th  of  June,  ^^'llile  he  was 
executincf  this  moveuunit.  the  two  armies  met  for  tlie  last  time, 
falling  in  with  each  other  unexpectedly,  and  being  tlius  involved 
in  an  aimless  combat.  It  was  at  Neuburg,  on  tlie  right  bank 
of  the   Danube,   while   both   were   marching  for  the  Isar.     A 


270  HISTORY  OF  THE  july  1800 

French  division,  having  separated  too  far  from  the  rest  of  the 
army,  had  to  sustain  a  long  and  obstinate  action,  in  which  it 
finally  triumphed,  after  suffering  a  most  severe  loss,  that  of  the 
brave  Latour  d'Anvergne.  This  illustrious  soldier,  honoured  by 
General  Bonaparte  with  the  title  of  First  Grenadier  of  France, 
was  slain  by  the  thrust  of  a  lance  which  pierced  his  heart.  The 
army  shed  tears  upon  his  grave,  and  did  not  leave  the  field  of 
battle  till  they  had  raised  a  monument  over  his  grave. 

On  the  3rd  of  July  (14th  Messidor),  Moreau  was  in  the  heart 
of  Bavaria,  blockading  Ulm  and  Ingolstadt  on  the  Danube, 
and  occupying  Landshut,  Moosburg,  Freisingen,  and  Munich 
on  the  Isar.  It  was  now  high  time  to  think  of  the  Tyrol,  and 
to  wrest  from  Prince  lieuss  the  strong  positions  which  he  held 
along  the  mountains,  at  the  sources  of  the  Iller,  the  Lech,  and 
the  Isar — positions  by  means  of  which  he  could  always  annoy 
the  French.  He  was  not  dangerous,  it  is  true,  but  his  presence 
obliged  us  to  detach  a  considerable  force,  as  he  was  an  object 
which  our  right  wing  could  never  lose  sight  of.  To  this  end, 
General  Molitor  was  reinforced,  and  furnished  with  means  for 
attacking  the  Grisons  and  the  Tyrol.  The  positions  of  Fussen, 
Reitti,  Immenstadt,  and  Feldkirch  were  successively  taken  in 
a  prompt  and  brilliant  manner,  and  our  establishment  on  the 
Isar  was  thus  perfectly  consolidated. 

M.  de  Kray  had  recrossed  the  Isar,  and  moved  beyond  the 
Inn,  occupying  the  camp  of  Ampfing,  in  advance  of  that  river, 
and  the  Utes  du  pont  of  Wasserburg  and  Muhldorf.  It  was  now 
the  middle  of  July  (the  end  of  Messidor).  The  French  govern- 
ment had  authorised  General  Moreau  to  act  for  what  he  might 
consider  the  best,  and  to  lay  aside  his  arms  whenever  he  should 
judge  fit.  He  thought,  and  very  reasonably,  that  it  was  not 
right  for  him  to  be  left  fighting  alone.  The  rest  enjoyed  by 
the  troops  in  Italy  was  envied  them  by  their  fellow-soldiers  in 
Germany ;  besides,  the  army  of  the  Ehine,  stationed  between 
the  Isar  and  the  Inn,  had  a  much  more  advanced  position  than 
the  army  of  Italy,  and  thus  had  one  of  its  flanks  uncovered. 
Though  a  stipulation  of  the  convention  of  Alexandria  forbade 
the  French,  as  well  as  the  Austrians,  to  send  detachments  to 
Germany,  it  was  possible  that  this  stipulation  might  not  be 
punctually  observed,  and  that  the  army  of  the  Rhine  might 
soon  have  an  unexpected  increase  of  enemies  upon  its  hands. 
Moreau,  who  had  received  several  proposals  from  M.  de  Kray, 
resolved  at  length  to  listen  to  them,  and,  on  the  15th  of  July 
(26th  Messidor),  he  consented  to  sign,  at  Parsdorf,  a  place 
situated  in  advance  of  Munich,  a  suspension  of  arms  nearly 
to  the  same  purport  as  that  of  Italy. 

The  two  armies  were  to  retire  each  behind  a  line  of  demarca- 
tion, which,  commencing  at  Balzers,  in  the  Grisons,  skirted  the 


jULYiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  271 

Tyrol,  ran  between  the  Isar  and  the  Inn,  at  an  equal  distance 
from  both  rivers,  and  then  to  the  Danube,  at  Wilshofen,  ascended 
that  river  to  the  mouth  of  the  Altmuhl,  and  followed  the  Alt- 
muhl,  the  Rednitz,  and  the  Mayn,  to  Mayence.  The  fortresses  of 
Philipsburg,  Ulm,  and  Ingolstadt  continued  blockaded,  but  they 
were  to  receive,  every  fortnight,  a  quantity  of  provisions,  pro- 
portionate to  the  strength  of  their  garrisons.  The  two  armies 
had  to  give  twelve  days'  notice,  in  case  of  the  renewal  of  hos- 
tilities. The  French  army  would  thus  draw  its  provisions  from 
Franconia,  Swabia,  and  a  great  part  of  Bavaria.  Our  soldiers, 
posted  on  the  Mincio,  on  one  side  of  the  Alps,  on  the  Isar,  on 
the  other  side,  were  about  to  receive  compensation,  in  the  rich 
plains  of  Italy  and  Germany,  for  their  toils  and  their  privations. 
These  brave  fellows  had  earned  it  by  the  noblest  exploits  that 
had  yet  signalised  the  arms  of  France.  The  army  of  the  llhine, 
though  it  had  not  shed  so  bright  a  lustre  as  the  army  of  Italy,  had, 
nevertheless,  distinguished  itself  by  a  campaign  conducted  with 
equal  judgment  and  vigour.  The  last  great  event  of  this  cam- 
paign, the  passage  of  the  Danube  at  Hochstett,  might  rank  with 
the  most  glorious  feats  of  our  military  annals.  Public  opinion, 
which,  in  1 799,  was  not  favourable  to  Moreau,  had  become  almost 
partial  for  him  in  1800.  Next  to  the  name  of  General  Jionaparte, 
at  a  great  distance,  it  is  true,  but  yet  at  such  a  distance  that  the 
distinction  was  still  flattering,  was  incessantly  placed  the  name 
of  General  Moreau ;  and,  as  public  opinion  is  ever  fickle,  the 
fame  of  the  latter  eclipsed,  this  year,  that  of  the  conqueror  of 
Zurich,  by  whom  it  had  been  eclipsed  in  the  preceding  year. 

The  tidings  of  the  brilliant  successes  of  the  army  of  the 
Rhine  crowned  the  satisfaction  produced  by  the  extraordinary 
successes  of  the  army  of  Italy,  and  changed  into  certainty  the 
hopes  of  peace  that  filled  all  minds.  Tliere  was  joy  in  every 
heart.  The  public  funds,  denominated  the  Five  per  Cents., 
which  sold  at  thirteen  francs  before  the  i8th  of  Brumaire,  had 
risen  to  forty.  A  decree  of  the  Consuls  announced  to  the 
stockholders  that  the  di\adends  for  the  first  six  months  of  the 
year  IX.,  and  which  fell  due  on  the  22nd  September  1 800, 
should  be  paid  entirely  in  casli :  happy  intelligence,  sucli  as  had 
not  for  a  long  time  been  given  to  the  unfortunate  creditors  of 
the  State  !  All  these  benefits  were  attributed  to  the  arnii(\';,  to 
the  generals  who  had  led  them  to  victory,  but  ]:)rinci])ally  to 
young  Bonaparte,  who  had  sliown  that  he  could  both  govern  and 
fight  in  a  very  superior  manner.  Hence  the  fete  of  the  14th 
of  July,  one  of  the  two  Re])ul)lican  solemnities  retaiiu^d  by  the 
Constitution,  was  celebrated  with  great  ])onip.  rre]iarations 
were  made  for  a  magnificent  ceremony  at  the  Invalides.  ^lehul, 
the  musician,  had  composed  some  appropriate  ])ieces.  and  the 
first  singers  of  Italv,  which  began  at  this  time  to  be  stri|)]i(Hi 


272  HISTORY  OF  THE  CONSULATE.      july  1800 

both  of  its  masterpieces  of  art  and  of  its  artists,  were  brought 
to  Paris  to  execute  them.  After  the  performance  of  these 
pieces  under  the  dome  of  the  Invalides,  the  First  Consul,  ac- 
companied by  a  numerous  staff,  repaired  to  the  Champ  de  Mars, 
to  review  the  consular  guard.  It  arrived  that  very  morning, 
covered  with  dust  and  in  tatters,  having  been  on  march  ever 
since  the  day  after  the  battle  of  Marengo,  that  it  might  be 
punctual  at  the  rendezvous  appointed  by  the  First  Consul  for 
the  14th  of  July.  It  brought  to  the  Invalides  the  colours  taken 
during  the  last  campaign,  to  be  placed  in  the  general  repository 
of  our  trophies.  The  crowd  which  bordered  both  sides  of  the 
Champ  de  Mars  rushed  forward  to  gain  a  closer  view  of  the 
heroes  of  Marengo.  The  public  intoxication  was  carried  to 
such  a  length  as  well-nigh  to  produce  accidents.  The  First 
Consul  was  long  pent  up  amidst  this  scene  of  popular  con- 
fusion. He  returned  to  the  Tuileries  surrounded  by  the 
multitude,  who  crowded  about  him.  The  whole  day  was 
devoted  to  public  rejoicings. 

A  few  days  afterwards,  on  the  2ist  of  July  (2nd  Thermidor), 
it  was  announced  that  Count  de  St.  Julien,  an  officer  in  the 
confidence  of  the  Emperor  of  Germany,  was  on  his  way  to 
Paris  ;  that  he  was  the  bearer  of  the  ratification  of  the  conven- 
tion of  Alexandria,  and  charged  to  confer  with  the  First  Consul 
on  the  conditions  of  the  approaching  peace.  No  doubt  was  any 
longer  entertained  of  the  conclusion  of  that  so  ardently  desired 
peace,  which  was  to  put  an  end  to  the  second  coalition.  France, 
it  may  be  said,  had  never  seen  such  happy  days. 


BOOK  V. 

HELIOPOLIS. 

IN  August  1799,  General  Bonaparte,  being  decided  by  news 
from  Europe  to  leave  Egypt  suddenly,  ordered  Admiral 
Ganteaume  to  send  out  of  the  harbour  of  Alexandria  the  frigates 
La  Muiron  and  La  CarHre,  the  only  ships  left  after  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  fleet,  and  to  cast  anchor  in  the  little  roadstead  of  the 
Marabout.  It  was  there,  about  two  leagues  westward  of  Alex- 
andria, that  he  purposed  to  embark.  He  took  with  him  Generals 
Berthier,  Lannes,  Miirat,  Andreossy,  IMarmont,  and  the  two  men 
of  science  to  whom  he  was  more  attached  than  to  any  of  the 
others  belonging  to  the  expedition,  Monge  and  Berthollet.  On 
the  22nd  of  August  (5th  Fructidor,  year  VII.),  he  proceeded  to 
the  Marabout,  and  precipitately  embai-ked,  in  constant  appre- 
hension lest  the  English  squadron  should  make  its  appearance. 
The  horses  on  which  the  party  rode  thither,  being  left  upon  the 
beach,  galloped  back  to  Alexandria.  The  sight  of  these  horses, 
completely  saddled,  but  without  riders,  excited  a  sort  of  alarm ; 
it  was  supposed  that  some  accident  had  befallen  some  of  the 
officers  of  the  garrison,  and  a  detachment  of  cavalry  was 
despatched  from  the  entrenched  camp.  Presently,  a  Turkish 
groom,  who  had  been  present  at  the  embarkation,  explained  what 
had  happened,  and  Menou,  who  alone  had  been  initiated  into 
the  secret,  made  known  in  Alexandria  the  de]iarture  of  General 
Bonaparte,  and  the  appointment  which  he  had  made  of  General 
Kleber  to  succeed  him.  The  latter  had  an  appointment  to  meet 
him  at  Rosetta,  on  the  23rd  of  August,  but  General  Bonaparte 
was  so  hurried  to  embark,  that  he  had  gone  the  day  before. 
Besides,  in  imposing  upon  Kleber  the  heavy  burden  of  the  com- 
mand, he  was  better  pleased  to  leave  him  an  absolute  order, 
which  admitted  of  neither  objection  nor  refusal. 

This  intelligence  caused  a  ]iainful  suqirise  throughout  the 
army.  At  first,  it  was  discredited;  General  Dugua,  commandant 
of  llosetta,  had  it  contradicted,  not  believing  it  liiniself.  and  fear- 
ful of  the  bad  effect  wliich  it  was  likely  to  produce.  However, 
it  was  not  possible  to  doubt  long,  and  Kleber  was  officially  pro- 
claimed the  successor  of  General  Bo]ia]")arte.  Officers  and  soldiers 
were  in  consternation.     It  had  needed  the  ascendency  exercised 


274  HISTORY  OF  THE  aug.  1799 

over  them  by  the  conqueror  of  Italy  to  draw  them  after  him  into 
distant  and  unknown  countries,  and  it  had  needed  all  his  ascen- 
dency to  keep  them  there.  Eegret  for  home  is  a  passion,  which 
becomes  violent,  when  the  distance  and  the  novelty  of  places, 
and  fears  founded  on  the  uncertainty  of  return,  concur  to  irritate 
it.  In  Egypt,  this  passion  frequently  burst  forth  in  murmurs, 
sometimes  in  suicide.  But  the  j)resence  of  the  commander-in- 
chief,  his  language,  his  incessant  activity,  dispelled  these  gloomy 
vapours.  Well  knowing  how  to  occupy  himself,  and  how  to 
occupy  others,  he  captivated  their  minds  to  the  highest  point, 
and  either  dissipated  around  him,  or  prevented  the  generation 
of,  those  irksome  feelings  to  which  he  was  altogether  a  stranger. 
The  men  often  said  to  themselves  that  they  should  never  see 
France  again,  that  they  should  never  recross  the  Mediterranean, 
especially  now  that  the  fleet  had  been  destroyed  at  Aboukir ;  but 
General  Bonaparte  was  there  ;  with  him  they  could  go  anywhere, 
find  their  way  back  to  their  country,  or  make  a  new  country  for 
themselves.  With  his  departure,  the  aspect  of  things  was  totally 
changed.  The  intelligence  of  it  came,  therefore,  like  a  thunder- 
bolt. The  most  opprobrious  epithets  were  applied  to  this  depar- 
ture. They  did  not  consider  that  irresistible  impulse  of  patriotism 
and  ambition,  which,  on  the  news  of  the  disasters  of  the  Republic, 
had  urged  him  to  return  to  France.  They  perceived  only  the 
forlorn  state  in  which  he  left  the  unfortunate  army,  which  had 
felt  sufficient  confidence  in  his  genius  to  follow  him.  They  said 
to  themselves  that  he  must  then  have  convinced  himself  of  the 
imprudence  of  that  enterprise,  of  the  impossibility  of  its  success, 
since  he  had  run  away,  and  relinquished  to  others  what  seemed 
to  him  thenceforward  impracticable.  But  to  sneak  off  alone, 
leaving  beyond  sea  those  whom  he  had  thus  compromised,  was 
cruelty,  nay,  cowardice,  said  some  traducers ;  for  he  always  had 
some,  and  very  near  to  his  person,  even  in  the  most  brilliant 
epochs  of  his  career. 

Kleber  was  not  fond  of  General  Bonaparte,  and  endured  his 
ascendency  with  a  sort  of  impatience.  If  he  restrained  himself 
in  his  presence,  he  indulged  elsewhere  in  unbecoming  expres- 
sions. A  grumbler  and  whimsical  man,  Kleber  had  ardently 
desired  to  accompany  the  expedition  to  Egypt,  that  he  might  get 
out  of  that  state  of  disgrace  in  which  he  had  been  left  to  live 
under  the  Directory ;  and  he  was  now  sorry  that  he  had  quitted 
the  banks  of  the  Rhine  for  the  banks  of  the  Nile.  With  a  weak- 
ness unworthy  of  his  character,  he  allowed  that  feeling  to  betray 
itself.  This  man,  so  great  in  danger,  gave  way  to  it  as  much  as 
the  meanest  of  his  soldiers  could  have  done.  The  chief  command 
did  not  counterbalance  the  necessity  of  remaining  in  Egypt,  for 
he  was  not  fond  of  commanding.  Encouraging  the  discontent 
against  General  Bonaparte,  he  committed  the  fault,  which  would 


AUG.  1799       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  275 

deserve  to  be  called  criminal,  had  it  not  been  repaired  by  heroic 
actions,  of  contributing  himself  to  produce  in  the  army  an  impres- 
sion which  soon  became  general.  After  his  example,  everybody 
began  to  say  that  they  could  not  stay  any  longer  in  Egypt,  and 
must  absolutely  return  to  France  at  all  hazards.  Other  feelings 
mingled  with  this  passion  for  return  to  subvert  the  spirit  of  the 
army,  and  to  produce  in  it  the  most  mischievous  dispositions. 

An  old  rivalry  then  divided,  and  long  continued  to  divide,  the 
oflBcers  who  had  belonged  to  the  armies  of  the  Ehine  and  of  Italy. 
They  were  jealous  of  one  another,  each  class  pretending  to  carry 
on  war  in  a  different  and  a  superior  manner ;  and,  though  this 
rivalry  was  repressed  by  the  presence  of  General  Bonaparte,  it 
was  the  principal  cause  of  the  diversity  of  their  opinions.  All 
who  had  come  from  the  armies  of  the  Rhine  showed  but  little 
partiality  for  the  ex]Dedition  to  Egypt ;  on  the  other  hand,  the 
officers  originally  attached  to  the  army  of  Italy,  though  sorry  to 
be  so  far  distant  from  France,  were  favourable  to  that  expedi- 
tion, because  it  was  the  work  of  the  general-in-chief.  After  his 
departure,  all  restraint  was  thrown  off.  Kleber's  partisans  rallied 
tumultuously  around  him  ;  they  loudly  repeated  with  him  what,  it 
is  true,  began  to  be  the  conviction  of  every  one,  that  the  conquest 
of  Egypt  was  a  mad  undertaking,  which  ought  to  be  abandoned 
as  soon  as  possible.  This  opinion,  however,  found  dissentients ; 
some  generals,  such  as  Lanusse,  Menou,  Davout,  Desaix  in  parti- 
cular, dared  to  express  other  sentiments.  The  army  was  thence- 
forward split  into  two  parties ;  the  one  was  called  the  colonist, 
the  other  the  anti-colonist  party.  Unluckily,  Desaix  was  absent. 
He  was  completing  the  conquest  of  Upper  Egypt,  where  he  was 
fighting  brilliant  battles,  and  governing  with  admirable  wisdom. 
His  influence,  therefore,  could  not  be  opposed  at  that  moment 
to  Kleber's.  To  crown  the  misfortune,  he  was  not  to  remain 
in  Egypt.  General  Bonaparte,  wishing  to  have  him  about  his 
person,  had  committed  the  fault  of  not  appointing  him  com- 
mander-in-chief, and  had  left  orders  for  him  to  return  very  soon 
to  Europe.  Desaix,  whose  name  was  universally  cherished  and 
respected  in  the  army,  whose  administrative  talents  equalled  his 
military  talents,  would  have  governed  the  colony  most  ably,  and 
would  have  avoided  all  those  weaknesses  to  which  Kk'ber  gave 
way,  at  least  for  a  moment. 

Kleber,  however,  was  the  most  popular  of  the  generals  among 
the  soldiery.  His  name  was  hailed  by  them  with  entire  confi- 
dence, and  somewhat  cheered  them  for  the  loss  of  the  illustrious 
commander  who  had  just  left  them.  The  first  imiircssion  once 
past,  their  minds,  though  they  had  not  recovered  their  wonted 
tone,  accjuired  more  calmness  and  justice.  Other  language  was 
used  :  they  said  to  themselves  that,  after  all.  it  behoved  Gtmeral 
Bonaparte  to  fiy  to  the  succour  of  France  when  in  clanger;  and 


276  HISTORY  OF  THE  sept.  1799 

that,  the  army  once  established  in  Egypt,  the  best  thing  he  could 
do  for  it  was  to  go  to  Paris,  to  represent  strongly  its  situation 
and  its  wants,  and  to  claim  that  assistance  which  he  alone  could 
extort  from  their  supine  rulers  at  home. 

Kleber  returned  to  Cairo,  assumed  the  command  with  a  sort 
of  ostentation,  and  took  possession  of  the  fine  Arabian  mansion 
which  his  predecessor  had  occupied  in  the  Ezbekyeh  Place. 
He  displayed  a  certain  pomp,  not  so  much  to  gratify  his  own 
taste,  as  to  make  an  impression  on  the  Orientals,  and  resolved 
to  cause  his  authority  to  be  felt,  by  exercising  it  with  vigour. 
But  it  was  not  long  before  the  solicitudes  of  the  chief  command, 
which  were  insupportable  to  him,  the  new  dangers  with  which 
the  Turks  and  the  English  threatened  Egypt,  and  the  grief  of 
exile,  which  was  general,  filled  his  soul  with  the  most  gloomy 
discouragement.  A  re])ort  of  the  state  of  the  colony  having 
been  made  to  him,  by  his  order,  he  addressed  to  the  Directory 
a  despatch  full  of  errors,  and  accompanied  it  with  a  report  of 
Poussielgue's,  administrator  of  the  finances — a  report  in  which 
things  were  represented  in  the  most  false,  and  especially  the 
most  inculpatory  light,  in  regard  to  General  ]3onaparte. 

In  this  despatch  and  report,  dated  the  26th  of  September 
(4th  Vendemiaire,  year  VIIL),  General  Kleber,  and  Poussielgue, 
the  administrator,  stated  that  the  army,  diminished  by  one-half, 
was  at  this  moment  reduced  to  about  15,000  men;  that  it  was 
nearly  naked,  which  in  that  climate  was  extremely  dangerous  on- 
account  of  the  difference  of  temperature  between  day  and  night ; 
that  they  were  in  want  of  cannon,  muskets,  projectiles,  powder, 
all  which  things  it  was  diflBcult  to  replace,  because  cast-iron,  lead, 
timber  for  building,  and  materials  for  making  gunpowder  were 
not  to  be  had  in  Egypt ;  that  there  was  a  considerable  deficit  in 
the  finances,  for  the  sum  of  4,000,000  (of  francs)  was  due  to  the 
soldiers  for  pay,  and  7,000.000  or  8,000,000  to  the  contractors 
for  various  supplies ;  that  the  resource  of  levying  contributions 
was  already  exhausted,  the  country  being  ready  to  rise  if  new 
ones  were  imposed ;  that,  the  inundation  having  been  scanty 
this  year,  and  the  crops  being  thus  likely  to  prove  deficient,  the 
Egyptians  would  be  alike  destitute  of  the  means  and  the  will  to 
pay  the  tax ;  that  dangers  of  all  kinds  threatened  the  colony ; 
that  the  two  old  chiefs  of  the  ]\Iamelukes,  Murad  Bey  and 
Ibrahim  Bey,  still  maintained  their  ground,  the  one  in  Upper 
Egypt,  the  other  in  Lower  Egypt ;  that  Djezzar,  the  celebrated 
pasha  of  Acre,  was  about  to  send  to  the  Turkish  army  a  rein- 
forcement of  20,000  excellent  soldiers,  the  former  defenders  of 
St.  Jean  d'Acre  against  the  French  ;  that  the  grand-vizir  liimself, 
having  set  out  from  Constantinople,  was  already  in  the  enviz'ons 
of  Damascus,  with  a  powerful  army ;  that  the  Russians  and  the 
English  were  to  join  a  regular  force  to  the  irregular  forces  of 


SEPT.  1799      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  277 

the  Turks ;  that,  in  this  extremity,  they  had  but  one  resource 
left,  namely,  to  treat  with  the  Porte ;  and  that.  General  Bona- 
parte having  set  the  example,  and  given  express  authority  in 
the  instructions  left  for  his  successor,  an  attempt  was  about  to 
be  made  to  negotiate  with  the  grand- vizir  a  mixed  domination, 
by  means  of  which  the  Porte  should  occupy  the  open  country 
of  Egypt,  and  levy  the  miri  or  land-tax,  while  France  should 
occupy  the  towns  and  the  forts,  and  levy  the  revenue  of  the 
customs.  Klcber  added,  that  the  commander-in-chief  had  seen 
the  crisis  approaching,  and  this  was  the  real  motive  for  his 
precipitate  departure.  M.  Poussielgue  concluded  his  report 
with  a  calumny :  General  Bonaparte,  when  he  left  Egypt,  had, 
he  said,  carried  away  two  millions.  To  complete  this  picture, 
it  should  be  known  that  General  Bonaparte  had  heaped  favours 
on  M.  Poussielgue. 

Such  were  the  despatches  sent  to  the  Directory  by  Kleber  and 
M.  Poussielgue.  General  Bonaparte  was  there  treated  as  a 
man  who  is  supposed  to  be  ruined,  and  to  whom  one  need  not 
show  indulgence.  It  was  believed,  in  fact,  that  he  was  exposed 
to  the  twofold  danger  of  being  taken  by  the  English,  or  severely 
condemned  by  the  Directory  for  having  quitted  his  army.  What 
would  have  been  the  embarrassment  of  the  writers  of  those 
despatches,  had  they  known  that  they  would  be  opened  and 
read  by  the  man  who  was  the  object  of  so  many  calumnies,  and 
who  had  now  become  the  absolute  head  of  the  government ! 

Kleber,  too  careless  to  ascertain  himself  the  real  state  of 
things,  not  even  taking  the  pains  to  examine  whether  the  state- 
ments which  he  was  sending  agreed  with  his  own  assertions — 
Kleber  did  not  think  that  he  was  advancing  falsehoods ;  he 
transmitted,  through  negligence  and  ill-humour,  the  hearsays 
which  passion  had  multiplied  around  him  to  such  a  degree  as  to 
give  them  a  kind  of  public  notoriety.  These  despatches  were 
entrusted  to  a  cousin  of  liarras's,  the  Director,  and  accompanied 
by  a  multitude  of  letters,  in  which  the  officers  of  the  army  gave 
vent  to  a  despair  as  unfounded  as  it  was  imprudent.  This 
cousin  of  Barras's  was  taken  by  the  English  ;  he  hastily  threw 
overboard  the  packet  of  despatches  of  which  he  was  the  bearer ; 
but  this  packet  floated,  was  perceived,  picked  up,  and  sent  to 
the  British  cabinet.  We  shall  soon  see  what  was  the  result 
of  these  mischievous  communications,  which  thus  fell  iuto  the 
hands  of  the  English,  and  were  made  public  to  all  Europe. 

Klciber  and  M.  Poussielgue,  however,  had  sent  du]-)licates  of 
their  despatches  to  Paris.  These  dulplicates,  transmitted  by  a 
different  channel,  reached  France,  and  were  delivered  to  the 
First  Consul. 

What  truth  was  there  in  this  picture,  drawn  by  morbid 
imaginations  ?     Of  this  we  shall  soon  be  enabled  to  judge  with 


278  HISTORY  OF  THE  sept.  1799 

certainty  by  the  events  themselves  ;  but,  meanwhile,  we  must 
rectify  the  false  assertions  just  laid  before  the  reader. 

The  army,  according  to  Kleber,  was  reduced  to  15,000  men  ; 
yet  the  returns  sent  to  the  Directory  made  them  amount 
to  28,500.  When,  two  years  later,  it  was  brought  back  to 
France,  it  still  numbered  in  its  ranks  22,000  soldiers,  and,  in 
these  two  years,  it  had  fought  several  great  battles  and  in- 
numerable actions.  In  1798  there  had  left  France,  in  various 
convoys,  34,000  men  :  4000  were  landed  at  Malta  ;  30,000, 
therefore,  arrived  at  Alexandria.  Subsequently,  3000  sailors, 
wrecks  of  the  crews  of  the  fleet  destroyed  at  Aboukir,  rein- 
forced the  army,  and  again  raised  it  to  33,000  men.  In  1798 
and  1799,  it  had  lost  from  4000  to  5000  soldiers  ;  it  was, 
therefore,  reduced  to  about  28,000,  of  whom  22,000,  at  least, 
were  fit  for  duty. 

Egypt  is  a  healthy  country,  where  wounds  heal  with  ex- 
treme rapidity :  there  were,  this  year,  few  sick,  and  no  plague. 
Egypt  was  full  of  Christians,  Greeks,  Syrians,  or  Copts,  apply- 
ing to  be  enlisted  into  our  ranks,  and  capable  of  furnishing 
excellent  recruits,  to  the  number  of  15,000  or  20,000.  The 
Blacks  of  Darfur,  bought  and  made  free,  added  so  many  as  500 
good  soldiers  to  one  of  our  demi-brigades  alone.  Egypt,  more- 
over, was  subdued.  The  peasants  who  cultivate  it,  accustomed 
to  obey  under  all  masters,  never  thought  of  lifting  a  musket. 
With  the  exception  of  a  few  insurrections  in  the  towns,  there 
was  nothing  to  be  feared  but  from  undisciplined  Turks,  coming 
from  a  distance,  or  English  mercenaries,  transported  with  great 
trouble  by  sea.  Against  such  enemies  the  French  army  was 
more  than  a  match,  if  it  were  commanded,  not  with  genius, 
but  merely  with  ordinary  judgment. 

Kleber  alleged  in  his  despatches  that  the  soldiers  were 
naked  ;  but  General  Bonaparte  had  left  cloth  for  clothing  them, 
and,  a  month  after  the  transmission  of  this  despatch,  they  were 
entirely  new  clothed.  At  any  rate,  Egypt  abounded  in  cotton 
stuffs ;  it  furnished  all  Africa  with  them.  It  could  not  be 
difficult  to  procure  these  stuffs  by  purchase,  or  by  demanding 
them  in  part  of  the  taxes.  As  for  provisions,  Egypt  is  the 
granary  of  the  countries  destitute  of  corn.  Wheat,  rice,  beef, 
mutton,  poultry,  sugar,  coffee,  were  then  ten  times  as  cheap 
there  as  in  Europe.  So  low  were  the  prices  of  necessaries, 
that  the  army,  though  its  finances  were  not  the  most  flourish- 
ing, was  able  to  pay  for  all  that  it  consumed.  Kleber  asserted 
that  it  was  in  want  of  arms  ;  and  there  were  left  1 1,000  swords, 
15,000  muskets,  1400  or  1500  pieces  of  cannon,  180  of  which 
were  field-pieces.  Alexandria,  which,  according  to  him,  was 
stripped  of  artillery  ever  since  the  siege  of  St.  Jean  d'Acre, 
contained  more  than  300  pieces  of  cannon  in  battery.     As  for 


SEPT.  1799       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  279 

ammunition,  there  remained  3,CXX),000  cartridges  for  infantry, 
27,000  gun-cartridges  made  up,  and  resources  for  making 
more ;  for  there  were  still  in  the  magazines  200,000  projectiles, 
and  1,100,000  pounds  (500  tons)  of  powder.  The  subsequent 
events  demonstrated  the  truth  of  these  allegations,  since  the 
army  continued  to  fight  two  years  longer,  and  left  the  English 
considerable  stores.  What,  in  fact,  could  have  become,  in  so 
short  a  time,  of  the  immense  maUriel  carefully  accumulated 
by  General  Bonaparte  on  board  the  fleet  which  conveyed  the 
army  to  Egypt  ? 

In  regard  to  the  finances,  Kl^ber's  report  was  equally  false. 
The  soldiers  were  paid  up.  It  is  true  that  nothing  had  yet 
been  decided  respecting  the  financial  system  best  adapted  for 
provisioning  the  army,  without  draining  the  country ;  but  the 
resources  existed,  and,  by  levying  merely  the  taxes  already 
imposed,  the  troops  might  live  in  abundance.  There  was  due 
upon  the  imposts  of  the  year  sufficient  to  provide  for  all  the 
current  expenses;  that  is  to  say,  above  16,000,000  f.  There 
was,  consequently,  no  need  to  drive  the  population  to  insurrec- 
tion by  the  imposition  of  new  taxes.  The  financial  documents 
subsequently  made  public  proved  that  Egypt  was  capable  of 
furnishing  25,000,000  f.  per  year,  and  that  with  ease.  At  this 
rate  it  paid  but  half  the  amount  wrung  from  it,  with  a  thou- 
sand vexations,  by  the  numerous  tyrants  who  oppressed  it  by 
the  name  of  Mamelukes.  According  to  the  price  of  things 
in  Egypt,  the  army  could  be  subsisted  for  1 8,000,000  f.  or 
20,000,000  f.  As  for  the  chests,  so  far  was  General  Bonaparte 
from  having  exhausted  them  that,  at  his  departure,  he  had  not 
even  taken  the  whole  of  his  pay. 

As  for  the  dangers  with  which  the  colony  was  threatened, 
the  truth  was  this  :  Murad  Bey,  disheartened,  was  a  fugitive 
in  Upper  Egypt  with  a  few  Mamelukes.  Ibrahim  Bey,  who, 
under  the  government  of  the  Mamelukes,  shared  the  sove- 
reignty with  him,  was  then  in  Lower  Egypt,  towards  the 
frontiers  of  Syria.  He  had  not  400  horse,  much  less  some 
thousands.  Djezzar  Pasha  was  shut  up  in  St.  Jean  d'Acre. 
So  far  from  preparing  a  reinforcement  of  30,000  men  for  tlie 
army  of  the  grand-vizir,  he  viewed,  on  the  contrary,  with  high 
displeasure,  the  approach  of  a  fresh  Turkish  army,  now  especi- 
ally that  his  Pashalik  was  delivered  from  the  Frencli.  As  for 
the  grand-vizir,  he  was  not  yt't  across  the  Taurus.  TIk^  I'liglish 
had  their  troops  at  Malion,  and  were  thinking  at  tliis  iiK>m(Mit 
of  employing  them  in  Tuscany,  at  Naples,  or  on  tlii>  coast  of 
France.  As  for  a  Russian  ex])edition,  that  was  a  mere  fable. 
The  Russians  never  had  any  idea  of  taking  so  long  a  voyage,  for 
the  purpose  of  furthering  tlie  policy  of  England  in  the  l']ast. 

The  inhabitants  were  not  so  disposed  to  insurrection  as  was 


28o  HISTORY  OF  THE  sept.  1799 

represented.  By  humouring  the  sheiks,  who  are  the  priests 
and  the  lawyers  of  the  Arabs,  as  General  Bonaparte  had  pre- 
scribed, their  attachment  might  soon  be  gained.  We  had 
already  begun  to  make  ourselves  a  party  among  them.  We 
had,  moreover,  on  our  side  the  Copts,  the  Greeks,  the  Syrians, 
who,  being  all  Christians,  behaved  towards  us  as  friends,  and 
as  useful  auxiliaries.  Thus  nothing  imminent  from  that  quarter 
was  to  be  apprehended.  No  doubt,  if  the  French  experienced 
disasters,  the  Egyptians,  with  the  fickleness  of  conquered 
nations,  would  do  as  the  Italians  themselves  had  recently  done, 
they  would  join  the  conqueror  of  one  day  against  the  conqueror 
of  the  preceding  day.  Still  they  appreciated  the  difference 
between  the  sway  of  the  Mamelukes,  who  fleeced  them,  and 
never  came  but  sword  in  hand,  and  that  of  the  French,  who 
respected  property,  and  rarely  struck  off  their  heads. 

Kl^ber,  then,  had  indulged  in  dangerous  exaggerations,  the 
melancholy  results  of  hatred,  ennui,  and  exile.  At  his  side. 
General  Menou,  viewing  everything  under  the  most  favourable 
colours,  believed  the  French  to  be  invincible  in  Egypt,  and 
regarded  the  expedition  as  the  commencement  of  a  near  and 
momentous  revolution  in  the  commerce  of  the  world.  Men 
never  can  sufficiently  divest  themselves  of  their  personal  im- 
pressions in  forming  opinions  of  this  kind.  Kleber  and 
Menou  were  both  honest,  upright  men ;  but  one  wanted  to 
leave  Egypt,  the  other  to  stay  in  it:  the  clearest,  and  the 
most  authentic  returns,  conveyed  to  them  totally  contrary 
significations — misery  and  ruin  to  one,  abundance  and  success 
to  the  other. 

At  any  rate,  be  the  situation  what  it  might,  Kleber  and  his 
party  rendered  themselves  seriously  culpable  in  thinking  of 
evacuation,  for  they  had  no  right  to  do  so.  It  is  true  that 
General  Bonaparte,  in  his  instructions  replete  with  wisdom, 
examining  all  possible  cases,  had  foreseen  the  very  case  in 
which  the  army  might  be  obliged  to  evacuate  Egypt.  *'I  am 
going  to  France,"  said  he,  "either  as  a  private  man  or  as  a 
public  man ;  I  will  get  succours  sent  to  you.  But  if  by  next 
spring  (he  was  writing  in  August  1799)  you  have  received  no 
succours,  no  instructions  ;  if  the  plague  has  carried  off  more 
than  1500  men,  independently  of  losses  by  war;  if  a  consider- 
able force,  which  you  should  be  incapable  of  resisting,  presses 
you  hard,  negotiate  with  the  vizir;  consent  even,  if  it  must 
be  so,  to  an  evacuation,  subject  to  one  condition,  that  of  refer- 
ring to  the  French  government,  and  meanwhile  continue  to 
occupy.  You  will  thus  have  gained  time,  and  it  is  impossible 
that,  during  the  interval,  you  should  not  have  received  suc- 
cours." The  instructions  were  very  sound ;  but  the  case  fore- 
seen was  far  from  being  realised.     In  the  first  place,  it  would 


NOV.  1799      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  281 

have  been  requisite  to  wait  till  the  spring  of  1 800 ;  it  would 
have  been  requisite  that,  at  this  period,  no  succours,  no  orders, 
should  have  arrived  in  Egypt;  it  would  have  been  requisite 
that  the  army  should  have  lost  part  of  its  effective  force  by 
the  plague ;  and,  lastly,  that  it  should  be  pressed  by  superior 
forces:  now,  nothing  of  this  sort  had  happened,  or  did  happen. 
A  negotiation  opened  without  these  conditions  was  a  real 
transgression. 

In  September  1799  (Vendemiaire,  year  A'lII.),  Desaix,  having 
completed  the  conquest  and  subjugation  of  Up])er  Egypt,  had 
left  two  movable  columns  for  the  pursuit  of  Murad  Bey,  to 
whom  he  had  offered  peace  on  condition  of  his  becoming  a  vassal 
of  France.  He  had  then  returned  to  Cairo  by  order  of  Kleber, 
who  wished  to  make  use  of  his  name  in  those  luckless  nesfotia- 
tions  into  which  he  was  about  to  enter.  During  these  proceed- 
ings, the  army  of  the  grand-vizir,  so  long  announced,  was  slowly 
advancing.  Sir  Sidney  Smith,  who  convoyed  with  his  squadron 
the  Turkish  troops  destined  to  be  transported  by  sea,  had  just 
arrived  off  Damietta  with  8000  Janissaries.  On  the  ist  of 
November  1799  (lOth  Brumaire,  year  VIII.),  the  landing  of  the 
first  division,  of  4000  Janissaries,  was  effected,  towards  the  Bogaz 
of  Damietta,  that  is,  at  the  entrance  of  that  branch  of  the  Nile 
which  runs  past  this  town.  General  Verdier,  who  had  only  looo 
men  at  Damietta,  marched  out  with  these  troops,  and  proceeded 
beyond  the  fort  of  Lesbeh,  to  a  narrow  tongue  of  land,  on  the 
shore  of  which  the  Turks  had  disembarked,  and.  without  gfiving- 
time  for  the  other  4C>O0  Janissaries  to  arrive,  attacked  the  4000 
who  had  already  landed.  In  spite  of  the  fire  of  the  English 
artillery,  advantageously  placed  upon  an  old  tower,  he  beat  them, 
drowned  or  put  to  the  sword  3000,  and  took  the  rest  prisoners. 
The  landing  craft,  at  this  sight,  returned  to  their  ships,  and  did 
not  land  the  remainder  of  the  Turkish  troo])?.  The  French  had 
only  twenty -two  men  killed  and  lOO  wounded. 

On  the  first  tidings  of  this  disembarkation.  Kluber  had  de- 
spatched Desaix  with  a  column  of  3000  men  ;  Ijut  the  latter, 
uselessly  sent  to  Damietta,  had  found  the  victory  won.  and 
the  French  filled  with  unbounded  confidence.  'J'his  brilliant 
achievement  ought  to  have  served  to  encourage  Kleber;  unfor- 
tunatelv  he  was  swayed  at  once  by  liis  own  chagrin  and  by  that 
of  the  army.  JJe  Jiad  before  inJluencfMl  the  troops,  who  in 
their  turn  hurried  him  into  the  fatal  resolution  of  an  ininiediate 
evacuation.  General  Bonajiarte  liecame  the  Illume  ef  fresh 
invectives.  That  rasli  \niinL;'  man,  it  was  said,  wlio  had  ex- 
posed the  Frencli  arniv  to  ])erils.  and  i-x])ose(l  liiinseif  lo  othrr 
perils  in  braving  the  seas  and  the  i'higlish  cruisei-s  in  order  to 
return  to  France,  that  rash  young  man  could  not  have  escaped 
the  dangers  of  the  passage.     The  wise  generals  trained  in  the 


282  HISTORY  OF  THE  nov.  1799 

school  of  the  Rhine  ought  to  relinquish  a  mad  scheme,  and 
to  carry  back  to  Europe  brave  soldiers,  indispensable  to  the 
Republic,  now  threatened  in  all  quarters. 

In  this  disposition  of  mind,  Kleber  had  sent  to  the  vizir, 
who  had  entered  Syria,  one  of  his  officers  to  make  new  overtures 
of  peace.  General  Bonaparte,  with  a  view  to  embroil  the  vizir 
with  the  English,  had  previously  entertained  the  idea  of  setting 
on  foot  negotiations,  which,  on  his  part,  were  nothing  more  than 
a  feint.  His  overtures  had  been  received  with  great  distrust  and 
pride.  Kleber's  met  with  a  more  favourable  reception,  through 
the  influence  of  Sir  Sidney  Smith,  who  was  preparing  to  play  a 
prominent  part  in  the  affairs  of  Egypt. 

This  officer  of  the  English  navy  had  largely  contributed  to 
prevent  the  success  of  the  siege  of  St.  Jean  d'Acre ;  he  was 
proud  of  it,  and  had  devised  a  ruse  de  guerre,  according  to  the 
expression  of  the  English  agents,  which  consisted  in  taking 
advantage  of  a  momentary  weakness  to  wrest  from  the  French 
their  valuable  conquest.  Accordingly,  as  all  the  intercepted 
letters  of  our  officers  clearly  showed  their  impatient  desire  to 
return  to  France,  Sir  Sidney  Smith  wished  to  induce  the  army 
to  negotiate  and  to  sign  a  capitulation,  and,  before  the  French 
government  had  time  to  give  or  to  refuse  its  ratification,  to  ship 
it  off  immediately  and  to  throw  it  upon  the  coast  of  Europe. 
With  this  view,  he  had  disposed  the  grand-vizir  to  listen  to 
the  overtures  of  Kleber.  As  for  himself,  studying  to  load  the 
French  officers  with  civilities,  he  permitted  the  news  from 
Europe  to  reach  them,  taking  care,  however,  that  only  such  in- 
telligence should  pass  as  was  anterior  to  the  i8th  of  Brumaire. 
Kleber,  on  his  part,  despatched  a  negotiator  to  Sir  Sidney 
Smith,  for  as  the  English  were  masters  of  the  sea,  he  wished 
to  induce  them  to  take  part  in  the  negotiation,  so  that  the  return 
to  France  might  be  rendered  possible.  Sir  Sidney  lent  a  willing 
ear  to  this  message,  and  manifested  a  disposition  to  enter  into 
arrangements,  adding,  moreover,  that,  by  virtue  of  a  treaty  of 
the  5th  of  January  1799,  negotiated  by  himself,  there  existed  a 
triple  alliance  between  Russia,  England,  and  the  Porte ;  that 
those  powers  had  bound  themselves  to  do  everything  jointly ; 
that,  in  consequence,  no  arrangement  with  the  Porte  could  be 
valid  and  carried  into  execution  if  it  was  not  concurred  in  by 
the  agents  of  all  the  three  courts.  In  his  communications.  Sir 
Sidney  Smith  assumed  the  title  of  "Minister  plenipotentiary  of 
his  Britannic  Majesty  to  the  Ottoman  Porte,  commanding  his 
squadron  in  the  waters  of  the  Levant." 

Sir  Sidney  Smith  here  attributed  to  himself  a  title  which  he 
had  had,  but  which  he  had  ceased  to  hold  since  the  arrival  of 
Lord  Elgin  as  ambassador  at  Constantinople ;  and,  in  reality, 
he  had  at  this  moment  no  other  power  than  what  a  military 


DEC.  1799       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  283 

commander  always  has — that  of  signing  conventions  of  war, 
suspensions  of  arms,  &c. 

Kleber,  without  closer  examination,  without  knowing  whether 
he  was  treating  with  agents  sufficiently  accredited,  entered  blindly 
into  that  perilous  track  into  which  he  was  hurried  by  a  senti- 
ment common  to  the  whole  army,  and  which  would  have  ended 
in  ignominy,  if,  fortunately  for  him.  Heaven  had  not  endowed 
him  with  an  heroic  soul,  which  could  not  fail  to  retrieve  itself 
with  glory,  as  soon  as  he  should  discover  the  extent  of  his  fault. 
He  entered,  then,  into  negotiation,  and  offered  to  Sir  Sidney 
Smith,  as  well  as  to  the  vizir,  who  had  advanced  as  far  as  Gaza 
in  Syria,  to  appoint  officers  furnished  with  full  powers  to  treat. 
Disliking  to  receive  the  Turks  in  his  camp,  and  unwilling,  on  the 
other  hand,  to  risk  his  officers  amidst  the  undisciplined  army 
of  the  grand-vizir,  he  resolved  to  propose  Sir  Sidney  Smith's 
ship  Le  Tigre  for  the  place  of  the  conferences. 

Sir  Sidney,  who  was  cruising  with  two  ships  only — which,  be 
it  observed  by  the  way,  sufficiently  proved  the  possibility  for 
France  to  communicate  with  Egypt — Sir  Sidney  had  at  this 
moment  but  one  ;  the  other,  the  Theseus,  was  under  repair  at 
Cyprus.  Boisterous  weather  frequently  obliging  him  to  stand 
off  the  coast,  his  communications  with  the  land  were  neither 
regular  nor  prompt.  It  took  some  time  to  obtain  his  assent.  At 
length  his  answer  arrived :  it  intimated  that  he  should  appear 
successively  off  Alexandria  and  Damietta,  to  take  on  board  the 
officers  wliom  Kleber  should  send  to  him. 

Kleber  appointed  Desaix  and  Poussielgue,  the  administrator, 
the  same  who  had  so  clumsily  slandered  General  Bonaparte,  and 
whom  the  Egyptians,  in  their  Arabic  relations,  have  designated 
Sultan  Klehers  vizir.  Poussielgue  was  an  advocate  for  evacua- 
tion, Desaix  just  the  reverse.  The  latter  had  made  the  utmost 
exertions  to  withstand  the  torrent,  to  raise  the  spirits  of  his 
companions  in  arms,  and  he  had  undertaken  the  negotiation 
commenced  by  Kleber  solely  in  the  liope  of  protracting  it,  and 
gaining  time  for  the  arrival  of  succours  and  instructions  from 
France.  Kleber,  in  order  to  excuse  himself  to  Desaix,  told  him 
that  it  was  General  Bonaparte^  who  first  began  to  parley  with  the 
Turks;  that,  moreover,  he  had  liimself  provided  for.  and  authorised 
beforehand,  a  treaty  of  evacuation,  in  case  of  imminent  danger. 
Desaix,  misinformed,  still  ho])ed  that  the  first  sliip  whicli  should 
arrive  from  France  would  clear  \\\)  those  obscurities  and  perha])s 
change  the  deplorable  dis])ositio]is  of  tlie  staff  of  the  ai-my. 
He  set  out  with  ]\r.  I'oussielgue,  and,  unable  to  join  Sir  Sidney 
Smith  oil"  Alexandria,  lie  found  liim  before  Damietta,  and  went 
on  board  Lc  Tigre  on  the  22nd  of  Di^cember  1799  ( ist  Xivose, 
year  VIII. ).  It  was  just  at  this  moment  that  General  Bona])arte 
was  invested  with  the  supreme  ])0wer  in  France. 


284  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1799 

Sir  Sidney  Smith,  delighted  to  have  on  board  such  a  pleni- 
potentiary as  Desaix,  gave  him  a  most  flattering  reception,  and 
strove  by  all  the  means  of  persuasion  to  bring  him  into  the  idea 
of  evacuating  Egypt. 

Desaix  was  perfectly  competent  to  defend  himself,  and  stood 
out  for  the  conditions  which  his  principal  had  instructed  him  to 
demand.  These  conditions,  which  were  inadmissible  by  the 
English  commodore,  were  particularly  convenient  to  Desaix, 
who  wished  to  gain  time ;  on  the  part  of  Kleber  they  were 
extremely  ill-advised,  for  their  extravagance  rendered  any  agree- 
ment impossible.  But  Kleber  sought  in  that  very  extravagance 
an  excuse  for  his  fault.  He  demanded,  for  instance,  that  the 
army,  retiring  with  the  honours  of  war,  with  arms  and  baggage, 
should  be  allowed  to  land  at  any  point  of  the  continent  that  he 
might  be  pleased  to  select,  in  order  to  afford  the  Republic  the 
aid  of  its  presence,  wherever  it  might  be  deemed  most  service- 
able. He  demanded  that  the  Porte  should  restore  to  us  im- 
mediately the  Venetian  islands,  which  had  become  French 
property  by  the  treaty  of  Campo  Formio,  that  is  to  say,  Corfu, 
Zante,  Cephalonia,  &c.,  and  were  occupied  at  the  moment  by 
Turco-Russian  garrisons ;  that  these  islands,  and  above  all, 
Malta,  a  much  more  important  one,  should  be  given  up  to 
France;  that  the  possession  of  them  should  be  guaranteed  to 
her  by  the  persons  signing  the  treaty  of  evacuation ;  that  the 
French  army,  on  retiring,  should  have  a  right  to  reinforce  and 
revictual  the  garrisons ;  lastly,  that  the  treaty  which  united  the 
Porte,  Russia,  and  England  should  be  instantly  annulled,  and 
the  triple  alliance  of  the  East  dissolved. 

These  conditions  were  unreasonable,  it  must  be  confessed  : 
not  that  they  were  an  exorbitant  equivalent  for  what  was  given 
up  in  giving  up  Egypt,  but  because  they  were  not  feasible.  Sir 
Sidney  made  Kleber  sensible  of  this.  Officers  treating  for  a 
mere  suspension  of  arms  could  not  include  other  topics  of  such 
vast  extent  in  their  negotiation.  Zante,  Cephalonia,  Corfu,  were 
occupied  by  Turkish  and  Russian  troops ;  it  was  requisite, 
therefore,  to  refer  not  only  to  Constantinople  but  also  to  Peters- 
burg. Malta  was  held  under  the  King  of  Naples  as  lord 
paramount :  it  could  not  be  disposed  of  without  the  consent 
of  that  prince,  who  had  always  refused  to  cede  it  to  France. 
To  land  French  troops  in  the  island  at  that  moment  would  be 
in  a  manner  deciding  the  question.  There  would  be  found 
there  cruisers  or  garrisons  of  all  the  coalesced  powers,  who  would 
not  retire  upon  an  order  from  Sir  Sidney  Smith  or  the  grand- 
vizir.  Besides,  England  would  never  consent  to  a  condition 
ensuring  Malta  to  France.  To  land  a  French  army  on  a  point 
of  the  continent,  where  it  might  derange  the  combinations  of 
the  war  by  its  unexpected  appearance,  would  be  a  step  too  bold 


DEC.  1799       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  285 

for  a  mere  commodore  to  think  of  taking.  Lastly,  to  demand 
the  abolition  of  the  triple  alliance  was  requiring  Sir  Sidney- 
Smith  to  undo  by  himself  alone,  on  board  his  ship,  a  treaty 
ratified  by  three  great  powers,  and  which  had  acquired  great 
importance  for  the  East.  Supposing  that  all  these  stipulations 
should  be  accepted  by  all  the  courts  whose  consent  was  requisite, 
it  would  be  necessary  to  send  to  Naples,  to  London,  to  St. 
Petersburg,  to  Constantinople :  of  course  this  would  no  longer 
be  a  military  convention  of  evacuation,  like  that  which  was 
signed  at  Marengo,  and  capable  of  being  executed  at  the  very 
instant.  If  it  were  referred  to  London,  it  must  consequently  be 
referred  to  Paris  also,  which  Kleber  had  no  wish  to  do.  All  this 
evidently  far  surpassed  the  bounds  of  a  military  capitulation. 

Sir  Sidney  Smith  had  no  difficulty  to  make  the  French 
negotiators  feel  the  force  of  these  reasons.  But  it  was  urgently 
necessary  to  settle  two  points  immediatel}- — the  departure  of 
the  wounded,  and  of  the  scientific  men  attaclied  to  the  expedi- 
tion, for  whom  Desaix  solicited  safe-conducts,  and  secondly, 
a  suspension  of  arms  ;  for  the  army  of  the  grand-vizir,  tho.ugh 
marching  slowly,  would  soon  be  in  presence  of  the  French.  It 
had  actually  arrived  before  the  fort  of  El  Arisch,  the  first 
French  post  on  the  frontiers  of  Syria,  and  had  summoned  it  to 
surrender.  Kleber,  apprised  of  this  circumstance,  had  written 
to  Desaix  and  ordered  him  to  require,  as  an  indispensable  con- 
dition of  these  conferences,  that  the  Turkish  army  should  halt 
on  the  frontier. 

The  first  point,  that  relating  to  the  departure  of  the  wounded, 
and  the  men  of  science,  rested  with  Sir  Sidney  Smith.  He 
assented  to  it  with  great  cheerfulness  and  courtesy.  As  for  the 
armistice,  Sir  Sidney  declared  that  lie  would  willingly  pro])ose 
it,  but  he  could  not  answer  for  obtaining  it ;  for  the  Turkish 
army  was  composed  of  fanatic  and  barbarous  hordes,  and  it  was 
a  difficult  thing  to  make  regular  conventions  with  it.  and  still 
more  so  to  ensure  their  execution.  To  remove  this  difficulty, 
he  resolved  to  go  to  th(^  camp  of  the  grand-vizir,  which  was  in 
the  environs  of  Gaza.  The  negotiations,  in  fact,  had  been  going 
on  for  a  fortnight  on  board  /.'  Tifjrc.  while  floating  at  the 
pleasure  of  the  winds  off  the  coasts  of  Syria  and  l''gy]->t  :  the 
parties  had  said  all  that  they  had  to  say.  and  tlie  negotiation 
could  not  be  continued  to  any  useful  purpose  l)ut  with  the 
grand-vizir.  Sir  Sidney  Smith,  therefore,  ]iro])osr(l  to  repair 
thither,  to  arrange  there  a  sns]iensi()n  of  arms,  ami  to  pre])are 
for  the  arrival  of  the  French  negotiators,  if  he  thouLjht  that 
he  could  ensure  them  salVty  and  res])ect.  This  pi-oposal  was 
accepted.  Sir  Sidney,  availing  himself  of  a  favourable  monu-nt, 
pushed  off  in  a  boat  which  landed  him  on  the  coast,  after  in- 
curring some  dangers,  and   ordered   the   captain   ot    Lc   Tijrr  to 


286  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1799 

meet  him  in  the  port  of  Jaffa,  where  Poussielgue  and  Desaix 
were  to  be  put  ashore,  if  the  conferences  were  to  be  transferred 
to  the  camp  of  the  grand-vizir. 

At  the  moment  when  the  English  commodore  reached  the 
camp,  a  horrible  event  had  occurred  at  El  Arisch.  The  Turkish 
army,  composed,  for  the  smaller  part,  of  Janissaries,  and  for  the 
greater  part,  of  Asiatic  militia,  whom  the  Mussulman  laws  place 
at  the  disposal  of  the  Sultan,  presented  a  confused  and  undis- 
ciplined mass,  extremely  formidable  to  all  who  wore  the  Euro- 
pean dress.  It  had  been  raised  in  the  name  of  the  Prophet ; 
for  the  Turks  were  told  that  this  was  the  last  effort  that  would 
be  required  to  drive  the  Infidels  out  of  Egypt ;  that  the  re- 
doubtable Sultan  of  Fire,  Bonaparte,  had  left  them  ;  that  they 
were  weakened  and  disheartened  ;  that  they  must  be  conquered 
if  the  Turks  merely  showed  themselves ;  that  all  Egypt  was 
ready  to  rise  against  their  domination.  These  and  other  things, 
repeated  everywhere,  had  collected  around  the  grand-vizir  an 
army  of  70,000  or  80,000  fanatic  Mussulmans.  The  Turks 
were  joined  by  the  Mamelukes.  Ibrahim  Bey,  who  had  some 
time  before  retired  to  Syria,  and  Murad  Bey,  who  had  descended 
by  a  long  circuit  from  the  cataracts  to  the  environs  of  Suez, 
had  become  the  auxiliaries  of  their  former  adversaries.  The 
English  had  made  for  this  army  a  sort  of  field-artillery,  drawn 
by  mules.  The  Bedouin  Arabs,  in  the  hope  of  soon  plundering 
the  vanquished,  whichever  they  might  be,  had  placed  15,000 
camels  at  the  disposal  of  the  grand-vizir,  to  assist  him  to  cross 
the  desert  which  separates  Egypt  and  Palestine.  The  Turkish 
generalissimo  had  in  his  semi-barbarous  staff  some  English 
officers,  and  some  of  those  culpable  emigrants,  who  had  taught 
Djezzar  Pasha  how  to  defend  St.  Jean  d'Acre.  We  shall  now 
see  what  those  wretched  fugitives  became  the  cause  of. 

The  fort  of  El  Arisch,  before  which  the  Turks  were  at  this 
moment,  was,  according  to  the  declaration  of  General  Bonaparte, 
one  of  the  two  keys  of  Egypt :  Alexandria  was  the  other.  Ac- 
cording to  him,  too,  an  army  arriving  by  sea  could  not  land  in 
great  number  anywhere  but  on  the  beach  of  Alexandria.  An 
army  advancing  by  land,  and  having  to  cross  the  desert  of 
Syria,  would  be  obliged  to  pass  by  El  Arisch,  to  get  water  at 
the  wells  situated  at  that  place.  He  had  therefore  ordered 
important  works  to  be  constructed  about  Alexandria,  and  the 
fort  of  El  Arisch  to  be  put  into  a  state  of  defence.  A  body 
of  300  men,  supplied  with  provisions  and  ammunition,  kept 
garrison  there,  and  it  was  commanded  by  a  courageous  officer 
named  Cazals.  The  Turkish  advanced  guard,  having  reached 
El  Arisch,  Colonel  Douglas,  an  English  officer  in  the  service  of 
Turkey,  summoned  Cazals,  the  commandant,  to  surrender.  A 
disguised  French  emigrant  was  the  bearer  of  the  summons.     A 


DEC.  1799      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  287 

parley  ensued,  and  the  soldiers  were  told  that  the  evacuation  of 
Egypt  was  imminent ;  that  it  was  already  announced  as  resolved 
upon ;  that  it  would  soon  be  inevitable ;  and  that  it  was  cruel 
to  wish  to  oblige  them  to  defend  themselves.  The  culpable 
sentiments  which  the  officers  had  too  much  encouraged  in  the 
army  then  burst  forth.  The  soldiers  in  garrison  at  El  Arisch, 
vehemently  longing,  like  their  comrades,  to  leave  Egypt, 
declared  to  the  commandant  that  they  would  not  fight,  and 
that  he  must  make  up  his  mind  to  surrender  the  fort.  The 
gallant  Cazals  indignantly  called  them  together,  addressed  them 
in  the  noblest  language,  told  them  that  if  there  were  cowards 
among  them,  they  might  leave  the  garrison  and  go  to  the  camp 
of  the  Turks,  that  he  gave  them  full  liberty  to  do  so,  but  that 
he  would  resist  unto  death  with  those  Frenchmen  who  continued 
faithful  to  their  duty.  These  words  revived  for  a  moment  the 
feeling  of  honour  in  the  hearts  of  the  soldiers.  The  summons 
was  rejected,  and  the  attack  commenced.  The  Turks  were  not 
capable  of  carrying  a  position  that  was  ever  so  little  defended. 
The  batteries  of  the  fort  silenced  all  their  artillery.  Directed 
by  English  and  emigrant  officers,  they  nevertheless  pushed  their 
trenches  to  the  salient  angle  of  a  bastion.  The  commandant 
ordered  a  few  grenadiers  to  make  a  sortie,  for  the  purpose  of 
driving  the  Turks  from  the  first  branch  of  the  trench.  Captain 
Ferray,  who  was  appointed  to  head  the  party,  was  followed  by 
three  grenadiers  only.  Finding  himself  abandoned,  he  returned 
to  the  fort.  Meanwhile,  the  mutineers  had  struck  the  colours, 
but  a  sergeant  of  grenadiers  had  hoisted  them  again.  A 
struggle  ensued.  Duriug  this  contest,  the  recreants  who 
insisted  on  surrendering  threw  ropes  to  the  Turks ;  these 
ferocious  enemies,  once  hoisted  up  into  the  fort,  rushed,  sword 
in  hand,  upon  the  dastardly  beings  who  had  given  them  ad- 
mission into  the  fort,  and  slaughtered  a  great  part  of  them. 
The  others,  brought  back  to  reason,  joined  the  rest  of  the 
garrison,  defended  themselves  with  desperate  courage,  and  were 
most  of  them  cu.t  in  pieces.  Some,  in  small  number,  obtained 
quarter,  thanks  to  Colonel  Douglas,  and  owed  their  lives  to  the 
interference  of  that  humane,  gallant,  and  distinguished  officer. 

Thus  fell  the  fort  of  El  Arisch.  This  was  a  first  effect  of  the 
deplorable  disposition  prevailing  in  the  army,  the  first  fruit 
reaped  by  the  leaders  from  their  own  faults. 

It  was  now  the  30th  of  December  (9th  Nivose) :  tlie  letter 
written  by  Sir  Sidney  Smith  to  the  grand-vizir,  to  propose  to 
him  a  suspension  of  arms,  had  not  reached  him  in  time  to  pre- 
vent the  melancholy  catastrophe  at  El  Ariscli.  Sir  Sidney 
Smith  was  a  man  of  generous  feelings.  Tliis  barbarous  mas- 
sacre of  a  French  garrison  horrified  him.  and,  above  all,  it  made 
him  fearful  of  the  rupture  of  the  negotiations.      He  lost  no  time 


288  HISTORY  OF  THE  jan.  1800 

in  sending  explanations  to  Kleber,  both  in  his  own  name  and 
in  that  of  the  grand-vizir,  and  he  added  the  formal  assurance 
that  all  hostility  should  cease  during  the  negotiations. 

At  the  sight  of  these  hordes,  which  rather  resembled  a  migra- 
tion of  savage  tribes  than  an  army  going  to  battle,  fighting 
among  themselves  at  night  over  provisions  or  the  possession 
of  a  well,  Sir  Sidney  Smith  felt  alarmed  for  the  safety  of  the 
French  plenipotentiaries.  He  insisted  that  the  tents  destined 
for  their  reception  should  be  pitched  in  the  very  quarter  of  the 
grand-vizir  and  the  reis-effendi,  who  were  both  present  with  the 
army  ;  and  that  a  guard  of  picked  men  should  be  stationed  about 
these  tents ;  he  had  his  own  placed  near  them ;  and,  lastly,  he 
provided  a  detachment  of  English  seamen,  to  secure  from  all 
violence  both  himself  and  the  French  officers  committed  to  his 
honour.  Having  taken  these  precautions,  he  sent  to  Jaffa,  to 
fetch  Messrs.  Poussielgue  and  Desaix  to  the  place  where  the 
conferences  were  to  be  held. 

Kleber,  when  informed  of  the  massacre  of  El  Arisch,  did  not 
manifest  as  much  indignation  as  he  ought  to  have  done ;  he  was 
aware  that,  if  he  was  too  warm  upon  that  subject,  all  the  nego- 
tiations might  be  broken  off.  He  was  more  urgent  than  ever 
for  a  suspension  of  arms;  and,  at  the  same  time,  by  way  of 
precaution,  and  to  be  nearer  to  the  theatre  of  the  conferences,  he 
left  Cairo,  and  transferred  his  headquarters  to  Salahieh,  on  the 
very  border  of  the  desert,  two  days'  march  from  El  Arisch. 

In  the  meantime,  Desaix  and  Poussielgue,  detained  by  con- 
trary winds,  had  not  been  able  to  land  at  Gaza  till  the  iith  of 
January  (21st  Nivose),  and  to  reach  El  Arisch  before  the  13th. 
The  conferences  commenced  as  soon  as  they  arrived,  and  the 
indignation  of  Desaix  had  well-nigh  broken  off  the  negotiations. 
The  Turks,  ignorant  and  barbarous,  interpreting  in  their  way 
the  conduct  of  the  Frencli,  attributed  their  disposition  to  treat, 
not  to  an  immoderate  desire  to  return  to  France,  but  to  fear  of 
fighting.  They  required,  therefore,  that  the  army  should  sur- 
render themselves  prisoners  of  war.  Desaix  was  for  putting  an 
end  at  once  to  all  kind  of  communication,  but  Sir  Sidney  inter- 
posed, prevailed  on  both  parties  to  moderate  their  terms,  and 
proposed  honourable  conditions,  if  there  could  be  such  for  a 
resolution  of  this  nature.  It  was  no  longer  possible  to  put  for- 
ward the  original  conditions  of  Kleber.  Of  this  he  was  himself 
convinced,  from  the  letters  which  had  been  written  to  him  from  on 
board  Lc  Tigre,  and  he  said  no  more  about  the  Venetian  islands, 
Malta,  and  the  revictualling  of  those  islands.  To  give  a  colour, 
nevertheless,  to  his  capitulation,  he  still  adhered  to  one  point — 
that  the  Porte  should  withdraw  from  the  triple  alliance.  This 
point,  strictly  considered,  was  susceptible  of  being  negotiated 
at  El  Arisch,  since  the  grand-vizir  and  the  reis-effendi  were 


JAN.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  289 

at  hand;  but  it  could  scarcely  be  demanded  of  the  English 
negotiator,  whose  intervention,  however,  was  indispensable.  This 
condition,  therefore,  was  set  aside,  like  the  others.  It  was  a 
vain  artifice,  which  Kl^ber  and  his  advisers  employed  towards 
themselves,  to  conceal  from  their  own  eyes  the  indignity  of 
their  conduct. 

The  pure  and  simple  evacuation,  and  its  conditions,  soon 
became  the  sole  subject  of  negotiation.  After  long  discussions, 
it  was  agreed  that  all  hostility  should  cease  for  three  months ; 
that  those  three  months  should  be  employed  by  the  vizir  in 
collecting,  in  the  ports  of  Rosetta,  Aboukir,  and  Alexandria,  the 
vessels  requisite  for  the  conveyance  of  our  army;  by  General 
Kl^ber  in  evacuating  the  Upper  Nile,  Cairo,  and  the  contiguous 
provinces,  and  in  concentrating  his  troops  about  the  points  of 
embarkation ;  that  the  French  should  depart  with  arms  and 
baggage,  that  is  to  say,  with  the  honours  of  war;  that  they 
should  take  with  them  such  military  stores  as  they  had  need  of, 
and  leave  the  rest ;  that,  from  the  day  of  the  signature,  they 
should  cease  to  impose  contributions,  and  should  abandon  to 
the  Porte  such  as  were  still  due  ;  but  that,  in  return,  the  French 
army  should  receive  3000  purses,  equivalent  at  that  time  to 
3,000,000  francs,  and  representing  the  sum  necessary  for  its 
subsistence  during  the  evacuation  and  the  passage.  The  forts 
of  Katieh,  Salahieh,  and  Belbeis,  forming  the  frontier  of  Egypt 
towards  the  desert  of  Syria,  were  to  be  given  up  ten  days  after 
the  ratification  ;  Cairo  forty  days  after.  It  was  agreed  that  the 
ratification  should  be  given  within  eight  days  by  General  Kleber 
alone,  and  without  any  reference  to  the  French  government. 
Lastly,  Sir  Sidney  engaged,  in  his  own  name,  and  in  the  name 
of  the  Russian  commissioner,  to  furnish  the  army  with  passports, 
to  prevent  molestation  from  English  cruisers. 

The  French  commissioners  here  committed  an  error  in  form, 
which  was  of  serious  consequence.  The  signature  of  Sir  Sidney 
Smith  was  indispensable,  for,  without  that  signature,  the  sea  con- 
tinued closed  to  them.  They  ought  to  have  required  Sir  Sidney 
Smith,  since  he  was  the  negotiator  of  that  convention,  to  sign 
it.  The  mystery  of  his  powers  would  then  have  been  cleared  up. 
It  would  then  have  transpired  that  the  English  commodore, 
though  he  formerly  held  powers  to  treat  with  the  Porte,  had 
none  at  this  moment,  Lord  Elgin  liaving  arrived  as  minister  at 
Constantinople;  that  he  had  no  special  instructions  for  the  ]M-esent 
case  ;  that  he  merely  had  very  strong  presumptions  to  ]io]ie  that 
his  conduct  would  be  approved  in  London.  The  P'rench  ])leni- 
potentiaries,  not  convorsant  with  di])lomatic  usages.  su])iK)sed 
that  Sir  Sidnc^y  Smith,  offering  jiassports,  was  ((ualilied  to  give 
them,  and  tliat  these  passports  would  be  valid. 

The  terms  of  the  convention  lieing  arranged,  tliere  was  notliing 
VOL.  I.  r 


2^0  HISTOBY  OF  THE  jan.  1800 

more  to  be  done  but  to  sign  it.  The  noble  heart  of  Desaix  re- 
volted from  what  he  was  obliged  to  do.  Before  he  placed  his 
name  at  the  foot  of  such  a  paper,  he  sent  for  Savary,  his  aide-de- 
camp, directed  him  to  proceed  to  the  headquarters  at  Salahieh, 
where  Kleber  was,  to  communicate  to  him  the  draft  of  the  con- 
vention, and  to  declare  that  he  would  not  sign  it  till  he  had 
received  from  him  a  formal  order  to  that  effect.  Savary  came, 
repaired  to  Salahieh,  and  delivered  to  Kleber  the  message  with 
which  he  was  charged.  Kleber,  who  had  a  vague  feeling  of  his 
fault,  determined,  in  order  to  cover  it,  to  assemble  a  council  of 
war,  to  which  all  the  generals  of  the  army  were  summoned. 

The  council  met  on  the  2 1  st  of  January  1 800  ( i  st  Pluviose, 
year  VIII. ).  The  minutes  of  it  still  exist.  It  is  painful  to  see 
brave  men,  who  had  spilt  their  blood,  who  were  going  to  spill  it 
again  for  their  country,  heap  up  wretched  falsehoods  to  colour 
a  criminal  weakness.  This  example  ought  to  serve  for  a  lesson  to 
military  officers ;  it  ought  to  teach  them  that  it  is  not  sufficient 
to  be  firm  in  battle,  and  that  the  courage  to  brave  balls  and 
bullets  is  the  least  of  the  virtues  imposed  by  their  noble  profes- 
sion. In  this  council  of  war,  great  stress  was  laid  on  the  intelli- 
gence which  had  then  reached  Egypt,  that  the  great  combined 
French  and  Spanish  fleet  had  sailed  out  of  the  Mediterranean 
into  the  ocean ;  whence  it  was  concluded  that  all  hope  of  succour 
from  France  was  at  an  end.  In  proof  of  this,  it  was  argued 
that  five  months  had  elapsed  since  the  departure  of  General 
Bonaparte — five,  months,  during  which  no  despatch  had  arrived. 
An  argument  was  made  of  the  discouragement  of  the  army, 
which  the  very  persons  who  used  it  had  themselves  contributed 
to  produce.  They  adverted  to  what  had  recently  happened  at 
Rosetta  and  Alexandria,  where  the  garrisons  had  behaved  like 
that  of  El  Arisch,  threatening  to  revolt,  if  they  were  not  im- 
mediately taken  back  to  Europe.  They  alleged  that  the  active 
army  was  reduced  to  8000  men ;  they  exaggerated,  beyond 
measure,  the  force  of  the  Turkish  army ;  they  talked  of  a  pre- 
tended Russian  expedition  that  was  about  to  join  the  grand-vizir 
— an  expedition  which  had  no  existence  but  in  the  heated  imagi- 
nations of  those  who  were  desirous  to  forsake  Egypt  at  any  rate. 
They  asserted,  as  a  positive  fact,  the  impossibility  of  resistance 
• — an  assertion  which  was  so  soon  to  be  contradicted,  in  an  heroic 
manner,  by  the  very  persons  who  so  stoutly  maintained  it. 
Lastly,  to  keep  as  closely  as  possible  within  the  instructions  of 
General  Bonaparte,  they  brought  forward  some  cases  of  plague, 
extremely  doubtful,  and,  for  the  rest,  absolutely  unknown  in 
the  army. 

Notwithstanding  all  that  was  said,  however,  the  partisans  of 
the  evacuation  were  far  from  adhering  to  the  instructions  left 
by  General  Bonaparte.     He  had  laid  down  as  conditions: — i. 


JAN.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  291 

That  no  succours,  no  orders,  should  have  arrived  by  the  spring 
of  1800.  2.  That  the  plague  should  have  carried  off  1500  men, 
besides  the  losses  from  war.  3.  That  the  danger  should  be  so 
great  as  to  render  all  resistance  impossible ;  and,  thes6  circum- 
stances being  realised,  he  had  recommended  to  his  successor  to 
gain  time  in  negotiating,  and  not  to  consent  to  the  evacuation, 
but  on  condition  of  its  ratification  by  France.  Now,  it  was  still 
only  January  1 800 ;  there  was  no  plague,  no  pressing  danger ; 
and  yet  an  immediate  evacuation  was  the  point  to  be  decided, 
and  without  any  reference  to  France. 

A  man  who  has  exhibited  in  war  something  superior  to 
courage,  that  is  to  say,  character,  General  Davout,  since  marshal 
and  Prince  of  Eckmiihl,  was  the  only  one  who  durst  withstand 
this  culpable  impulsion.  He  was  not  afraid  to  oppose  Kleber, 
to  whose  ascendency  all  the  rest  bowed,  and  combated  with 
energy  the  proposed  capitulation.  But  he  was  not  listened  to ; 
and,  from  a  mischievous  complaisance,  he  consented  to  sign  the 
resolution  of  the  council  of  war,  by  suffering  an  entry  to  be 
made  in  the  minutes  that  it  had  been  adopted  unanimously. 

Davout,  nevertheless,  took  Savary  aside,  and  charged  him  to 
assure  Desaix  that  if  he  chose  to  break  off  the  negotiation  he 
would  find  support  in  the  army.  Savary  returned  to  the  camp 
at  El  Arisch,  and  communicated  to  Desaix  what  had  passed,  and 
the  message  which  Davout  had  desired  him  to  deliver.  Desaix, 
finding  Davout's  name  subscribed  to  the  deliberations,  replied 
with  warmth  to  Savary,  "  Whom  then  would  you  have  me  trust, 
when  the  very  man  who  disapproves  the  convention  dares  not 
make  his  signature  agree  with  his  opinion !  He  would  have 
me  disobey,  and  yet  dares  not  maintain  to  the  end  the  senti- 
ments which  he  has  expressed  !  "  Desaix,  though  deeply  grieved, 
yet,  on  seeing  the  torrent,  gave  way  to  it  himself,  and  affixed 
his  signature  on  the  28th  of  January  to  that  unlucky  conven- 
tion, afterwards  celebrated  by  the  title  of  the  convention  of  El 
Arisch  (8th  Pluviose). 

When  the  thing  was  done,  people  began  to  be  sensible  of  its 
importance.  Desaix,  on  his  return  to  the  camp,  spoke  of  it 
with  grief,  and  did  not  conceal  his  deep  mortification  at  having 
been  selected  for  such  a  mission,  and  forced  to  fulfil  it  by  an 
order  from  the  general-in-cliief.  Davout.  ^fenou.  and  some 
others  launched  out  into  bitter  invectives :  dissensions  broke 
forth  on  all  sides  in  the  camp  at  Salahieh. 

Meanwhile,  preparations  were  making  for  de]iarture:  the 
great  majority  of  the  army  were  overjoyed  at  the  prospect  of 
leaving  these  distant  lands,  and  soon  beholding  I'^rance  again. 
Sir  Sidney  Smith  had  returncMl  to  his  ship.  The  vizir  advanced 
and  took  possession,  consecutively,  of  the  entrenched  positions 
of  Katieh,   Salahieh,  and   Belbeis,  which    Kleber,  in   haste  to 


292  HISTORY  OF  THE  jan.  1800 

execute  the  convention,  faithfully  delivered  up  to  him.  Kleber 
returned  to  Cairo,  to  make  his  preparations  for  departure,  to 
call  in  the  troops  that  were  guarding  Upper  Egypt,  to  concen- 
trate his  army,  and  then  to  direct  it  upon  Alexandria  and 
Erosetta,  at  the  time  stipulated  for  embarkation. 

While  these  events  were  occurring  in  Egypt — baneful  conse- 
quences of  a  sentiment  which  the  chiefs  of  the  army  had  fanned 
instead  of  stifling — other  events,  natural  consequences  of  the 
same  causes,  were  taking  place  in  Europe.  In  fact,  the  letters 
and  despatches,  sent  in  duplicate,  had,  as  we  have  seen,  arrived 
at  the  same  time  in  London  and  Paris.  The  accusatory  despatch 
directed  against  General  Bonaparte,  and  addressed  to  the  Direc- 
tory, had  been  delivered  to  General  Bonaparte  himself,  who  had 
become  the  head  of  the  government.  He  was  shocked  at  so 
many  weaknesses  and  falsehoods ;  but  he  was  sensible  how  much 
the  army  needed  Kleber ;  he  appreciated  the  great  qualities  of 
that  general,  and,  not  conceiving  that  his  discouragement  could 
proceed  to  such  a  length  as  to  induce  him  to  give  up  Egypt,  he 
took  no  notice  of  his  own  grievances.  He  hastened,  therefore, 
to  despatch  from  France  instructions  and  an  intimation  of  the 
great  succours  which  he  was  preparing  to  send. 

The  British  government,  on  its  part,  having  received  a  dupli- 
cate of  Kleber's  despatches,  and  a  great  number  of  letters  written 
by  our  officers  to  their  families,  caused  them  all  to  be  published, 
with  a  view  to  exhibit  to  Europe  the  situation  of  the  French  in 
Egypt,  and  to  embroil  Generals  KIdber  and  Bonaparte.  It  was 
a  perfectly  natural  calculation  on  the  part  of  an  hostile  power. 
At  the  same  time,  the  English  cabinet  had  received  advice  of 
the  overtures  made  by  General  Kleber  to  the  grand-vizir  and  to 
Sir  Sidney  Smith.  Believing  that  the  French  army  was  reduced 
to  the  last  extremity,  it  lost  no  time  in  sending  off  an  express 
order  not  to  grant  any  capitulation,  unless  they  surrendered 
themselves  prisoners  of  war.  Mi-.  Dundas  even  made  use,  in  his 
place  in  parliament,  of  odious  expressions.  "  An  example,"  said 
he,  "must  be  made  of  that  army,  which,  in  a  time  of  profound 
peace,  has  dared  to  invade  the  dominions  of  one  of  our  allies : 
the  interests  of  mankind  require  that  it  should  be  destroyed." 

This  language  was  barbarous ;  it  displays  the  violence  of  the 
passions  which  then  filled  the  hearts  of  the  two  nations.  The 
English  cabinet  had  taken  literally  the  exaggerations  of  Kleber 
and  of  our  officers ;  it  considered  the  French  as  reduced  to  submit 
to  any  conditions  that  might  be  imposed  upon  them ;  and,  not 
foreseeing  what  was  passing,  it  had  the  imprudence  to  give 
positive  orders  to  Lord  Keith,  the  admiral  commanding  in  the 
Mediterranean,  not  to  sign  any  capitulation  but  on  the  express  con- 
dition that  the  French  troops  should  become  prisoners  of  war. 

These  orders,  despatched  from  London  on  the  17th  of  December, 


FEB.  i8oo       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  293 

reached  Admiral  Keith  in  the  island  of  Minorca  in  the  first  days 
of  January  1800;  and,  on  the  8th  of  the  same  month  that 
admiral  hastened  to  forward  to  Sir  Sidney  Smith  the  instruc- 
tions which  he  had  just  received  from  his  government.  It 
took  time,  especially  at  that  season,  to  cross  the  Mediterranean. 
The  communications  of  Lord  Keith  did  not  reach  Sir  Sidney 
Smith  before  the  20th  of  February.  The  latter  was  deeply 
chagrined.  He  had  acted  without  precise  instructions  from  his 
government,  reckoning  upon  it  that  his  acts  would  be  approved. 
He  thus  found  himself  in  a  false  position  with  the  French,  for 
they  might,  with  apparent  reason,  accuse  him  of  breach  of  faith. 
Better  acquainted,  besides,  with  the  real  state  of  things,  he  was 
well  aware  that  Kleber  would  never  consent  to  surrender  him- 
self prisoner  of  war ;  and  he  saw  the  convention  of  El  Arisch, 
so  adroitly  wrung  from  the  weakness  of  a  moment,  wholly  set 
aside.  He  lost  no  time  in  writing  to  Kleber,  to  express  his 
mortification,  to  apprise  him  honestly  of  what  was  passing,  to 
advise  him  to  suspend  immediately  the  delivery  of  the  Egyptian 
fortresses  to  the  grand-vizir,  and  to  conjure  him  to  wait  for  fresh 
orders  from  England  before  he  took  any  definitive  resolution. 

Unfortunately,  when  these  advices  from  Sir  Sidney  arrived  at 
Cairo,  the  French  army  had  already  executed  in  part  the  treaty 
of  El  Arisch.  It  had  delivered  up  to  the  Turks  all  the  positions 
on  the  right  bank  of  the  Nile,  Katieh,  Salahieh,  Belbeis,  and 
some  of  the  positions  of  the  Delta,  particularly  the  town  of 
Damietta  and  the  fort  of  Lesbeh.  The  troops  were  already 
on  march  for  Alexandria,  with  their  baggage  and  stores.  The 
division  of  Upper  Egypt  had  put  the  Turks  in  possession  of 
the  Upper  Nile,  and  was  falling  back  upon  Cairo,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  rejoining  the  rest  of  the  army  towards  the  sea.  Desaix, 
availing  himself  of  the  order  which  he  had  received  to  return  to 
France,  and  disliking  to  have  any  hand  in  the  details  of  that 
ignominious  retreat,  had  set  out  with  Davout,  who,  for  his  part, 
could  not  stay  any  longer  with  Kleber.  Kleber,  forgetting  his 
bickerings  with  Davout,  was  anxious  to  retain  him.  and  had 
offered  him  the  rank  of  general  of  division,  which  he  had 
authority  to  confer  as  governor  of  Egy]:)t.  Davout  refused  it, 
saying  that  he  should  not  like  his  promotion  to  bear  the  date 
of  such  a  deplorable  event.  J^ut.  when  Desaix  and  Davout 
were  embarking,  M.  de  Latour  Maubourg,  arriving  from  France, 
with  the  despatches  of  the  First  Consul,  met  them  on  the  beach, 
informed  them  of  the  Pievolution  of  the  1 8th  of  Brumaire.  and 
of  the  elevation  of  General  Bonaparte  to  the  supreme  power. 
Thus  Kleber,  at  the  moment  when  he  had  just  given  u])  the  forti- 
fied positions,  learned  that  the  convention  of  El  Arisch  would  not 
be  executed,  and  received  the  intelligence,  not  less  momentous 
to  him,  of  the  establisliment  of  the  consular  government. 


294  HISTORY  OF  THE  feb.  1800 

But  there  had  been  sufficient  weakness  for  a  great  character : 
an  ignominious  offer  was  now  about  to  recall  Kleber  to  himself, 
and  to  make  him  what  he  really  was — a  hero.  He  was  obliged 
either  to  surrender  himself  prisoner,  or  to  defend  himself  in  a 
much  worse  situation  than  that  which  he  had  declared  to  be 
untenable  in  the  council  of  war  at  Salahieh ;  he  was  obliged 
either  to  submit  to  dishonour,  or  to  engage  in  a  desperate 
struggle.  Kleber  did  not  hesitate,  and  we  shall  see  that,  not- 
withstanding his  much  worse  situation,  he  contrived  to  do  what 
a  few  days  before  he  judged  to  be  impossible,  and  thus  gave 
the  noblest  of  contradictions  to  himself. 

Kleber  instantly  countermanded  all  the  orders  previously 
given  to  the  army.  He  brought  back  from  Lower  Egypt  to 
Cairo  part  of  the  troops  that  had  already  descended  the  Nile ; 
he  ordered  his  stores  to  be  sent  up  again ;  he  urged  the  division 
of  Upper  Egypt  to  make  haste  to  rejoin  him,  and  gave  notice 
to  the  grand-vizir  to  suspend  his  march  towards  Cairo,  other- 
wise he  should  immediately  commence  hostilities.  The  grand- 
vizir  replied  that  the  convention  of  El  Arisch  was  signed ;  that 
it  must  be  executed ;  that,  in  consequence,  he  should  advance 
towards  the  capital.  At  the  same  instant,  an  officer  sent  from 
Minorca  with  a  letter  from  Lord  Keith  to  Kleber,  arrived  at 
the  headquarters.  Among  other  expressions,  that  letter  con- 
tained the  following:  "I  have  received  positive  orders  from  his 
Britannic  Majesty,  not  to  consent  to  any  capitulation  with  the 
army  under  your  command,  unless  the  troops  lay  down  their 
arms,  surrender  themselves  prisoners  of  war,  and  give  up  all 
the  ships  in  the  harbour  of  Alexandria." 

Kleber,  fired  with  indignation,  caused  Lord  Keith's  letter  to 
be  inserted  in  the  order  of  the  day,  adding  to  it  these  few 
words :  "  Soldiers,  to  such  insults,  there  is  no  other  answer 
than  victory.     Prepare  for  action." 

This  noble  language  found  an  echo  in  every  breast.  The 
situation  was  greatly  changed  since  the  28th  of  January,  the 
day  on  which  the  convention  of  El  Arisch  was  signed.  The 
French  then  held  all  the  fortified  positions  in  Egypt ;  they 
ruled  the  Egyptians,  who  were  quiet  and  submissive  ;  the  grand- 
vizir  was  on  the  other  side  of  the  desert.  Now,  on  the  contrary, 
the  most  important  posts  were  given  up ;  they  had  possession 
of  the  plain  only ;  the  population  was  everywhere  awake ;  the 
inhabitants  of  Cairo,  excited  by  the  presence  of  the  grand- vizir, 
who  was  at  the  distance  of  five  hours'  march,  was  waiting  only 
for  the  first  signal  to  rise.  The  dismal  picture  drawn  in  the 
council  of  war,  in  which  the  convention  of  El  Arisch  was  dis- 
cussed— that  picture,  then  false,  was  now  strictly  true.  The 
French  army  was  about  to  fight  in  the  plain  which  borders  the 
Nile,  having  in  front  the  vizir,  with  80,000  men,   and  on  its 


MAR.  i8oo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  295 

rear  the  300,000  inhabitants  of  Cairo  ready  to  revolt ;  and  it 
was  without  fear !     Glorious  reparation  of  a  great  fault ! 

Agents  of  Sir  Sidney  Smith's  had  hastened  up,  to  interpose 
between  the  French  and  the  Turks,  and  to  make  fresh  pro- 
posals of  accommodation.  Letters,  they  said,  had  just  been 
written  to  London ;  when  the  convention  of  El  Arisch  was 
known  there,  it  would  be  ratified  to  a  certainty ;  in  this  situa- 
tion, it  would  be  right  to  suspend  hostilities,  and  wait.  To 
this  the  grand-vizir  and  Kleber  consented,  but  on  conditions 
that  were  irreconcilable.  The  grand-vizir  insisted  that  Cairo 
should  be  given  up  to  him;  Kleber,  on  the  contrary,  that  the 
vizir  should  fall  back  to  the  frontier.  In  this  state  of  things, 
fighting  was  the  only  resource. 

On  the  20th  of  March  1800  (29th  Ventose,  year  VIIL), 
before  daybreak,  the  French  army  inarched  from  Cairo,  and 
deployed  in  the  rich  plains  which  border  the  Nile,  having  the 
river  on  the  left,  the  desert  on  the  right,  and  in  front,  but  at 
a  distance,  the  ruins  of  ancient  Heliopolis.  Night,  almost 
luminous  in  this  climate,  facilitated  the  manoeuvres,  but  without 
rendering  them  distinct  to  the  enemy.  The  army  formed  itself 
into  four  squares ;  two  on  the  left,  under  General  Keynier,  two 
on  the  right,  under  General  Friant.  They  were  each  composed 
of  two  demi-brigades  of  infantry,  drawn  up  in  several  lines. 
At  the  angles  and  outside  were  companies  of  grenadiers,  with 
their  backs  to  the  squares,  ser\'ing  to  reinforce  them  during  the 
march  and  in  charges  of  cavalry,  and  separating  from  them  to 
attack  defended  positions  when  the  enemy  attempted  to  make 
a  stand.  At  the  centre  of  the  line  of  battle,  that  is  to  say, 
between  the  two  squares  on  the  left  and  the  two  squares  on 
the  right,  the  cavalry  was  disposed  in  a  deep  mass,  having  light 
artillery  on  its  wings.  At  some  distance  in  the  rear,  and  on 
the  left,  a  fifth  square,  smaller  than  the  others,  was  destined  to 
act  as  a  reserve.  The  number  of  the  troops  that  Kleber  had 
collected  in  this  plain  of  Heliopolis  might  be  estimated  at  some- 
what less  than  io,000  men.     They  were  firm  and  tranquil. 

Day  began  to  dawn.  Kleber,  who,  since  he  had  been  com- 
mander-in-chief, had  displayed  a  sort  of  magnificence,  in  order 
to  make  an  impression  on  the  Egyptians,  was  dressed  in  a  rich 
uniform.  Mounted  on  a  horse  of  great  height,  he  exhibited  to 
the  soldiers  that  noble  countenance  which  they  so  much  loved 
to  behold,  and  the  manly  beauty  of  which  filled  them  with  con- 
fidence. "My  friends,"  said  he,  as  he  rode  through  their  ranks, 
"you  possess  in  Egypt  no  more  than  the  ground  under  your 
feet.  If  you  recoil  but  a  single  step,  you  are  undone  I "'  Ilis 
presence  and  his  words  were  everywhere  hailed  with  tlu^  greatest 
enthusiasm  ;  and,  as  soon  as  it  was  quite  light,  lie  gave  orders  for 
marchinof  forward. 


296  HISTORY  OF  THE  mae.  1800 

As  yet,  only  part  of  the  army  of  the  grand- vizir  was  in  sight. 
In  that  plain  of  the  Nile  which  extended  before  us  appeared 
the  village  of  El  Matarieh,  which  the  Turks  had  entrenched. 
Here  was  an  advanced  guard  of  from  5000  to  6000  Janissaries, 
very  good  soldiers,  escorted  by  some  thousand  horse.  A  little 
beyond,  another  body  appeared  to  harbour  a  design  to  glide  be- 
tween the  river  and  our  left  wing,  for  the  purpose  of  raising 
Cairo  in  our  rear.  In  front,  and  at  a  much  greater  distance, 
the  ruins  of  ancient  Ileliopolis,  a  wood  of  palm-trees,  and  con- 
siderable undulations  of  the  ground,  hid  the  bulk  of  the  Turkish 
army  from  the  view  of  our  soldiers.  The  total  number  of  all 
these  forces,  including  the  principal  body,  the  corps  placed  at 
El  Matarieh,  and  the  detachment  on  march  to  penetrate  into 
the  city  of  Cairo,  might  be  computed  at  70,000  or  80,000  men. 

Kleber  first  ordered  a  squadron  of  mounted  guides  to  charge 
the  detachment  manoeuvring  on  our  left,  for  the  purpose  of 
introducing  itself  into  Cairo.  The  guides  dashed  off  at  a  gallop 
upon  this  confused  mass.  The  Turks,  who  never  feared  cavalry, 
received  and  returned  the  shock.  They  completely  enveloped 
our  horse,  which  was  in  danger  of  being  cut  to  pieces,  when 
Kleber  sent  to  their  relief  the  22nd  regiment  of  chasseurs  and 
the  14th  of  dragoons,  who,  charging  the  dense  mass  by  which 
the  guides  were,  in  a  manner,  surrounded,  used  their  swords 
so  well  as  to  disperse  and  put  them  to  flight.  The  Turks  then 
retired  oiit  of  sight. 

This  done,  Kleber  hastened  to  attack  the  entrenched  village 
of  El  Matarieh,  before  the  main  body  of  the  enemy's  army  had 
time  to  come  up.  This  duty  he  assigned  to  General  Reynier, 
with  the  two  squares  on  the  left ;  and  he  himself,  with  the  two 
squares  on  the  right,  wheeling  about,  posted  himself  between 
El  Matarieh  and  Heliopolis,  to  prevent  the  Turkish  army  from 
coming  to  the  assistance  of  the  attacked  position. 

Reynier,  having  reached  the  village  of  El  Matarieh,  detached 
the  companies  of  grenadiers  which  lined  the  angles  of  the 
squares,  and  ordered  them  to  charge  the  village.  These  com- 
panies advanced,  forming  two  small  columns.  The  brave 
Janissaries  would  not  wait  for  them  to  come  up,  but  went  to 
meet  them.  Our  grenadiers,  receiving  them  firmly,  poured  upon 
them,  when  close  to  the  muzzles  of  their  pieces,  a  discharge  of 
musketry,  which  struck  down  a  great  number,  and  then  charged 
with  fixed  bayonets.  While  the  first  column  was  attacking  the 
Janissaries  in  front,  the  second  took  them  in  flank,  and  com- 
pleted their  dispersion.  The  two  columns  united  then  fell  upon 
El  Matarieh,  amidst  a  shower  of  balls.  They  rushed  with  the 
bayonet  on  the  Turks,  who  resisted,  and,  after  a  great  carnage, 
made  themselves  masters  of  the  position.  The  Turks  fled  into 
the  plain ;  and,  joining  those  whom  the  guides,  chasseurs,  and 


MAR.  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  297 

dragoons  had  just  before  dispersed,  ran  in  disorder  towards 
Cairo,  with  Nassif  Pasha,  the  lieutenant  of  the  grand-vizir,  at 
their  head. 

The  village  of  El  Matarieh,  full  of  spoils  in  the  Oriental 
fashion,  presented  an  ample  booty  to  our  soldiers.  But  they 
did  not  stop  there ;  both  generals  and  soldiers  were  aware  how 
important  it  was  not  to  be  surprised,  in  the  midst  of  a  village, 
by  the  mass  of  the  Turkish  troops.  The  army,  resuming  by 
degrees  the  same  order  as  in  the  morning,  advanced  into  the 
plain,  still  formed  into  several  squares,  with  the  cavalry  in 
the  middle.  It  passed  the  ruins  of  Heliopolis,  and  perceived 
beyond  them  a  cloud  of  dust  rising  on  the  horizon,  and  rapidly 
advancing  towards  us.  On  the  left  appeared  the  village  of 
Seriaqous ;  on  the  right,  amidst  a  wood  of  palms,  the  village  of 
El  Merg,  situated  on  the  margin  of  a  small  lake,  called  the  Lake 
of  the  Pilgrims.  A  slight  elevation  of  ground  ran  from  one  to 
the  other  of  these  villages.  All  at  once,  this  moving  cloud  of 
dust  stood  still,  and  was  presently  dispersed  by  a  breeze,  leaving 
the  Turkish  army  exposed  to  view ;  it  formed  a  long,  floating 
line  from  Seriaqous  to  El  Merg.  Placed  on  the  elevation  just 
mentioned,  it  somewhat  overlooked  the  ground  upon  which  our 
troops  were  deployed.  Kleber  then  gave  orders  to  advance. 
Reynier,  with  the  two  squares  on  the  left,  marched  towards 
Seriaqous ;  Friant,  with  the  two  squares  on  the  right,  moved 
upon  El  Merg.  The  enemy  had  sprinkled  a  considerable  number 
of  tirailleurs  in  advance  of  the  palm-trees  W'hich  surround  El 
Merg.  But  a  fight  of  tirailleurs  could  scarcely  be  successful 
against  such  soldiers  as  ours.  Friant  sent  a  few  companies  of 
light  infantry,  which  soon  obliged  these  detached  Turks  to  rejoin 
the  confused  mass  of  their  army.  The  grand-vizir  was  there, 
in  the  midst  of  a  group  of  horsemen,  whose  bright  armour 
glistened  in  the  sun.  Our  howitzer  fire  soon  dispersed  this 
group.  The  enemy  brought  forward  his  artillery,  with  the  inten- 
tion of  replying ;  but  his  shot,  ill-directed,  passed  over  the  heads 
of  our  soldiers.  His  pieces  were  soon  dismounted  by  ours,  and 
put  hors  de  combat.  The  thousand  colours  of  the  Turkish  army 
were  then  seen  waving,  and  ]-)art  of  its  squadrons  rushed  out  of 
the  village  of  El  Merg  u])ou  the  scjuares  of  Friant's  division. 
The  deep  fissures  in  the  ground,  the  ordinary  effect  of  a  liot  sun 
upon  a  soil  long  inundated,  fortunately  checked  the  iuijietuosity 
of  the  horses.  General  Friant,  suffering  these  Turkish  horse 
to  advance  nearly  to  the  niuzzh^s  of  the  guns,  gave  oniers  for 
a  sudden  discharge  of  gra]ie-siiot,  which  swept  them  down  l)v 
hundreds.     They  retired  in  confusion. 

This  was  but  the  prelude  to  a  general  attack.  The  'J'urkish 
army  was  visibly  ])re]iaring  foi-  it.  Our  sfpiares  waited  with  firm- 
ness, two  on  the  rio-ht,  two  on  the  left,  the  cavalrv  in  tlu>  centri". 


298  HISTORY  OF  THE  mar.  1800 

facing  both  before  and  behind,  and  covered  by  two  lines  of 
artillery.  At  a  signal  given  by  the  grand-vizir,  the  entire  mass 
of  the  Turkish  cavalry  set  itself  in  motion,  rushed  upon  our 
squares,  spread  itself  upon  their  wings,  turned  them,  and  soon 
surrounded  the  four  fronts  of  our  order  of  battle.  The  French 
infantry,  unmoved  by  the  shouts,  the  bustle,  the  tumult  of  the 
Turkish  cavalry,  remained  calm,  with  bayonet  presented,  keeping 
up  a  continued  and  well-directed  fire.  In  vain  these  thousand 
groups  of  horse  whirled  round  it :  they  fell  under  the  grape-shot 
and  the  balls,  rarely  coming  up  to  its  bayonets,  expired  at  its 
feet,  or  turned  about  and  fled,  never  to  show  themselves  again. 

After  a  long  and  frightful  confusion,  the  sky,  darkened  by 
smoke  and  dust,  suddenly  became  clear;  the  sun  burst  forth, 
and  our  victorious  troops  beheld  before  them  a  mass  of  men  and 
horses,  dead  or  dying ;  and,  at  a  distance,  as  far  as  the  eye  could 
reach,  bands  of  fugitives  running  away  in  all  directions. 

The  main  body  of  the  Turks  was  retiring,  in  fact,  towards  El 
Kangah,  where  they  had  encamped  the  preceding  night,  on  the 
road  to  Lower  Egypt.  A  few  groups  only  went  to  rejoin  those 
parties  which,  under  Nassif  Pasha,  lieutenant  of  the  grand-vizir, 
had  in  the  morning  directed  their  steps  towards  Cairo. 

Kleber  resolved  not  to  allow  the  enemy  any  rest.  Our  squares, 
preserving  their  order  of  battle,  crossed  the  plain  at  a  rapid  pace, 
and,  passing  Seriaqous  and  El  Merg,  advanced  to  El  Kangah. 
We  arrived  there  at  night.  The  enemy,  finding  himself  closely 
pressed,  again  fled  in  disorder,  leaving  to  our  army  the  provisions 
and  baggage,  of  which  we  stood  in  great  need. 

Thus,  in  that  plain  of  Heliopolis,  10,000  soldiers,  by  supe- 
riority in  discipline  and  quiet  courage,  dispersed  70,000  or 
80,000  foes.  But,  to  obtain  a  more  beneficial  result  than  that 
of  a  few  thousand  killed,  wounded,  and  stretched  in  the  dust,  it 
would  be  necessary  to  pursue  the  Turks,  to  drive  them  into  the 
desert,  and  to  cause  them  to  perish  there  by  hunger,  thirst,  and 
the  sword  of  the  Arabs.  The  French  army  was  exhausted  with 
fatigue.  Kleber  allowed  it  a  little  rest,  and  gave  orders  for  the 
pursuit  on  the  following  day. 

We  had  scarcely  200  or  300  wounded  or  dead,  for  in  this 
species  of  combat,  troops  in  a  square,  which  preserve  themselves 
unbroken,  sustain  but  little  loss.  Kleber,  at  this  moment,  hear- 
ing cannon  towards  Cairo,  had  no  doubt  that  the  corps  which 
had  turned  his  left  had  gone  to  second  the  revolt  of  that  city, 
Nassif  Pasha,  the  vizir's  lieutenant,  and  Ibrahim  Bey,  one  of 
the  two  Mameluke  chiefs,  had  actually  entered  it  with  2000 
Mamelukes,  8000  or  10,000  Turkish  horse,  and  some  revolted 
villagers  of  the  environs,  in  all  about  20,000  men.  Kleber  had 
left  scarcely  2000  in  that  great  capital,  distributed  in  the  citadel 
and  the  forts.     He  ordered  General  Lagrange  to  set  out  in  the 


MAR.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  299 

middle  of  that  same  night,  with  four  battalions,  and  go  to  their 
relief.  He  enjoined  all  the  commandants  of  troops  left  at  Cairo 
to  take  strong  positions,  to  keep  in  communication  with  one 
another,  but  not  to  attempt  any  decisive  attack  before  his  return. 
He  was  apprehensive  of  some  false  manoeuvre  on  their  part, 
which  might  uselessly  endanger  the  lives  of  the  soldiers,  every 
day  more  and  more  precious,  now  that  they  were  absolutely 
doomed  to  remain  in  Egypt. 

During  the  whole  time  that  the  battle  had  lasted,  the  second 
Mameluke  chief,  Murad  Bey,  who  had  formerly  shared  with 
Ibrahim  Bey  the  rule  over  Egypt,  who  was  distinguished  from 
his  colleague  by  brilliant  valour,  chivalrous  generosity,  and  great 
intelligence,  had  remained  on  the  wings  of  the  Turkish  army, 
motionless,  at  the  head  of  600  superb  horse.  When  the  battle 
was  over,  he  had  plunged  into  the  desert  and  disappeared.  It 
was  in  consequence  of  a  promise  given  to  Kleber  that  he  had 
thus  acted.  Murad  Bey,  who  had  recently  arrived  at  the  vizir's 
headquarters,  had  felt  the  old  jealousy  which  so  long  divided 
the  Turks  and  the  Mamelukes  spring  up  again  within  him.  He 
was  aware  that  the  Turks  were  anxious  to  recover  Egypt,  not  to 
restore  it  to  the  Mamelukes,  but  to  possess  it  themselves.  He, 
therefore,  thought  to  conciliate  the  French,  under  the  idea  of 
allying  himself  with  them,  if  they  were  victorious,  or  of  suc- 
ceeding them  if  they  were  vanquished.  Acting,  however,  with 
circumspection,  he  refrained  from  the  manifestation  of  his  senti- 
ments till  hostilities  were  definitively  resumed,  and  had  promised 
Kleber  to  declare  for  him  after  the  first  battle.  That  battle  was 
fought ;  it  was  glorious  for  the  French ;  and  his  sympathy  for 
them  could  not  fail  to  be  greatly  augmented  by  it.  There  was 
reason  to  hope  that,  in  a  few  days,  we  should  have  him  for  our 
professed  ally. 

In  the  middle  of  the  very  night  which  followed  the  battle, 
after  allowing  the  troops  a  few  hours'  rest,  Kleber  ordered  the 
drums  to  beat  to  arms,  and  marched  for  Belbeis,  determined 
not  to  give  any  respite  to  the  Turks.  He  arrived  there  very 
early  in  the  day.  This  was  the  21st  of  March  (30th  \'entose). 
The  vizir,  in  his  rapid  flight,  was  already  beyond  Belbeis.  He 
had  left  in  the  fort  and  town  a  cor]3S  of  infantry,  and  in  the 
plain  a  thousand  horse.  On  the  approach  of  our  troops  these 
horse  fled.  The  Turks  were  driven  out  of  the  town  ;  they  were 
shut  up  in  the  fort,  where,  after  exchanging  a  few  cannon-shot, 
want  of  water  and  fear  induced  them  to  surrender.  So  great 
was  the  fanaticism  of  these  Turkish  troops,  that  sonu-  men  chose 
rather  to  be  slaughtered  than  to  give  up  their  anus,  ^lean- 
while,  the  cavalry  of  General  Lpclcrc.  scouring  the  i)lain.  seized 
a  long  caravan  of  camels  proceeding  towards  Cairo,  and  laden 
with    the   baggage   of   Nassif    Pasha   and   Ilirahim    B.'v.     This 


300  HISTORY  OF  THE  mar.  1800 

capture  revealed  more  completely  to  Kleber  the  real  design  of 
the  Turks,  which  consisted  in  exciting  not  only  the  capital  but 
all  the  large  towns  in  Egypt  to  rise  against  the  French. 
Apprised  of  this  design,  and  finding  that  the  Turkish  army 
made  no  stand  anywhere,  he  detached  General  Friant  with 
five  battalions  for  Cairo,  to  support  the  four  battalions  sent 
in  the  night  from  El  Kangah,  under  the  orders  of  General 
Lagrange. 

Next  day,  March  22nd  (ist  Germinal),  he  set  out  for  Salahieh. 
General  Reynier  preceded  him  at  the  head  of  the  left  division : 
he  himself  followed  with  the  guides  and  the  7th  hussars. 
Lastly  came  General  Belliard,  with  his  brigade,  the  rest  of 
Friant's  division.  During  the  march,  a  message  was  received 
from  the  grand-vizir,  who  desired  to  negotiate.  The  only 
answer  returned  was  a  refusal.  Not  far  from  Karaim,  half-way 
to  Salahieh,  a  violent  cannonade  was  heard  ;  soon  afterwards 
Reynier's  division  was  seen  formed  in  square  and  engaged  with 
a  multitude  of  horse.  Kleber  sent  word  to  Belliard  to  hasten 
his  march,  and  he  himself,  with  the  cavalry,  proceeded  with 
the  utmost  expedition  towards  Reynier's  square.  But  at  this 
sight  the  Turks,  who  were  attacking  Reynier's  division,  liking 
better  to  have  to  do  with  the  French  cavalry  than  with  the 
infantry,  fell  upon  the  guides  and  the  7th  hussars,  whom  Kleber 
was  bringing  with  him.  Their  charge  was  so  sudden  that  the 
light  artillery  had  not  time  to  place  itself  in  battery.  The 
drivers  were  slaughtered  on  their  guns.  Kleber,  with  the 
guides  and  the  hussars,  was  for  a  moment  in  the  greatest 
danger,  especially  as  the  inhabitants  of  Karaim,  thinking  that 
it  was  all  over  with  such  a  handful  of  French,  had  hastened 
to  the  spot  with  pitchforks  and  scythes  to  finish  them.  But 
Reynier  immediately  sent  the  14th  dragoons,  which  extricated 
Kleber  in  time.  Belliard,  who  had  pushed  on  at  a  great  rate, 
came  up  soon  afterwards  with  his  infantry,  and  cut  in  pieces 
some  hundred  men. 

Kleber,  anxious  to  reach  Salahieh,  hastened  his  march,  de- 
ferring till  his  return  the  punishment  of  Karaim.  The  heat  of 
the  day  was  oppressive  ;  the  wind  blew  from  the  desert,  and 
along  with  a  scorching  air  was  inhaled  a  fine,  penetrating  dust. 
Men  and  horses  were  exhausted  with  fatigue.  At  length, 
about  nightfall,  they  arrived  at  Salahieh.  They  were  now  on 
the  very  frontier  of  Egypt,  at  the  entrance  of  the  desert  of 
Syria,  and  Kleber  expected  to  have  on  the  morrow  a  final 
engagement  with  the  grand-vizir.  But,  on  the  morning  of 
the  next  day,  March  23rd  (2nd  Germinal),  the  inhabitants  of 
Salahieh  came  to  meet  him,  and  informed  him  that  the  vizir 
was  continuiag  his  flight  in  the  greatest  disorder.  Kleber 
hastened  forward,  and  with  his  own   eyes  beheld  this  sight. 


MAR.  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  301 

which  proved  how  much  he  had  exaggerated  to  himself  the 
danger  of  Turkish  armies. 

The  grand- vizir,  taking  with  him  500  of  his  best  horse,  had 
penetrated  with  some  baggage  into  the  desert.  The  rest  of  his 
army  was  fleeing  in  all  directions ;  one  part  was  running  towards 
the  Delta ;  a  second  begged  upon  its  knees  for  quarter ;  a  third, 
seeking  an  asylum  in  the  desert,  was  slaughtered  by  the  Arabs. 
These  last,  after  convoying  the  Turkish  army,  had  remained 
on  the  frontier,  knowing  that  one  party  or  the  other  must  be 
vanquished,  and  that,  of  course,  there  would  be  booty  to  pick 
up.  Their  conclusion  was  correct ;  for,  finding  the  Turkish 
army  completely  demoi'alised  and  incapable  of  defending  itself 
even  against  them,  they  murdered  the  fugitives  for  the  purpose 
of  plundering  them.  Just  at  the  moment  when  Kleber  arrived, 
they  had  borne  down  to  the  deserted  camp  of  the  vizir,  and 
pounced  upon  it  like  a  flock  of  birds  of  prey.  At  the  sight  of 
our  army,  they  flew  away  on  their  swift  horses,  leaving  abun- 
dant spoils  to  our  soldiers.  Here,  in  the  entrenched  space  of  a 
square  league,  they  found  an  infinite  multitude  of  tents,  horses, 
cannon,  and  a  great  quantity  of  saddles  and  harness  of  all 
sorts,  40,000  horse-shoes,  a  profusion  of  provisions  and  of  rich 
apparel,  boxes  already  broken  open  by  the  Arabs,  but  still  full 
of  perfumes  of  aloes,  silk  stuffs,  in  short,  of  all  those  articles  that 
compose  the  dazzling  and  barbarous  luxury  of  Oriental  armies. 
Along  with  twelve  litters  of  wood,  carved  and  gilt,  there  was  a 
carriage  hung  on  springs  after  the  European  fashion,  of  English 
manufacture ;  and  pieces  of  cannon  were  found  with  the  motto 
Honi  soit  qui  mat  y  pense ;  a  certain  evidence  of  the  very  active 
intervention  of  the  English  in  this  war. 

Our  soldiers,  who  had  brought  nothing  with  them,  found,  in 
the  Turkish  camp,  provisions,  ammunition,  a  rich  booty,  and 
objects  the  singularity  of  which  made  them  laugh,  as  they 
were  always  disposed  to  do  after  a  brief  moment  of  dejection. 
Strange  power  of  the  mind  over  man  !  Now,  victorious,  they 
had  no  wish  to  leave  Egypt,  and  no  longer  considered  them- 
selves doomed  to  perish  in  distant  exile  ! 

When  Kleber  had  ascertained  with  his  own  eyes  that  the 
Turkish  army  had  disappeared,  he  resolved  to  return  and  reduce 
the  towns  of  Lower  Egypt,  and  Cairo  in  particular,  to  their 
duty.  He  made  the  foll<3\ving  dispositions: — Generals  Kaiiipon 
and  Lanusse  were  ordered  to  scour  the  Delta;  Kaiupoii  was  to 
march  to  the  important  town  of  Damietta.  wliich  was  in  tht' 
hands  of  the  Turks,  and  to  retake^  it.  Lanusse  was  to  keep 
in  communication  witli  l{aTU])on.  to  swcc])  the  Delta  troni 
Damietta  to  Alexandria,  and  to  reduce  suocessi\ely  the  re\iilted 
villages.  Belliard  had  tin^  general  commission  to  su]i])ort  tliese 
different    operations,    and    the    special    coniniissiun    to    second 


302  HISTORY  OF  THE  mar.  1800 

Rampon  in  his  attack  on  Damietta,  and  to  retake  himself  the 
fort  of  Lesbeh,  which  commands  one  of  the  mouths  of  the  Nile. 
Kl^ber,  moreover,  left  Reynier  at  Salahieh,  to  prevent  the  rem- 
nants of  the  Turkish  army,  which  had  fled  into  the  desert  of 
Syria,  from  coming  back.  The  latter  was  to  remain  in  obser- 
vation on  the  frontier,  till  the  Arabs  had  completed  the  dis- 
persion of  the  Turks,  and  then  return  to  Cairo.  Lastly,  Kleber 
himself  set  out  on  the  next  day,  March  24th  (3rd  Germinal), 
with  the  88th  demi-brigade,  two  companies  of  grenadiers,  the 
7th  hussars,  and  the  3rd  and  14th  dragoons. 

He  arrived  at  Cairo  on  the  27th  of  March.  Important  events 
had  occurred  there  since  his  departure.  The  population  of  that 
great  city,  which  numbered  nearly  300,000  inhabitants,  fickle, 
inflammable,  inclined  to  change,  like  all  multitudes,  had  fol- 
lowed the  suggestions  of  Turkish  emissaries,  and  fallen  upon 
the  French  the  moment  they  heard  the  cannon  at  Heliopolis. 
Pouring  forth  outside  the  walls  during  the  battle  ;  and  seeing 
Nassif- Pasha  and  Ibrahim  Bey,  with  some  thousand  horse  and 
Janissaries,  they  supposed  them  to  be  conquerors.  Taking 
good  care  not  to  undeceive  the  inhabitants,  the  Turks  affirmed, 
on  the  contrary,  that  the  grand-vizir  had  gained  a  complete 
victory,  and  that  the  French  were  exterminated.  At  these 
tidings,  50,000  men  had  risen  in  Cairo,  at  Boulaq,  and  at 
Gyzeh.  Armed  with  swords,  pikes,  and  old  muskets,  they 
purposed  to  slaughter  the  French  left  among  them.  But  2000 
men,  entrenched  in  the  citadel  and  in  the  forts  which  com- 
manded the  city,  supplied  with  provisions  and  ammunition, 
opposed  a  resistance  difficult  to  overcome.  Having  almost  all 
of  them  fallen  back  in  time,  they  had  managed  to  shut  them- 
selves up  in  the  fortified  places.  Some,  however,  had  been  in 
great  danger;  it  was  those  who,  to  the  number  of  200  only, 
mounted  guard  at  the  headquarters.  This  noble  edifice, 
formerly  occupied  by  General  Bona23arte,  and  since  by  Kldber 
and  the  principal  administrations,  stood  at  one  of  the  ex- 
tremities of  the  city,  overlooking  on  one  side  the  square  of 
Ezbekyeh,  the  finest  in  Cairo ;  on  the  other,  gardens  stretching 
to  the  Nile.  The  Turks  and  the  insurgent  populace  intended 
to  storm  this  house,  and  to  slaughter  the  200  French  by 
whom  it  was  occu]')ied.  This  would  have  been  the  more  easy 
for  them,  since  General  Verdier,  who  guarded  the  citadel, 
placed  at  the  other  extremity  of  Cairo,  could  not  come  to 
their  assistance.  But  the  brave  soldiers  who  were  in  the  head- 
quarters managed,  sometimes  by  a  well-supported  fire,  some- 
times by  daring  sorties,  to  keep  the  ferocious  multitude  at  bay, 
and  to  give  General  Lagrange  time  to  arrive.  He  had  been 
detached,  as  we  have  seen,  the  very  night  after  the  battle, 
with    four   battalions.       He    arrived    at    noon   the    next   day. 


APKiLiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIBE.  303 

entered  by  the  gardens,  and  rendered  the  headquarters  thence- 
forth impregnable. 

The  Turks,  seeing  no  means  of  overcoming  the  resistance  of 
the  French,  reeked  their  revenge  on  such  unfortunate  Christians 
as  were  in  their  power.  They  began  by  slaughtering  part  of 
the  inhabitants  of  the  European  quarter;  they  killed  several 
merchants,  plundered  their  houses,  and  carried  off  their  wives 
and  daughters.  They  then  went  in  search  of  those  Arabs  who 
were  accused  of  living  on  good  terms  with  the  French,  and  of 
drinking  wine  with  them.  They  put  them  to  death  ;  and 
murder  and  plunder  went  hand  in  hand,  as  usual.  They  im- 
paled an  Arab,  who  had  been  chief  of  the  Janissaries  under  the 
French,  and  who  was  charged  with  the  police  of  Cairo ;  and 
they  treated  in  the  same  manner  one  who  had  been  secretary 
to  the  Divan  instituted  by  General  Bonaparte.  Thence  they 
proceeded  to  the  quarter  of  the  Copts.  These,  as  every  one 
knows,  are  descended  from  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  Egypt, 
and  have  adhered  to  Christianity,  in  spite  of  all  the  Mussulman 
dominations  that  have  succeeded  one  another  in  their  country. 
They  possessed  great  wealth,  arising  from  the  collection  of  the 
taxes,  which  the  Mamelukes  had  delegated  to  them.  The  in- 
tention was,  to  punish  in  them,  friends  of  the  French,  and 
more  especially  to  plunder  their  houses.  Very  fortunately  for 
these  Copts,  their  quarters  formed  the  left  side  of  Ezbekyeh 
square,  contiguous  to  our  headquarters.  Their  chief  was, 
moreover,  rich  and  brave ;  he  defended  himself  well,  and  suc- 
ceeded in  saving  them. 

Amid  these  horrors,  Nassif  Pasha  and  Ibrahim  Bey  were 
ashamed  of  themselves  for  what  they  did,  or  suffered  to  be 
done.  They  saw  that  wealth  wasted  which  would  belong  to 
them,  if  they  remained  in  possession  of  Egypt.  But  they 
winked  at  all  that  was  done  by  a  populace  of  which  they  were 
no  longer  masters,  and  thought,  besides,  by  these  massacres, 
to  keep  up  their  animosity  against  the  French. 

During  these  transactions  arrived  General  Friant,  detached 
from  Belbeis,  and  lastly,  Kleber  himself.  Both  entered  through 
the  gardens  behind  our  headquarters.  Though  conqueror  of 
the  grand-vizir's  arm}",  Kleber  had  a  serious  difficulty  to  sur- 
mount, nothing  less  than  to  subdue  an  immense  city,  peopled 
by  300,000  inhabitants,  partly  in  a  state  of  revolt,  occupied  by 
20,000  Turks,  and  built  in  the  Oriental  style,  that  is  to  say, 
having  narrow  streets,  divided  into  piles  of  masonry,  wliicli 
were  real  fortresses.  These  edifices  receiving  light  from  witiiin, 
and  exhibiting  without  nothing  but  lofty  walls,  liad  terraces 
instead  of  roofs,  from  which  the  insurgents  iionred  a  down- 
ward and  destructive  lire.  Add  to  this,  that  the  'j'urks  were 
masters  of  the  whole  city,  exct'pting  th(^  citadel  and  the  stjuare  of 


304  HISTORY  OF  THE  apkil  1800 

Ezbekyeh.  As  for  the  latter,  they  had  blockaded  it  in  a  manner 
by  closing  the  streets  that  ran  into  it  with  embattled  walls. 

The  French  had  but  two  modes  of  attack ;  either  to  keep  up 
a  destructive  fire  of  bombs  and  howitzers  from  the  citadel,  till 
the  city  was  reduced,  or  to  debouch  by  the  square  of  Ezbekyeh, 
overthrowing  all  the  barriers  erected  at  the  head  of  the  streets, 
and  taking  all  the  quarters  by  assault,  one  by  one.  The  first 
method  was  liable  to  cause  the  destruction  of  a  great  city,  the 
capital  of  the  country,  which  the  French  needed  for  the  supply 
of  necessaries ;  the  second  exposed  them  to  the  risk  of  losing 
ten  times  as  many  men  as  ten  battles  like  that  of  Heliopolis 
would  have  cost  them. 

In  this  case,  Klcber  showed  as  much  prudence  as  he  had 
just  shown  energy  in  the  field.  He  resolved  to  gain  time,  and 
to  let  the  insurrection  wear  itself  out.  He  had  sent  almost 
the  whole  of  his  maUriel  to  Lower  Egypt,  under  the  idea  that 
he  should  very  soon  embark.  He  enjoined  Reynier,  as  soon  as 
the  army  of  the  vizir  had  entirely  crossed  the  desert,  and  as 
soon  as  Damietta  and  Lesbeh  were  retaken,  to  ascend  the  Nile 
with  his  whole  division  and  the  stores  necessary  for  Cairo. 
Meanwhile,  he  caused  all  the  outlets,  by  which  the  city  could 
communicate  with  the  surrounding  country,  to  be  blockaded. 
Though  the  insurgents  had  procured  provisions  by  plundering 
the  houses  of  the  Egyptians,  in  general  amply  supplied  with 
them,  though  they  had  cast  balls,  and  even  founded  cannon, 
they  could  not  possibly  help  suffering  very  soon  from  dearth. 
Nor  could  they  fail  at  length  to  be  undeceived  respecting  the 
general  state  of  things  in  Egypt,  and  to  learn  that  the  French 
were  everywhere  victorious,  and  the  vizir's  army  dispersed; 
moreover,  they  were  likely  to  fall  out  ere  long,  for  their  in- 
terests were  totally  opposite.  Nassif  Pasha's  Turks,  Ibrahim 
Bey's  Mamelukes,  and  the  Arab  population  of  Cairo  could  not 
agree  together  long.  For  all  these  reasons,  Kldber  thought  it 
advisable  to  temporise  and  to  negotiate. 

While  he  was  gaining  time,  he  completed  his  treaty  of  alli- 
ance with  Murad  Bey,  through  the  agency  of  the  wife  of  that 
Mameluke  prince,  a  person  universally  respected,  endowed  with 
beauty,  and  even  with  a  superior  understanding.  He  granted 
to  him  the  province  of  Said,  vinder  the  supremacy  of  France, 
on  condition  of  paying  a  tribute  equivalent  to  a  considerable 
part  of  the  imposts  of  that  province.  Murad  Bey  engaged, 
moreover,  to  fight  for  the  French ;  and  the  French  engaged, 
if  they  should  ever  quit  the  country,  to  facilitate  for  him  the 
occupation  of  Egypt.  Murad  Bey,  as  we  shall  see  by-and-by, 
faithfully  adhered  to  the  treaty  which  he  had  just  signed,  and 
began  by  driving  from  Upper  Egypt  a  Turkish  corps  which 
had  occupied  it. 


APRiLiSoo       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  305 

By  means  of  Murad  Bey  and  the  sheiks  who  were  secret 
friends  of  France,  Kleber  then  opened  negotiations  with  the 
Turks  who  had  entered  Cairo.  Nassif  Pasha  and  Ibrahim  Bey 
began,  in  fact,  to  be  afraid  of  being  shut  up  in  the  city  by  the 
French,  and  treated  after  the  Turkish  fashion.  They  knew, 
besides,  that  the  grand-vizir  s  army  was  completely  dispersed. 
In  consequence,  they  cheerfully  assented  to  conferences,  and 
agreed  to  a  capitulation,  by  the  terms  of  which  they  were  to  be 
allowed  to  retire  safe  and  sound.  But,  at  the  moment  when 
this  capitulation  was  about  to  be  concluded,  the  insurgents  of 
Cairo,  finding  themselves  abandoned  to  the  vengeance  of  the 
French,  were  seized  with  consternation  and  rage,  caused  the 
conferences  to  be  broken  off,  threatened  to  despatch  all  those 
who  showed  any  determination  to  desert  them,  and  even  gave 
money  to  the  Turks  to  induce  them  to  fight.  An  attack  by 
main  force  was,  therefore,  indispensable  for  completing  the 
reduction  of  the  city. 

Lower  Egypt  having  returned  to  its  duty,  Reynier  had 
ascended  with  his  corps  and  a  convoy  of  military  stores.  He 
assisted  in  investing  that  part  of  the  outworks  of  Cairo  which 
stretch  from  north  to  east,  that  is  to  say,  from  Fort  Camin 
to  the  citadel ;  General  Friant  encamped  towards  the  west, 
in  the  gardens  behind  our  headquarters,  between  the  city 
and  the  Nile ;  Leclerc's  cavalry  was  posted  between  Reynier's 
and  Friant's  divisions,  scouring  the  country ;  General  \'erdier 
occupied  the  south. 

On  the  3rd  and  4th  of  April  (13th  and  14th  Germinal)  a 
detachment  of  General  Friant's  commenced  the  first  attack. 
Its  chief  object  was  to  clear  Ezbekyeh  square,  which  was  our 
principal  debouclid.  A  beginning  was  made  with  the  Copt 
quarter,  which  formed  the  left  of  it.  The  troops  penetrated 
with  the  greatest  intrepidity  into  the  streets  which  crossed  this 
quarter  in  all  directions  ;  while  several  detachments  blew  up 
the  houses  all  round  Ezbekyeh  square,  for  the  puqiose  of  o])en- 
ing  avenues  to  the  interior  of  the  city,  ^[eanwhile,  the  citadel 
threw  a  few  bombs  to  intimidate  the  population.  These  attacks 
were  successful,  and  made  us  masters  of  the  heads  of  the 
streets  terminating  in  Ezbekyeh  square.  In  the  following 
days,  an  eminence  situated  near  Fort  Sulkouskoi.  whicli  tlit^ 
Turks  had  entrenched,  and  which  commanded  tho  (\ipt  ([iiarter, 
was  taken.  Every  preparation  was  thus  made  for  a  gt-niTal 
and  simultaneous  attack.  Hefon^  he  made  this  attack.  I\lt''l)er 
summoned  the  insurgents  for  the  last  time:  tlicy  rft'iisinl  to 
listen  to  the  summons.  Still  making  a  ])articiilar  pMim  of 
s])aring  the  city,  which,  it  is  true,  was  not  iinplieatfil  in  the 
horrors  committed  by  a  few  fanatics,  he  n'>ol\r(l  to  spi^ak  to 
the  eye  by  means  of  a  terriliU^  (>xam])le.      lie  gav.'  oi'iLts  for 

vol,.  I.  I" 


3o6  HISTORY  OF  THE  apriliSoo 

attacking  Boulaq,  a  detached  suburb  of  Cairo,  on  the  banks 
of  the  Nile. 

On  the  15th  of  April  (25th  Germinal)  Friant's  division  sur- 
rounded Boulaq,  and  poured  upon  that  devoted  suburb  a  shower 
of  bombs  and  howitzers.  Favoured  by  this  lire,  the  soldiers 
rushed  to  the  assault,  but  met  with  an  obstinate  resistance  from 
the  inhabitants  and  the  Turks.  Every  street,  every  house,  be- 
came the  theatre  of  a  desperate  conflict.  Kleber  ordered  this 
horrible  carnage  to  be  suspended  for  a  moment,  to  offer  pardon 
to  the  revolters :  that  pardon  was  rejected.  The  attack  was 
then  resumed  :  the  fire  spread  from  house  to  house,  and  Boulaq, 
in  flames,  experienced  the  twofold  horror  of  a  conflagration  and 
an  assault.  Meanwhile,  the  chiefs  of  the  population  having 
thrown  themselves  at  the  feet  of  the  conqueror,  Kleber  put  a 
stop  to  the  effusion  of  blood,  and  saved  the  remnant  of  the 
hapless  suburb.  It  was  the  cjuarter  which  contained  the  ware- 
houses of  the  merchants ;  in  these  were  found  an  immense 
quantity  of  goods,  which  were  preserved  from  the  flames  for  the 
use  of  the  army. 

This  horrible  sight  was  witnessed  by  the  whole  population  of 
Cairo.  Taking  advantage  of  the  effect  which  it  was  likely  to 
produce,  Kleber  ordered  the  capital  itself  to  be  attacked.  A 
house  adjoining  to  the  headquarters  had  been  undermined ;  fire 
was  applied  to  the  mine,  and  Turks  and  insurgents  were  blown 
up  together.  This  was  the  signal  for  the  attack.  Friant's  and 
Belliard's  troops  debouched  by  all  the  outlets  from  Ezbekyeh 
square,  while  General  Reynier  entered  at  the  north  and  east 
gates,  while  Verdier,  from  tdie  elevated  citadel,  showered  bombs 
upon  the  city.  The  fight  was  obstinate,  lieynier's  troops 
penetrated  through  the  Bab-el-Charyeh  gate,  situated  at  the 
extremity  of  the  great  canal,  and,  driving  before  them  Ibrahim 
Bey  and  Nassif  Pasha,  who  defended  it,  at  length  cooped  up 
both  of  them  between  the  9th  demi-brigade,  which,  having 
entered  at  the  op])osite  point,  had  driven  back  all  they  en- 
countered in  their  ^'ictorious  course.  The  two  French  corps 
joined,  after  making  a  frightful  carnage.  Night  separated  the 
combatants.  Several  thousand  Turks,  Mamelukes,  and  insur- 
gents had  fallen ;  four  hundred  houses  were  in  flames. 

This  was  the  last  effort  at  resistance.  The  inhabitants,  who 
had  long  detained  the  Turks,  now  began  to  conjure  iliein  most 
earnestly  to  quit  Cairo,  and  thus  leave  them  at  liberty  to  negotiate 
with  the  French.  Jvleber,  who  was  averse  to  these  sanguinary 
scenes,  and  who  was  anxious  to  spare  his  soldiers,  wished  for 
nothing  better  than  to  treat.  The  envoys  of  JNIurad  Be}^  served 
him  for  agents.  The  treaty  was  soon  concluded.  Nassif  Pasha 
and  Ibrahim  Bey  were  to  retire  to  Syria,  escorted  by  a  detach- 
ment of  the  French  armv.     The  onlv  terms  o'ranted  them  were. 


APRiLiSoo       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  307 

that  their  lives  should  be  spared.  They  set  out  from  Cairo  on 
the  25th  of  April  (5th  Floreal),  leaving  to  the  mercy  of  the 
French  the  wretches  whom  they  had  urged  into  revolt. 

Thus  terminated  that  sanguinary  struggle,  which  had  com- 
menced with  the  battle  of  Heliopolis  on  the  20th  of  March,  and 
which  ended  on  the  25th  of  April  with  the  departure  of  the  last 
lieutenants  of  the  vizir,  after  thirty-five  days'  fighting,  between 
20,000  French,  on  one  side,  and,  on  the  other,  the  whole  force 
of  the  Ottoman  Empire,  seconded  by  the  revolt  of  the  Egyptian 
towns.  Great  faults  had  occasioned  this  insurrection,  and  pro- 
voked this  horrible  effusion  of  blood.  If,  in  fact,  the  French 
had  not  made  preparations  for  departing,  the  Egyptians  would 
never  have  dared  to  rise.  The  contest  would  have  been  limited 
to  a  brilliant  but  by  no  means  dangerous  battle  between  our 
squares  of  infantry  and  the  Turkish  cavalry.  But  a  commence- 
ment of  evacuation  having  produced  a  popular  explosion  in 
several  towns,  it  was  necessary  to  retake  them  by  assault,  which 
was  more  destructive  than  a  battle.  Let  us  forget  Kleber's 
faults  in  admiration  of  his  glorious  and  energetic  conduct !  He 
had  imagined  that  he  could  not  defend  Egypt,  when  subjugated 
and  peaceful,  against  the  Turks ;  and  he  had  now  conquered 
it  in  thirty-five  days,  in  spite  of  Turks  and  of  the  insurgent 
Egyptians,  with  equal  energy,  prudence,  and  humanity. 

In  the  Delta,  all  the  towns  had  returned  to  a  state  of  com- 
plete submission.  Murad  Bey  had  driven  from  Upper  Egypt 
the  Turkish  detachment  of  Dervish  ]^asha.  The  vanquished 
everywhere  trembled  before  the  conqueror,  and  expected  a 
terrible  chastisement.  The  inhabitants  of  Cairo  in  particular, 
who  had  committed  revolting  cruelties  upon  the  Arabs  attached 
to  the  French,  and  upon  the  Christians  of  all  nations,  were  filled 
with  consternation.  Kleber,  who  was  liuniane  and  wise,  took 
good  care  not  to  repay  cruelties  with  cruelties.  He  knew  that 
conquest,  odious  to  all  nations,  never  becomes  tolerable  in  the 
estimation  of  those  on  whom  it  falls,  but  at  the  price  of  a  good 
government,  and  cannot  render  itself  legitimate  in  the  eyes 
of  enlightened  nations  unless  by  the  accomplishment  of  great 
designs.  He  hastened,  therefore,  to  use  his  victory  with  modera- 
tion. The  Egyptians  were  persuaded  that  they  should  be  treated 
harshly  :  they  conceived  that  the  loss  of  lift>  and  pro])erty  would 
atone  for  the  crime  of  those  who  had  ri>en  in  revolt.  Kleber 
called  them  together,  assumed  at  first  a  stern  look.  l)iit  after- 
wards  pardoned  them,  merely  imposing  a  contribution  on  the 
insurgent  villages. 

Cairo  paid  10,000.000  i"..  a  burden  far  from  onerous  for  so 
large  a  city.  The  inhal)itants  considtM'ed  themselves  as  most 
lucky  to  get  off  so  easily.  i'-ight  millions  more  were  imposed 
upon  the  rebel  towns  of  Lower  I'-gypt. 


3o8  HISTORY  OF  THE  may  1800 

This  sum  sufficed  for  the  immediate  discharge  of  the  arrears 
of  pay,  and  furnished  funds  for  procuring  the  provisions  needed 
by  the  army,  for  supplying  all  the  wants  of  the  wounded,  and 
for  completing  the  fortifications  that  were  begun.  It  was  a 
precious  resource,  till  the  system  of  the  impositions  should  be 
improved  and  carried  into  execution.  Another  resource,  equally 
unexpected,  presented  itself  at  this  moment.  Seventy  Turkish 
vessels  had  just  entered  the  Egyptian  ports,  to  carry  away  the 
French  army.  The  late  hostilities  justified  our  detaining  them. 
They  were  laden  with  goods,  which  were  sold  for  the  benefit  of 
the  chest  of  the  army.  Owing  to  these  various  resources,  an 
abundant  provision  was  made  for  all  the  services,  without  any 
requisition  in  kind.  The  army  found  itself  in  plenty,  and  the 
Egyptians,  who  had  not  hoped  to  be  let  off  so  easily,  submitted 
with  perfect  resignation.  The  army,  proud  of  its  victories,  con- 
fident in  its  strength,  knowing  that  General  Bonaparte  was  at 
the  head  of  the  government,  ceased  to  doubt  that  it  would  soon 
receive  reinforcements.  Kleber  had  in  the  plain  of  Heliopolis 
made  the  noblest  amends  for  his  momentary  faults. 

He  assembled  the  administrators  of  the  army,  the  persons 
best  acquainted  with  the  country,  and  turned  his  attention  to 
the  organisation  of  the  finances  of  the  colony.  He  restored  the 
collection  of  the  direct  contributions  to  the  Copts,  to  whom  it 
had  formei-ly  been  entrusted ;  he  imposed  some  new  customs' 
duties  and  taxes  on  articles  of  consumption.  The  total  of  the 
revenues  was  to  amount  to  25,000,000  f.,  and  this  was  sufficient 
for  all  the  wants  of  the  army,  which  did  not  exceed  eighteen 
or  twenty  millions.  He  admitted  into  the  ranks  of  our  demi- 
brigades,  Copts,  Syrians,  and  even  Blacks,  bought  in  Darfur, 
and  whom  some  of  the  subalterns,  beginning  to  speak  the 
lansfuao-e  of  the  country,  undertook  to  drill.  These  new  soldiers 
placed  in  the  regiments,  fought  there  as  stoutly  as  the  French 
with  whom  they  had  the  honour  to  serve.  Kleber  gave  orders 
for  the  completion  of  the  forts  constructing  around  Cairo,  and 
set  men  to  work  at  those  of  Lesbeh,  Damietta,  Burlos,  and 
Rosetta,  situated  on  the  sea-coast.  He  pressed  forward  the 
works  of  Alexandria,  and  imparted  fresh  activity  to  the  scientific 
researches  of  the  Institute  of  Egypt.  From  the  cataracts  to  the 
mouths  of  the  Nile,  everything  assumed  the  aspect  of  a  solid  and 
durable  establishment.  Two  months  afterwards,  the  caravans  of 
Syria,  Arabia,  and  Darfur  began  to  appear  again  at  Cairo.  The 
hospitable  welcome  which  they  received  ensured  their  return. 

If  Kleber  had  lived,  Egypt  would  have  remained  in  our  pos- 
session, at  least  till  the  time  of  our  great  disasters.  But  a 
deplorable  event  snatched  away  that  general,  in  the  midst  of 
his  exploits  and  of  his  judicious  government. 

It  is  always  more  or  less  dangerous  to  give  a  deep  shock  to 


JUNE  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  309 

the  ruling  priDciples  of  human  nature.  All  Islamism  had  been 
moved  by  the  presence  of  the  French  in  Egj^pt.  The  children 
of  Mahomet  had  felt  somewhat  of  that  enthusiasm  which  of 
old  inflamed  them  against  the  Crusaders.  Cries  of  a  holy  war 
were  raised,  as  in  the  twelfth  century ;  and  there  were  fanatic 
Mussulmans  who  vowed  to  achieve  the  sacred  firjht,  which  con- 
sists in  slaying  an  Infidel.  In  Eg}^pt,  where  people  saw  the 
French  closely,  where  they  appreciated  their  humanity,  where 
they  could  compare  them  with  the  soldiers  of  the  Porte,  espe- 
cially with  the  Mamelukes — in  Egypt,  where  they  witnessed 
their  respect  for  the  Prophet  (a  respect  enjoined  by  General 
Bonaparte),  less  aversion  for  them  was  entertained  ;  and,  when 
they  afterwards  left  the  country,  the  fanaticism  had  consider- 
ably abated.  Indeed,  during  the  late  insurrection,  there  had 
even  been  perceived,  in  some  places,  real  signs  of  attachment 
to  our  soldiers,  to  such  a  degree,  that  the  English  agents  were 
surprised  at  it.  But,  throughout  the  rest  of  the  East,  the 
attention  of  all  was  engrossed  by  one  subject,  and  that  was  the 
invasion  by  Infidels  of  an  extensive  Mussulman  country. 

A  young  man,  a  native  of  Aleppo,  named  Suleiman,  who 
was  a  prey  to  extravagant  fanaticism,  who  had  performed  the 
pilgrimage  to  Mecca  and  Medina,  who  had  studied  at  the 
mosque  El  Azhar,  the  most  celebrated  and  the  wealthiest  in 
Cairo,  that  where  the  Koran  and  the  Turkish  law  are  taught, 
who,  finally,  purposed  to  obtain  admission  into  the  body  of  the 
doctors  of  the  faith,  chanced  to  be  wandering  in  Palestine, 
when  the  wrecks  of  the  vizir's  army  passed  through  the  country. 
He  witnessed  the  sufferings,  the  despair,  of  his  co-religionists, 
which  violently  afl"ected  his  morbid  imagination.  The  aga 
of  the  Janissaries,  who  had  chanced  to  see  him,  inflamed  his 
fanaticism  still  more  by  his  own  suggestions.  This  young 
man  offered  to  assassinate  "  the  Sultan  of  the  French,"  General 
Kl(^ber.  Furnished  with  a  dromedary  and  a  snin  of  money,  he 
repaired  to  Gaza,  crossed  the  desert,  proceeded  to  Cairo,  and 
shut  himself  up  for  several  weeks  in  the  great  mosque,  into 
which  students  and  poor  travellers  were  admitted,  at  the  cost  of 
that  pious  foundation.  The  rich  mosques  are  in  the  Fast  what 
convents  formerly  were  in  Europe ;  there  are  found  ])rayer, 
religious  instruction,  and  hospitality.  The  young  fanatic  inti- 
mated his  design  to  the  four  ])rincipal  sheiks  of  the  mosque, 
who  were  at  the  head  of  the  department  of  instruction.  Th(^y 
were  alarmed  at  his  resolution,  and  at  tlic  C(insr(|urnct>s  to 
which  it  was  likely  to  lead;  they  told  him  that  it  would  not 
succeed,  and  that  it  would  bring  great  disasters  ujion  I''gy])t ; 
but  still  they  refrained  from  apprising  the  French  authorities. 

When  this  wretched  man  was  sufliciently  coniiniied  in  his 
resolution,  he  armed  himself  with  a  dagger,  followed  Kleber  for 


3IO  HISTORY  OF  THE  june  1800 

several  days,  but,  findiug  no  opportunity  to  approach  him,  he 
resolved  to  penetrate  into  the  garden  of  the  headquarters,  and 
to  hide  himself  there  in  an  abandoned  cistern.  On  the  14th  of 
June  he  appeared  before  Kleber,  who  was  walking  with  Protain, 
the  architect  of  the  army,  and  showing  him  what  repairs  would 
require  to  be  done  in  the  house,  to  obliterate  the  traces  of  the 
bombs  and  balls.  Suleiman  approached  him,  as  if  to  beg  alms, 
and,  while  Kl^ber  was  preparing  to  listen  to  him,  he  rushed 
upon  him,  and  plunged  his  dagger  several  times  into  his  breast. 
Kl^ber  fell,  under  the  violence  of  this  attack.  Protain,  having 
a  stick  in  his  hand,  fell  upon  the  assassin,  struck  him  violently 
on  the  head,  but  was  thrown  down  in  his  turn  by  a  stab  with 
the  dagger.  At  the  cries  of  the  two  victims,  the  soldiers  ran 
to  the  spot,  raised  their  expiring  general,  sought  and  seized  the 
murderer,  whom  they  found  skulking  behind  a  heap  of  rubbish. 

A  few  minutes  after  this  tragic  scene  Klcber  expired.  The 
army  shed  bitter  tears  over  him.  The  Arabs  themselves,  who 
had  admired  his  clemency  after  their  revolt,  united  their  regrets 
to  those  of  our  soldiers.  A  military  commission  assembled 
immediately  to  try  the  assassin,  who  confessed  everything.  He 
was  condemned,  according  to  the  laws  of  the  country,  and 
impaled.  The  four  sheiks  to  whom  he  had  communicated  his 
intention  were  beheaded.  These  bloody  sacrifices  were  deemed 
necessary  for  the  safety  of  the  chiefs  of  the  army.  Vain  pre- 
caution !  With  Kleber,  the  army  had  lost  a  general,  and  the 
colony  a  founder,  for  whom  none  of  the  officers  left  in  Egypt 
was  qualified  to  make  amends.  With  Kleber  Egypt  was  lost 
for  France.  Menou,  who  succeeded  him  by  right  of  seniority, 
was  a  warm  partisan  of  the  expedition  ;  but,  notwithstanding  his 
zeal,  he  was  very  far  beneath  such  a  task.  One  man  alone  could 
have  equalled  Kleber,  nay,  surpassed  him,  in  the  government 
of  Egypt ;  this  was  he,  who,  three  months  before,  embarked  in 
the  harbour  of  Alexandria  for  Italy,  and  who  fell  at  Marengo, 
on  the  same  day,  nearly  at  the  same  moment  that  Klcber  was 
murdered  at  Cairo ;  this  was  Desaix.  Both  died  on  the  14th 
of  June  1800,  for  the  accomplishment  of  the  vast  designs  of 
General  Bonaparte.  How  singular  the  destiny  of  these  two  men, 
constantly  placed  side  by  side  during  life,  undivided  in  death, 
yet  withal  so  different  in  every  quality  whether  of  mind  or  body  ! 

Kleber  was  the  handsomest  man  in  the  army.  His  lofty 
stature,  his  noble  countenance,  expressing  all  the  pride  of  his 
soul,  his  valour  at  once  intrepid  and  cool,  his  quick  and  solid 
intelligence,  rendered  him  a  most  formidable  commander  on 
the  field  of  battle.  His  mind  was  brilliant,  original,  but  un- 
cultivated. He  read  incessantly  and  exclusively  Plutarch  and 
Quintus  Curtius ;  there  he  sought  the  food  of  great  souls,  the 
history  of  the  heroes  of  antiquity.     He  was  capricious,  indocile. 


jUNEiSoo       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  311 

and  a  grumbler.  It  was  said  of  him,  that  he  liked  not  either 
to  command  or  to  obey;  and  this  was  true,  lie  obeyed  under 
General  Bonaparte,  but  not  without  murmuring ;  he  sometimes 
commanded,  but  in  the  name  of  another,  under  General  Jourdan, 
for  example,  assuming  the  command  by  a  sort  of  inspiration 
amidst  the  battle,  exercising  it  like  a  superior  captain,  and, 
after  the  victory,  resuming  his  character  of  lieutenant,  which 
he  preferred  to  any  other.  Kh'ljer  was  licentious  in  his  manners 
and  language,  but  upright,  disinterested,  as  men  were  in  tliose 
days,  for  the  conquest  of  the  world  had  not  yet  corrupted  their 
dispositions. 

Desaix  was  the  reverse  in  almost  every  respect.  Sini])le, 
bashful,  nay,  somewhat  awkward,  his  face  hid  by  a  profusion 
of  hair,  he  had  not  the  look  of  a  soldier.  But,  heroic  in  action, 
kind  to  the  soldiers,  modest  with  his  comrades,  generous  to  the 
vanquished,  he  was  adored  by  the  army  and  by  the  ])eople  con- 
quered by  our  arms.  His  solid  and  eminently  cultivated  mind, 
his  intelligence  in  war,  his  application  to  his  duties,  and  his 
disinterestedness,  made  him  an  accomplished  model  of  all  the 
military  virtues ;  and  while  Kleber,  indocile,  refractory,  could 
not  endure  any  superior  authority,  D(\';aix  was  obedient,  as 
though  he  had  not  known  how  to  command.  Under  a  rough 
exterior,  he  concealed  a  soul  ardent  and  susceptible  of  enthu- 
siasm. Though  trained  in  the  severe  school  of  the  army  of  the 
Rhine,  he  was  a  warm  admirer  of  the  campaigns  in  Italy,  and 
was  desirous  of  inspecting  with  his  own  eyes  the  fields  of  battle 
of  Castiglione,  Arcole,  and  llivoli.  While  visiting  those  ])laces, 
the  theatres  of  immortal  glory,  he  accidentally  fell  in  with  the 
commander-in-chief  of  the  army  of  Italy,  who  conceived  a  strong 
attachment  for  him.  What  an  honoui-able  homage  was  the 
friendship  of  such  a  man!  General  ])ona])arte  was  deeply 
touched  by  it.  He  esteemed  Kleber  for  his  high  military 
qualities,  but  considered  none  as  ef|ual  to  Desaix  either  in  talents 
or  character.  Besides,  he  had  an  affection  for  him  :  surrounded 
by  companions  in  arms,  who  had  not  yet  forgiven  his  elevation, 
though  feigning  an  obserjuious  submission  to  him,  he  appreciated 
the  moi'e  J])esaix's  pure  disinterested  devoledness.  founded  on 
deep  admiration.  At  the  same  time,  kee])ing  to  himself  the 
secret  of  his  preferences,  aft'ecting  ignorance  of  K'li'liei-'s  faults, 
he  treated  him  and  Desaix  both  alike,  and  was  tle-imu-.  as  we 
shall  see,  to  unite  in  tin*  same  honoui's  two  men  whom  j-'ortune 
had  united  in  one  and  the  same  fate. 

For  the  rest,  all  coiitinut-d  ((uiet  in  l''gy])t  at'tn-  Klrlu-r's 
death.  General  ^lenou.  mi  a>-uming  tlic  (•(immaiid.  lot  no 
time  in  despatching  the  sliip  ().<iri.<  fiMui  AJixamli-ia.  tn  eaiTV  to 
France  tidings  of  the  then  llourisliiiig  state  ot'  tli.'  colony,  and  ot 
the  deplorable  end  of  its  second  foundei-. 


BOOK  VI. 

ARMISTICE. 

WHILE  the  Osiris  was  conveying  to  Europe  the  tidings  of 
what  had  happened  on  the  banks  of  the  Nile,  orders 
totally  contrary  to  those  before  given  were  despatched  from  the 
ports  of  England.  The  observations  of  Sir  Sidney  Smith  had 
been  well  received  in  London.  The  government  had  been  fear- 
ful of  disavowing  an  English  officer,  who  had  come  forward  as 
invested  with  its  powers ;  it  had  above  all  discovered  the  false- 
hood of  the  intercepted  despatches,  and  formed  a  more  correct 
estimate  of  the  difficulty  of  wresting  Egypt  from  the  French 
army.  It  had,  therefore,  ratified  the  convention  of  El  Arisch, 
and  instructed  Lord  Keith  to  cause  it  to  be  executed.  But 
it  was  too  late,  as  we  have  seen :  the  convention  was  at  that 
moment  torn,  sword  in  hand  ;  and  the  French,  having  recovered 
possession  of  Egypt,  were  no  longer  disposed  to  abandon  the 
country.  The  English  ministers  were  destined  to  experience 
bitter  regret  for  the  levity  of  their  conduct  and  violent  attacks 
in  parliament. 

The  First  Consul,  on  his  part,  was  rejoiced  by  the  intelligence 
of  the  consolidation  of  his  conquest.  Unfortunately,  the  news 
of  Kl^ber's  death  reached  him  almost  at  the  same  moment  as 
the  news  of  his  exploits.  His  grief  was  intense  and  sincere. 
He  rarely  dissembled,  and  only  when  obliged  to  do  so  by  a  duty 
or  by  an  important  interest,  but  always  with  effort,  because  the 
vivacity  of  his  temper  rendered  dissimulation  difficult.  But 
in  the  narrow  circle  of  his  family  and  his  counsellors,  he  used 
no  disguise ;  he  manifested  his  affections,  his  antipathies,  with 
extreme  vehemence.  It  was  among  these  intimates  that  he 
betrayed  the  profound  sorrow  which  he  felt  for  the  death  of 
Kl^ber.  In  him,  he  regretted  not  a  friend,  as  in  Desaix;  he 
regretted  a  great  general,  an  able  chief,  more  capable  than  any 
other  to  ensure  the  establishment  of  the  French  in  Egypt — an 
establishment  which  he  regarded  as  his  most  glorious  work,  but 
which  definitive  success  alone  could  convert  from  a  brilliant 
attempt  into  a  great  and  solid  enterprise. 

Time,  that  like  a  river  sweeps  along  with  it  all  that  falls  into 
its  rapid  current,  Time  has  engulfed  the  odious  falsehoods  then 


JULYiSoo      HISTORY  OF  THE  CONSULATE.  313 

invented  by  the  hatred  of  parties.  There  is  one  of  them,  how- 
ever, which  it  may  be  instructive  to  mention  here,  though  long 
since  consigned  to  profound  oblivion.  The  royalist  agents 
reported,  and  English  newspapers  repeated,  that  Desaix  and 
Kleber,  having  given  umbrage  to  the  First  Consul,  were 
assassinated  by  his  orders,  the  one  at  Marengo,  the  other  at 
Cairo.  There  were  miserable  and  silly  fools  enough  to  believe 
it,  and  now  people  are  almost  ashamed  to  recollect  such  impu- 
tations. Those  who  fabricate  these  infamous  calumnies  ought 
sometimes  to  place  themselves  in  presence  of  posterity.  They 
would  blush  at  the  refutation  which  time  has  in  store  for  them. 

The  First  Consul  had  already  given  pressing  orders  to  the 
fleets  at  Brest  and  Rochefort  to  prepare  to  set  sail  for  the 
Mediterranean.  Though  our  finances  were  in  a  much  better 
state,  still,  being  obliged  to  make  great  efforts  on  land,  the  First 
Consul  could  not  accomplish  all  that  our  navy  required.  He 
neglected  nothing,  however,  to  put  the  great  Brest  fleet  in  a 
condition  to  put  to  sea.  He  solicited  the  court  of  Spain  to  send 
the  necessary  orders  to  Admirals  Gravina  and  Mazzaredo,  com- 
manding the  Spanish  division,  to  concur  in  the  movements  of 
the  French  division.  The  squadrons  of  the  two  nations,  blocked 
up  in  Brest  for  a  year  past,  when  united,  would  form  a  force  of 
forty  ships  of  the  line.  The  First  Consul  proposed  that,  taking 
advantage  of  the  sailing  of  this  immense  naval  force,  the  French 
ships  disposable  at  L'Orient,  Eochefort,  and  Toulon,  and  the 
Spanish  ships  disposable  at  Ferrol,  Cadiz,  and  Carthagena,  should 
join  the  combined  fleet,  to  increase  its  strength.  These  different 
movements  were  to  be  directed  in  such  a  manner  as  to  deceive 
the  English,  to  throw  them  into  great  perplexity,  and  mean- 
while, Admiral  Ganteaume.  taking  with  him  the  quickest  sailers, 
was  to  slip  away  and  to  carry  to  Eg}-pt  6000  picked  troops, 
numerous  workmen,  and  an  immense  materid. 

Spain  willingly  assented  to  this  combination,  which  would  at 
least  have  the  advantage  of  bringing  back  into  the  ^lediter- 
ranean,  and  consequently  into  her  ports,  the  squadron  of  Admiral 
Gravina,  uselessly  shut  up  in  the  harbour  of  Brest.  She  saw  no 
other  objection  to  this  plan  but  the  bad  condition  of  h(^r  fleets 
and  their  wretched  equipment.  The  First  Consul  did  his  best 
to  remove  this  objection,  and  the  ships  of  the  two  nations  were 
soon  provided  with  the  more  necessary  stores.  In  the  meantime, 
he  was  anxious  that  th(^  army  in  Eg^-pt  should  receive  inti^lli- 
gence  from  him  every  Ave  or  six  days.  He  gave  orders  that. 
from  all  the  ports  of  the  ^lediterranean,  Spain  and  Itrdy 
included,  there  should  sail  brigs,  avi.-oes,  mer.-  nierc^hantnien. 
carrying  balls,  bombs,  lead,  powder,  muskets.  >\v()i-(ls.  wood 
for  cartwrights'  work,  medicines,  Jesuits'  l\ark.  corn,  wine,  in 
short,  all  that  the  army  in  Egypt  was  likely  to  need.     He  ordere  d 


314  HISTORY  OF  THE  julyiSoo 

moreover,  that  each  of  these  small  vessels  should  take  out  a 
number  of  workmen,  masons  or  smiths,  some  gunners,  and  some 
picked  cavalry  soldiers.  He  directed  them  to  charter  vessels  at 
Carthagena,  Barcelona,  Port  Vendre,  Marseilles,  Toulon,  Antibes, 
Savona,  Genoa,  Bastia,  St.  Florent,  &c.  He  even  bargained 
with  merchants  of  Algiers  to  send  to  Egypt  cargoes  of  wine,  of 
which  the  army  was  destitute.  By  his  command  a  company  of 
actors  was  formed,  the  requisites  for  a  theatre  were  provided, 
and  the  whole  was  to  be  sent  to  Alexandria.  The  best  Paris 
newspapers  were  subscribed  for,  in  order  to  be  forwarded  to  the 
principal  officers  of  the  army,  that  they  might  be  made  acquainted 
with  what  was  passing  in  Europe.  In  short,  nothing  was 
neglected  that  could  serve  to  keep  up  the  courage  of  the  exiled 
soldiers,  and  to  place  them  in  constant  communication  with  the 
mother-country.* 

Of  course  several  of  these  vessels  were  liable  to  be  taken,  but 
the  greater  number  had  a  chance  of  arriving,  and  did  actually 
arrive,  for  the  extensive  coast  of  the  Delta  could  not  be  strictly 
guarded.  The  same  success  did  not  attend  the  attempts  made 
to  revictual  Malta,  which  the  English  kept  closely  blockaded. 
They  made  an  especial  point  of  reducing  this  second  Gibraltar  ; 
they  knew  that  the  blockade  must  in  the  long  run  produce  here 
a  certain  effect ;  for  Malta  is  a  rock,  which  cannot  be  supplied 
but  by  sea,  whereas  Egypt  is  a  vast  kingdom,  which  feeds  both 
itself  and  its  neighbours.  They  steadfastly  persevered,  there- 
fore, in  investing  the  place  and  in  inflicting  upon  it  the  horrors 
of  famine.  The  brave  General  Vaubois,  having  at  his  disposal 
a  garrison  of  4000  men,  was  not  afraid  of  their  attacks  ;  but  he 
saw  the  provisions  destined  for  the  subsistence  of  his  soldiers 
hourly  diminishing,  and  unfortunately  did  not  receive  from  the 
ports  of  Corsica  sufficient  resources  to  supply  the  place  of  those 
that  were  every  day  consumed. 

The  First  Consul  also  turned  his  earnest  attention  to  the 
selection  of  a  chief  capable  of  commanding  the  army  in  Egypt. 
The  loss  of  Kleber  was  distressing,  especially  in  consideration 
of  those  who  might  be  called  to  succeed  him.  Had  Desaix 
remained  in  Egypt,  the  misfortune  would  have  been  easily 
repaired.  But  Desaix  had  returned ;  Desaix  was  dead.  Those 
who  were  left  were  not  competent  for  such  a  coinmand.  Eeynier 
was  a  good  officer,  brought  up  in  the  school  of  the  army  of 
the  Rhine,  skilful,  experienced,  but  cold,  irresolute,  without 
ascendency  over  the  troops.  Menou  was  well  informed,  per- 
sonally brave,  an  enthusiast  in  favour  of  the  expedition,  but 
incapable  of  directing  an  army,  and  covered  with  ridicule  be- 
cause he  had  married  a  Turkish  woman  and  turned  ]\Iahometan 

*  All  these  particulars  are  extracted  from  the  voluminous  correspondence 
of  the  First  Consul  with  the  department  of  war  and  of  the  marine. 


JULYiSoo       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  315 

himself.  He  took  the  name  of  Abdallah  Meuou,  which  was  a 
subject  of  mirth  for  the  soldiers,  and  greatly  abated  the  respect 
with  which  a  commander-in-chief  needs  to  be  surrounded. 
General  Lanusse,  brave,  intelligent,  full  of  an  ardour  which  he 
understood  the  art  of  communicating  to  others,  appeared  to  the 
First  Consul  to  desei-ve  the  preference,  though  he  was  deficient 
in  prudence.  But  General  Menou  had  assumed  the  command 
by  right  of  seniority.  It  was  difficult  to  ensure  the  arrival  of 
an  order  in  Egypt;  the  English  might  intercept  that  order; 
and,  without  communicating  it  literally,  they  might  excitt^  a 
suspicion  of  its  purport,  in  such  a  manner  as  to  render  the  com- 
mand uncertain,  to  produce  dissension  among  the  generals,  and 
to  distract  the  colony.  He  therefore  left  things  in  the  same 
state,  and  confirmed  ^Fenou  in  the  charge,  not  conceiving  him 
to  be  so  utterly  incapable  as  he  really  was. 

We  must  now  return  to  Europe,  to  see  what  was  passing 
on  this  theatre  of  the  great  events  of  the  world.  The  letter 
addressed  from  Marengo  itself  to  the  Emperor  of  Germany 
reached  him  along  with  the  news  of  the  lost  battle.  The  court 
of  Vienna  was  then  aware  of  the  faults  which  it  had  committed, 
in  rejecting  the  offers  of  the  First  Consul  at  the  beginning  of 
winter,  in  persisting  to  consider  France  as  exhausted  and  in- 
capable of  continuing  the  war,  in  refusing  to  believe  the  existence 
of  the  army  of  reserve,  and  in  blindly  pushing  M.  de  Melas  into 
the  gorges  of  the  Apennines.  The  credit  of  M.  de  Thugut  w\as 
considerably  diminished,  for  to  him  alone  were  imputed  all  the 
errors  of  want  of  conduct  and  foresight.  However,  to  these 
faults,  already  so  serious,  was  added  another  not  less  im])ortant, 
that  of  forming  a  closer  alliance  than  ever  with  the  English, 
under  the  impression  of  the  disaster  of  Marengo.  Till  now,  the 
cabinet  of  Vienna  had  declined  their  subsidies,  but  it  thought  it 
right  to  procure  immediately  the  means  of  repairing  the  losses  of 
this  campaign,  either  to  place  itself  in  a  condition  to  treat  more 
advantageously  with  France,  or  to  be  able  to  engage  in  a  fresh 
struo'"'lf  with  her,  if  her  pretensions  were  too  exorbitant.  It 
accepted,  therefore,  two  millions  and  a  half  sterling  (62.000,000 
francs).  In  return  for  this  subsidy,  it  engaged  not  to  make 
peace  with  France  before  the  month  of  February  following, 
unless  the  peace  were  common  to  Fngland  and  Austria.  This 
treaty  was  signed  on  the  20th  of  June,  the  veiy  dny  on  which 
the  news  of  the  events  in  Italy  reached  ^'ir^lll,■l.  Austria, 
therefore,  bound  herself  to  the  fortunes  of  I'jigland  for 
seven    months  longer;   ])ut   slie   ho])e(l   to  ]')a>s  tlie  suinnici'  in 

neerotiations,  and  to  eret  on  till   wintei-  liet'ore  lio^i  ilitirs  could 

*  *  1  •  1     1 

be    recommenced.       For    the    rest,    the    ini])erial    caliinet     liatl 

made   up   its  mind   to   ])eace ;    it    mei-ely    wi-licd    to    uegotiatf 

jointly    with    Fngland,    and   especially    not    to    make    too  great 


3i6  HISTORY  OF  THE  julyiSoo 

sacrifices  in  Italy.  On  this  condition,  it  desired  nothing  better 
than  to  conclude  peace. 

The  emperor  sent  as  bearer  of  his  answer  to  the  letter  of 
the  First  Consul,  the  same  officer  who  had  brought  that  letter, 
namely,  M.  de  St.  Julien,  in  whom  he  reposed  great  confidence. 
The  answer  on  this  occasion  was  direct  and  personally  addressed 
to  General  Bonaparte.  It  contained  the  ratification  of  the  double 
armistice,  signed  in  Germany  and  in  Italy,  and  an  invitation 
to  explain  himself  confidentially  and  with  perfect  frankness 
respectiug  the  bases  of  the  future  negotiation.  M.  de  St.  Julien 
was  specially  charged  to  sound  the  First  Consul  on  the  con- 
ditions of  peace,  and  on  his  part  to  say  sufficient  concerning  the 
intentions  of  the  emperor  to  induce  the  French  cabinet  to 
disclose  its  own.  The  letter  of  which  M.  de  St.  Julien  was  the 
bearer,  full  of  flattering  and  pacific  protestations,  contained  a 
passage  in  which  the  object  of  his  mission  was  clearly  specified. 
"  I  am  writing  to  my  generals,"  said  his  imperial  majesty,  "  to 
confirm  the  two  armistices,  and  to  settle  the  details  of  them. 
I  have,  moreover,  sent  to  you  the  Count  de  St.  Julien,  major- 
general  in  my  army  :  he  is  charged  with  my  instructions,  and  to 
point  out  to  you  how  essential  it  is  not  to  enter  into  public 
negotiations,  likely  to  excite  prematurely  in  so  many  nations 
hopes  perhaps  illusory,  till  it  is  ascertained,  at  least  in  a  general 
manner,  if  the  bases  that  you  mean  to  propose  for  peace  are 
such  as  to  afford  a  prospect  of  obtaining  that  desirable  end. 

"  Vienna,  July  5,  1800." 

The  emperor  hinted,  towards  the  conclusion  of  this  letter,  at 
the  engagements  which  bound  him  to  England,  and  which  made 
him  desirous  of  a  peace  common  to  all  the  belligerent  powers. 

M.  de  St.  Julien  arrived  in  Paris  on  the  21st  of  July  (2nd 
Thermidor,  year  VIII.),  and  was  cordially  received.  He  was 
the  first  envoy  from  the  emperor  who  had  been  seen  for  a  long- 
time in  France.  He  was  welcomed  as  the  representative  of  a 
great  sovereign  and  a  messenger  of  peace.  We  have  already 
shown  how  earnestly  the  First  Consul  desired  to  put  an  end  to 
the  war.  Nobody  contested  with  him  the  glory  of  battles ;  he 
now  aspired  to  one  of  a  different  kind,  less  brilliant,  but  more 
novel,  and  at  this  time  more  ]3rofitable  to  his  authority,  that  of 
giving  peace  to  France  and  Europe.  In  his  ardent  soul  desires 
were  passions.  He  then  sought  peace  as  we  have  since  seen 
him  seek  war.  M.  de  Talleyrand  desired  it  as  much ;  for  he 
was  already  fond  of  assuming  the  part  of  moderator  about  the 
First  Consul.  It  was  an  excellent  part  to  play,  especially  at  a 
later  period ;  but  to  urge  the  First  Consul  to  peace  at  this  time 
was  adding  one  impatience  to  another,  and  endangering  the 
result  by  too  great  precipitation. 


JULYiSoo       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  317 

On  the  very  day  after  his  arrival,  the  22nd  of  July  (3rd 
Thermidor),  M.  de  St,  Julien  was  invited  to  a  conference  with 
the  minister  for  foreign  affairs.  They  conversed  on  the  subject 
of  their  reciprocal  desire  to  terminate  the  war,  and  the  best  way 
of  accomplishing  it.  M.  de  St.  Julien  listened  to  all  that  was 
said  to  him  concerning  the  conditions  on  which  peace  might  be 
concluded,  and  hinted  on  his  part  at  all  that  the  emperor  wished. 
M.  de  Talleyrand  concluded  too  hastily  that  M.  de  St.  Julien  had 
secret  and  sufficient  instructions  for  treating,  and  proposed  that 
they  should  not  confine  themselves  to  a  mere  conversation,  but 
draw  up  jointly  preliminary  articles  of  peace.  M.  de  St.  Julien, 
who  was  not  authorised  to  take  such  an  important  step,  for 
the  engagements  of  Austria  towards  England  were  in  abso- 
lute opposition  to  it,  M.  de  St.  Julien  objected  that  he  had  no 
power  to  conclude  a  treaty.  M.  de  Talleyrand  replied,  that 
the  emperor's  letter  completely  authorised  him,  and  that,  if  he 
would  agree  to  some  jDreliminary  articles  and  sign  them,  with 
the  proviso  of  their  ulterior  ratification,  the  French  cabinet, 
on  the  mere  letter  of  the  emperor,  would  consider  him  as  suf- 
ficiently accredited.  M.  de  St.  Julien,  a  soldier  by  profession, 
and  devoid  of  experience  in  diplomatic  usages,  had  the  simplicity 
to  avow  to  M.  de  Talleyrand  his  embarrassment  and  his  ignorance 
of  forms,  and  to  ask  him  what  he  would  do  in  his  place.  "  I 
would  sign,"  answered  M.  de  Talleyrand.  "Well  then,  be  it 
so,"  rejoined  M.  de  St.  Julien,  "  I  will  sign  the  preliminary 
articles,  which  shall  not  be  held  valid  till  they  have  received 
the  ratification  of  my  sovereign."  "Most  assuredly,"  replied 
M.  de  Talleyrand,  "no  engagements  between  nations  are  valid 
but  such  as  have  been  ratified." 

This  singular  manner  of  communicating  their  powers  to  each 
other  is  specified  at  length  in  the  minutes  still  existing  of  that 
negotiation.  They  are  dated  the  23rd,  24th,  27tli,  and  2Sth  of 
July  (4th,  5th,  8th,  and  9th  TJiermidor,  year  MIL).  All  the 
important  points  to  be  arranged  between  the  two  nations  were 
discussed.  The  treaty  of  Campo  Formio  was  adopted  as  the 
basis,  with  the  exception  of  some  modifications.  Thus  the 
emperor  abandoned  to  the  Republic  the  boundary  of  the  Kliine. 
from  the  point  where  that  riv(U-  leaves  the  Swiss  territory  to 
that  where  it  enters  the  Batavian  territory.  In  regard  to  that 
article  M.  de  St.  Julien  demanded  and  obtained  a  cliange  in  the 
wording.  He  wished  th(^  expression,  "The  eiiijieror  assents  to 
the  line  of  the  Rhine,"  to  be  altered  as  follows:  "  Tlie  emperor 
does  not  oppose  the  retaining  of  the  boundary  of  the  Kliine  by 
the  French  Kepublic."  i'iiis  mode  of  exi)ressiou  was  acJDpted 
in  answer  to  the  reproaches  of  the  Ciernianic  hotly,  which  had 
accused  the  emperor  of  giving  u])  to  Fi-ance  tlie  territory  of  the 
confederation.     It  was  agreed  tliat  France  slioultl  not  retain  any 


3i8  HISTORY  OF  THE  julyiSoo 

of  the  fortified  positions  which  operated  upon  the  right  bank 
(Kehl,  Cassel,  Ehrenbreitstein),  that  their  works  should  be 
razed,  but  that,  in  return,  Germany  should  not  throw  up  any 
entrenchment,  either  of  earth  or  masonry,  within  three  leagues 
of  the  river. 

So  much  for  the  boundary  between  France  and  Germany. 
The  limits  between  Austria  and  Italy  yet  remained  to  be  settled. 
The  jBfth  secret  article  of  Campo  Formio  had  stipulated  that 
Austria  should  receive  in  Germany  an  indemnity  for  certain 
lordships  which  she  had  given  up  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine, 
independently  of  the  Netherlands,  which  she  had  long  before 
sacrificed  to  France.  The  bishopric  of  Salzburg  was  to  com- 
pose that  indemnity.  The  emperor  would  have  liked  better  to 
be  indemnified  in  Italy,  for  the  acquisitions  which  he  made  in 
Germany,  especially  in  the  ecclesiastical  principalities,  were 
scarcely  new  acquisitions,  the  court  of  Vienna  already  possessing 
in  those  principalities  an  influence  and  privileges  nearly  equiva- 
lent to  a  direct  sovereignty.  On  the  contrary,  the  acquisitions 
which  he  obtained  in  Italy  had  the  advantage  of  giving  him 
territory,  which  he  did  not  yet  possess  in  any  degree,  and  especi- 
ally of  extending  his  frontier  and  his  influence  in  a  country 
which  had  been  the  constant  object  of  the  ambition  of  his 
family.  From  these  same  motives  it  was  natural  that  France 
should  be  better  pleased  to  see  Austria  aggrandise  herself  in 
Germany  than  in  Italy.  This  latter  point,  however,  was  con- 
ceded. The  treaty  of  Campo  Formio  threw  Austria  back  upon 
the  Adige,  and  attributed  to  the  Cisalpine  Republic  the  Mincio 
and  the  celebrated  fortress  of  Mantua.  The  ambition  of  Austria 
this  time  was  to  obtain  the  Mincio,  Mantua,  and  the  Legations 
into  the  bargain,  which  was  exorbitant.  The  First  Consul  went 
so  far  as  to  grant  her  the  Mincio  and  Mantua,  but  he  would 
not  cede  the  Legations  at  any  rate.  The  utmost  he  would 
consent  to  was  to  give  them  to  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany,  on 
condition  that,  in  return,  Tuscany  should  be  transferred  to  the 
Grand  Duke  of  Parma,  and  the  Duchy  of  Parma  to  the  Cisalpine. 
The  Grand  Duke  of  Parma  would  have  gained  considerably  by 
this  exchange,  which  was  a  satisfaction  granted  to  Spain,  with 
what  views  we  shall  show  by-and-by. 

M.  de  St.  Julien  replied  that,  on  this  latter  point,  his  sovereign 
was  not  prepared  to  adopt  a  definitive  resolution ;  that  these 
removals  of  sovereign  houses  fi'om  one  country  to  another  were 
by  no  means  conformable  with  his  policy ;  that  of  course  this 
was  a  point  which  must  be  afterwards  adjusted.  To  evade  the 
difficulty,  the  negotiators  merely  said,  in  the  preliminary  articles, 
that  Austria  should  receive  in  Italy  the  territorial  indemnities 
previously  granted  to  her  in  Germany. 

The  Austrian  officer,  thus  metamorphosed  into  plenipotentiary, 


JULYiSoo       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  319 

expressed  in  the  name  of  his  sovereign  a  warm  interest  for 
the  independence  of  Switzerland,  but  scarcely  any  for  that  of 
Piedmont,  and  appeared  to  insinuate  that  France  might  pay 
herself  in  Piedmont  for  what  she  ceded  to  the  house  of  Austria 
in  Lombardy. 

The  parties,  therefore,  stopped  short  at  very  general  conditions ; 
the  boundary  of  the  Rhine  for  France,  with  the  demolition  of 
Kehl,  Cassel,  and  Ehrenbreitstein  ;  ])articular  indemnities  for 
Austria,  taken  from  Italy  instead  of  Germany ;  which  signified 
that  Austria  would  not  be  confined  within  the  limit  of  the  Adige. 
But,  it  must  be  confessed,  not  only  was  it  vain  to  treat  with  a 
plenipotentiary  without  powers,  but  something  still  more  vain 
was  it  to  consider  as  articles  of  peace  articles,  the  only  con- 
testable point  in  which,  the  only  one  for  which  the  emperor 
went  to  war,  the  boundary  of  Austria  and  Italy,  was  not  even 
resolved  in  a  general  manner :  for,  as  to  the  boundary  of  the 
Rhine,  no  one  had  seriously  thought  of  disputing  that  with  us 
for  a  long  time  past. 

To  the  preceding  articles  were  added  some  accessory  arrange- 
ments :  it  was  agreed,  for  example,  that  a  congress  should  be 
held  immediately ;  that,  during  this  congress,  hostilities  should 
be  suspended,  the  levies  en  masse  making  in  Tuscany  disbanded, 
and  the  English  landings,  with  which  Italy  was  threatened, 
deferred. 

M.  de  St.  Julien,  ui'ged  beyond  all  reasonable  bounds  by  the 
desire  to  play  an  important  part,  had  from  time  to  time  scruples 
respecting  the  strange  and  bold  step  which  he  had  ventured  to 
take.  To  make  him  easy  upon  the  matter,  ^\.  de  Talleyrand 
promised,  on  his  word  of  honour,  that  these  preliminary  articles 
should  remain  secret,  and  that  they  should  not  be  considered 
as  having  any  value  whatever  till  after  their  ratification  by 
the  emperor.  On  the  28th  of  July  1800  (Qtli  Thermidnr,  year 
VIII. ),  these  famous  preliminaries  were  signed  at  tlu^  hotel  of 
foreign  affairs,  to  the  great  joy  of  ]\1.  de  'J'alleyrand,  who.  find- 
ing ]\I.  de  St.  Julien  so  prepared  n])on  every  (lucstion.  seriously 
believed  that  he  had  secret  instructions  to  treat.  This.  lio\ve\ei'. 
was  not  the  case,  and,  if  ^I.  de  St.  .Julien  was  so  well  int'onned, 
it  was  only  because  they  wished  at  A'ienna  to  enable  him  to 
provoke  and  to  receive  the  confidential  comnninications  of  llie 
First  Consul  relative  to  the  conditions  of  the  future  peaer. 
The  French  minister  had  not  l)een  able  to  ])enetrate  that  cir- 
cumstance; and,  from  1  he  desirt'  to  sign  an  act  resendiling  a 
treat}",  he  had  coinniitted  a  serious  error. 

The  First  Consul.  ])aviiig  no  a1t<'iition  to  the  fonus  obs,'i'\ed 
by  the  two  negotiators,  and  tiaisting  on  that  point  .ntiri'ly  to 
M.  de  Talleyrand,  thoiiglit  for  his  i)art  of  nothing  l)ul  making 
Austria  explain    her  views,    in   order  to  a>certain   wli.'ther  siir 


320  HISTORY  OF  THE  julyiSoo 

wished  for  peace,  and  to  force  it  from  her  by  a  new  campaign, 
if  she  appeared  not  to  desire  it.  But,  for  this  purpose,  it  would 
have  been  better  to  have  summoned  her  to  explain  herself 
within  a  given  time  than  to  enter  into  an  illusory  and  puerile 
negotiation,  in  consequence  of  which  the  dignity  of  the  two 
nations  was  likely  to  be  compromised,  and  their  reconciliation 
to  be  rendered  more  difficult. 

M.  de  St.  Julien  thought  it  best  not  to  wait  in  Paris  for  the 
emperor's  answer,  as  he  was  solicited  to  do ;  he  wished  himself 
to  carry  the  preliminaries  to  Vienna,  no  doubt  with  a  view  to 
explain  to  his  master  the  motives  of  his  extraordinary  conduct. 
He  left  Paris  on  the  30th  of  July  (nth  Thermidor),  accom- 
panied by  Duroc,  whom  the  First  Consul  sent  to  Austria,  as  he 
had  previously  sent  him  to  Prussia,  to  observe  the  court  there 
closely,  and  to  give  it  an  advantageous  opinion  of  the  modera- 
tion and  policy  of  the  new  government.  Duroc,  as  we  have 
elsewhere  remarked,  was  well  suited  for  missions  of  this  kind 
from  his  sound  sense  and  elegant  manners.  The  First  Consul 
had,  moreover,  given  him  written  instructions,  in  which  he  had 
provided  with  minute  attention  for  every  contingency.  In  the 
first  place,  when  any  circumstance  led  to  a  presumption  of  the 
intentions  of  Austria  in  regard  to  the  preliminaries,  Duroc  was 
instantly  to  send  off  a  courier  to  Paris.  It  was  recommended  to 
him  until  the  ratification  to  keep  an  absolute  silence,  and  to 
appear  totally  ignorant  of  the  intentions  of  the  First  Consul. 
If  the  ratification  was  granted,  he  was  authorised  to  declare,  in 
a  positive  manner,  that  peace  might  be  signed  in  twenty-four 
hours,  if  there  was  a  sincere  desire  for  it.  He  was  to  let  it  be 
understood,  in  one  way  or  another,  that,  provided  Austria  would 
be  content  with  the  Mincio,  the  Fossa  Maestra,  and  the  Po, 
which  was  the  line  marked  out  by  the  convention  of  Alexandria ; 
and  provided,  moreover,  that  she  agreed  to  the  removal  of  the 
Duke  of  Parma  to  Tuscany,  and  of  the  Duke  of  Tuscany  to  the 
Legations,  there  was  no  obstacle  to  an  immediate  conclusion. 
These  instructions  even  contained  rules  respecting  the  language 
to  be  held  on  all  the  subjects  that  might  arise  in  conversation. 
Duroc  was  forbidden  to  join  in  any  sneers  against  Russia  and 
Prussia,  which  were  then  disliked  at  Vienna,  because  they  had 
withdrawn  from  the  coalition.  He  was  enjoined  to  maintain  a 
great  reserve  respecting  the  Emperor  Paul,  whose  character  was 
a  theme  for  raillery  in  every  court :  he  was  to  speak  highly  of 
the  King  of  Prussia,  to  visit  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany,  to 
show  none  of  those  passions  which  the  Revolution  had  excited, 
either  in  one  way  or  in  another.  Royalists  and  Jacobins  were 
all  to  be  spoken  of  as  though  they  were  not  less  ancient  in 
France  than  the  Guelfs  and  the  Ghibellines  in  Italy.  He  was 
particularly  enjoined  not  to  manifest   any  antipathy  towards 


JULYiSoo       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  321 

emigrants,  excepting  those,  indeed,  who  had  borne  arms  against 
the  Republic.  He  was  ordered  to  assert  on  all  occasions  that, 
of  all  the  countries  of  Europe,  France  was  most  attached  to  its 
government,  because  of  all  countries  it  was  that  which  had 
afforded  the  government  occasion  to  do  the  most  good.  Lastly, 
he  was  to  represent  the  First  Consul  as  having  no  prejudices, 
neither  those  of  other  times  nor  those  of  the  present  day,  and 
as  being  indifferent  to  the  attacks  of  the  English  press,  for  he 
did  not  understand  English. 

Duroc  set  out  with  M.  de  St.  Julien,  and  though  the  secret 
of  the  preliminaries  was  kept,  still  the  numerous  conferences  of 
the  emperor's  envoy  with  M.  de  Talleyrand  had  been  remarked 
by  everybody,  and  people  said  aloud  that  he  was  the  bearer  of 
conditions  of  peace. 

Our  prodigious  successes  in  Italy  and  Germany  had  naturally 
exercised  a  considerable  influence,  not  upon  Austria  alone,  but 
upon  all  the  courts  of  Europe,  whether  friendly  or  hostile. 

On  the  news  of  the  battle  of  Marengo,  Prussia,  still  neutral 
upon  system,  but  kindly  disposed  towards  us  according  to 
events,  Prussia  had  expressed  warm  admiration  to  the  First 
Consul,  and  from  that  moment  had  not  said  a  single  word 
which  could  give  rise  to  a  doubt  respecting  tlie  attribution  to 
France  of  the  entire  line  of  the  Rhine.  The  only  point  now 
to  be  studied,  according  to  her,  was  to  be  just  in  the  partition 
of  the  indemnities  due  to  all  those  who  lost  territories  on  the 
left  bank  of  the  Rhine,  and  discreet  in  settling  the  general 
limits  of  the  great  States.  She  even  added  that  it  was  right 
to  be  firm  towards  Austria,  and  to  curb  her  insatiable  ambi- 
tion. Such  was  the  language  which  she  held  every  day  to  our 
ambassador  in  Berlin. 

M.  d'Haugwitz,  and  King  Frederick  William  in  particular, 
whose  kindness  was  sincere,  informed  General  Beurnonville 
from  day  to  day  of  the  rapid  progress  which  the  First  Consul 
was  making  in  the  esteem  of  Vq,\\\  I.  As  we  have  already 
seen,  that  fickle  and  enthusiastic  princt^  had  for  some  iiionths 
been  passing  from  a  chivalrous  animosity  against  the  French 
Revolution  to  an  unbounded  admiration  of  the  man  who  was 
now  the  representative  of  that  Revolution.  He  had  conceived 
an  absolute  hatred  for  Austria  and  l^ngland.  Though  from 
this  change  a  first  result  of  great  importance  had  been  obtained, 
namely,  the  motionless  attitude  of  thf>  Russians  on  th(^  \'istula, 
still  the  First  Consul  aspired  to  soniethiiig  more.  He  wished 
to  enter  into  direct  communication  with  tlu^  Emperor  Paul,  and 
suspected  Prussia  of  ])n)longing  that  e(piivocal  state,  that  she 
might  be  the  sole  ag(>nt  in  our  relations  with  the  luost  powertul 
of  the  courts  of  the  North. 

He   devised   a   method,    which    was   crowned   witli    comjilete 

VOL.   I.  ^ 


322  HISTOBY  OF  THE  julyiSoo 

success.  There  were  still  in  France  six  or  seven  thousand  Rus- 
sians taken  last  year,  and  who  could  not  be  exchanged,  because 
Russia  had  no  prisoners  to  release  in  return.  The  First  Consul 
had  proposed  to  England  and  to  Austria,  which  held  in  their 
hands  a  certain  number  of  our  soldiers  and  seamen,  to  exchange 
these  Russians  for  a  like  number  of  French.  Both  of  them 
assuredly  owed  Russia  such  a  courtesy,  for  these  Russians  had 
incurred  captivity  solely  by  serving  the  purposes  of  English 
and  Austrian  policy.  The  proposal  was  nevertheless  rejected. 
The  First  Consul  immediately  conceived  the  happy  idea  of 
restoring  unconditionally  to  Paul  I.  the  prisoners  in  our  hands. 
This  was  an  act  of  dexterous  generosity,  and  not  very  burden- 
some to  France,  which  could  do  notliing  with  these  prisoners, 
since  they  could  not  procure  her  Frenchmen  in  exchange.  The 
First  Consul  accompanied  this  act  with  the  attentions  most 
likely  to  touch  the  susceptible  heart  of  the  Emperor  Paul.  He 
caused  these  Russians  to  be  armed  and  clothed  in  the  uniform 
of  their  sovereign :  he  even  gave  up  their  officers,  their  colours, 
and  their  arms.  He  then  wrote  a  letter  to  Count  de  Panin, 
minister  of  foreign  affairs  at  St.  Petersburg,  informing  him  that, 
Austria  and  England  having  refused  to  procure  their  liberty 
for  the  soldiers  of  the  Czar,  who  had  become  prisoners  while 
serving  the  cause  of  those  powers,  the  First  Consul  would  not 
detain  those  brave  men  indefinitely,  and  that  he  sent  them 
back  to  the  emperor  unconditionally ;  that  this  was  on  his 
part  a  testimony  of  consideration  for  the  Russian  army,  an 
army  which  the  French  had  learned  to  know  and  to  esteem 
on  fields  of  battle. 

This  letter  was  sent  by  way  of  Hamburg.  It  was  trans- 
mitted by  M.  de  Bourgoing,  our  minister  in  Denmark,  to  M. 
de  Muraview,  minister  of  Russia  at  Hamburg.  But  such  was 
the  fear  excited  by  Paul  I.  in  his  agents,  that  M.  de  Muraview 
refused  to  receive  this  letter,  not  daring  to  disobey  the  anterior 
orders  of  his  cabinet,  which  forbade  him  all  communication 
with  the  representatives  of  France.  M.  de  Muraview  merely 
reported  to  his  court  what  had  passed,  and  made  it  acquainted 
with  the  existence  and  contents  of  the  letter,  of  which  he  had 
refused  to  take  charge.  Upon  this,  the  First  Consul  made 
anotlier,  and  still  more  efficacious  advance  towards  the  Russian 
monarch.  Seeinsf  that  jNlalta  could  not  hold  out  lono-,  and  tbat 
this  island,  strictly  blockaded,  would  be  obliged,  by  want  of 
provisions,  to  surrender  to  the  English,  he  conceived  the  idea  of 
giving  it  to  Paul.  It  is  well  known  that  this  ]5rince,  an  enthu- 
siast on  the  subject  of  the  ancient  orders  of  chivahy,  and  that 
of  ]\Ialta  in  particular,  had  caused  himself  to  be  elected  grand- 
master of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem,  that  he  was  resolved  to  re- 
establish that  religious  and  chivalric  institution,  and  that  lie 


JTJLYiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  323 

frequently  held  at  St.  Petersburg  chapters  of  the  Order,  for  the 
purpose  of  conferring  its  decoration  on  the  princes  and  great 
personages  of  Europe.  It  was  impossible  to  take  a  more  direct 
course  to  his  heart  than  by  offering  him  the  island  that  was 
the  seat  of  the  Order,  of  which  he  had  made  himself  the  head. 
The  thing  was  ably  conceived  in  all  its  bearings.  Either  the 
English,  who  were  on  the  point  of  taking  it,  would  consent  to 
restore  it,  and  then  it  would  be  out  of  their  hands ;  or  they 
would  refuse,  and  Paul  I.  was  capable  enough  to  declare  war 
against  them  on  that  account.  This  time,  J\[.  de  Sergijeff,  a 
Russian  officer,  and  one  of  the  prisoners  detained  in  France, 
was  directed  to  proceed  to  Petersburg,  as  the  bearer  of  the  two 
letters  relative  to  the  prisoners  and  the  island  of  Malta. 

When  these  different  communications  reached  St.  Petersburg, 
they  produced  their  inevitable  effect.  Paul  was  deeply  touched, 
and  thenceforth  indulged,  without  reserve,  in  the  highest  ad- 
miration of  the  First  Consul.  He  immediately  selected  an  old 
Finland  officer,  M.  de  Sprengporten,  formerly  a  Swedish  sub- 
ject, a  most  respectable  man,  very  well  disposed  towards 
France,  and  in  high  favour  at  the  court  of  Russia.  He  ap- 
pointed him  governor  of  the  island  of  Malta,  ordered  him  to 
put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  6000  Russian  prisoners  in  France, 
and  to  go  with  this  force  perfectly  organised,  and  to  take 
possession  of  the  island  of  Malta,  which  would  be  delivered  up 
to  him  by  the  French.  He  ordered  him  to  proceed  to  Paris, 
and  to  thank  the  First  Consul  publicly.  To  this  demonstration 
Paul  added  a  much  more  effective  step  ;  he  enjoined  M.  de 
Krudener,  his  minister  in  Berlin,  who  had  been  charged,  some 
months  before,  to  renew  the  connection  between  Russia  and 
Prussia,  to  enter  into  direct  communication  with  General  Peur- 
nonville,  our  ambassador,  and  furnished  him  with  the  necessary 
powers  for  negotiating  a  treaty  of  peace  witli  France. 

M.  d'Haugwitz,  who  tliought.  perha])s,  that  the  reconciliation 
was  proceeding  too  rapidly,  for  I^russia  would  lose  her  char- 
acter of  mediating  agent  the  moment  the  ca])inets  of  Paris  and 
St.  Petersburg  were  in  direct  communication — I\r.  d'Haugwitz 
contrived  to  be  the  ostensible  agent  of  this  reconciliation. 
Hitherto  M.  de  Krudener  and  ^{.  de  Peurnonville  had  nu4  in 
Perlin.  in  the  houses  of  the  ministers  of  the  different  courts, 
without  speaking.  One  day,  "S\.  d'Haugwitz  invited  them  both 
to  dinner  ;  after  dinner,  he  brought  them  i'ace  to  face,  then  left 
them  tetc-a-tetc  in  his  own  garden,  to  give  tliem  (»])])(irtiinify  for 
complete  explanation.  M.  de  Krudener  ex])ressed  liis  regret 
to  M.  de  Reurnonville  tliat  it  had  not  been  in  his  power  before 
to  seek  the  society  of  the  French  legation;  he  excused  the 
refusal  given  at  Ilamburg  to  receive  the  Fii-st  Consul's  letter 
by  the  existence  of  anterior  orders  ;  and,  lastly,  lie  entered  into 


324  HISTORY  OF  THE  july  1800 

a  very  long  explanation  respecting  the  new  dispositions  of  his 
sovereign.  He  informed  him  of  the  mission  of  M.  de  Spreng- 
porten  to  Paris,  and  avowed  the  especial  satisfaction  which 
Paul  I.  had  felt  at  the  restitution  of  the  prisoners,  and  the  offer 
to  restore  Malta  to  the  Order  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem.  At 
length,  from  all  these  subjects  he  passed  to  the  most  serious, 
namely,  the  conditions  of  peace.  Eussia  and  France  had 
nothing  to  quarrel  about.  They  had  not  gone  to  war  for  any 
interest  of  territory  or  commerce,  but  for  a  dissimilarity  in  the 
form  of  their  government.  As  far  as  concerned  themselves 
directly,  they  had,  therefore,  but  to  write  one  article,  to  the 
effect  that  peace  was  re-established  between  the  two  powers. 
This  circumstance  alone  showed  how  unreasonable  the  war  had 
been.  But  the  war  had  brought  with  it  alliances,  and  Paul, 
who  prided  himself  on  strict  fidelity  to  his  engagements,  desired 
only  one  thing,  that  his  allies  should  be  treated  indulgently. 
They  were  four  in  number  : — Bavaria,  Wurtemberg,  Piedmont, 
and  Naples.  He  demanded,  on  behalf  of  the  four,  the  integ- 
rity of  their  dominions.  Nothing  could  be  more  easy,  if  an 
explanatory  clause  were  merely  introduced  to  the  effect, 
that  this  condition  should  be  considered  as  fulfilled,  if  those 
princes  obtained  an  indemnity  for  the  provinces  which  the 
French  Republic  should  take  from  them.  The  point  was  thus 
understood  and  admitted  by  M.  de  Krudener.  In  fact,  the 
secularisation  of  the  ecclesiastical  States  of  Germany,  and  their 
proportionate  partition  among  the  lay  princes  who  had  lost  the 
whole  or  part  of  their  dominions,  in  consequence  of  the  cession  of 
the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine  to  France,  was  a  thing  long  agreed 
upon  by  everybody.  It  had  even  been  admitted  at  the  congress 
of  Rastadt,  under  the  Directory.  An  arrangement  was  equally 
easy  for  the  Italian  princes,  allies  of  Paul  I.  Piedmont  was 
to  lose  Nice  and  Savoy  ;  it  might  be  indemnified  in  Italy,  if 
Austrian  ambition  were  curbed  in  that  country,  and  not  suffered 
to  extend  itself  too  far  there.  On  this  point,  Paul  I.,  greatly 
irritated  against  the  cabinet  of  Vienna,  said,  like  Prussia,  that 
Austria  must  be  kept  down,  and  nothing  granted  her  but  what 
could  not  be  refused.  As  for  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  France 
had  nothing  to  take  from  it,  but  she  had  odious  proceedings  to 
punish,  outrages  to  avenge.  Still  the  First  Consul  was  willing 
to  pardon,  on  one  condition,  of  a  nature  to  be  ]oarticularly 
pleasino:  to  Paul  I.,  who  was  not  less  hostile  to  the  English 
than  to  the  Austrians,  namely,  that  the  cabinet  of  Naples 
should  atone  for  its  faults  by  a  formal  rupture  with  Great 
Britain.  On  all  these  points  the  parties  were  nearly  agreed. 
They  could  not  fail  to  become  still  more  so  every  day, 
from  the  natural  course  of  events,  and  from  the  impetuous 
character  of  Paul  I.,  who  from  a  state  of  dissatisfaction  with 


JULY  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  325 

his  former  allies,  was  about  to  pass,  without  transition,  to  a 
state  of  open  war. 

The  reconciliation  of  France  with  Russia  was,  therefore, 
nearly  accomplished,  and  even  public ;  for  the  departure  of  M. 
de  Sprengporten  for  Paris  had  just  been  officially  announced. 
Paul  I.,  the  furious  enemy  of  France,  thus  became  her  friend, 
her  ally,  against  all  the  powers  of  the  old  coalition.  The  glory 
and  the  profound  address  of  the  First  Consul  had  wrought  this 
extraordinary  change.  A  fortuitous  and  important  circumstance 
was  about  to  render  it  still  more  complete ;  this  was  the  quarrel 
of  the  neutral  powers,  exasperated  by  the  violences  of  England 
upon  the  seas.  It  seems  as  if  everything  concurred  to  favour 
the  designs  of  the  First  Consul,  and  one  is  tempted  to  admire, 
at  this  moment,  his  good  fortune  as  much  as  his  genius. 

On  viewing  the  course  of  events  in  this  lower  world,  one 
would  almost  say,  that  Fortune  loves  to  smile  on  youth,  for  she 
seconds,  in  a  wonderful  manner,  the  early  years  of  great  men. 
Let  us  not,  however,  like  the  ancient  poets,  make  her  blind  and 
capricious ;  if  she  so  often  favours  the  youth  of  great  men,  as 
she  did  that  of  Hannibal,  of  Caspar,  of  Napoleon,  it  is  because 
they  have  not  yet  abused  her  favours.  General  Bonaparte  was 
fortunate,  then,  because  he  had  deserved  to  be  so;  because  he  was 
in  the  right  against  all  the  world  ;  at  home,  against  party  strife ; 
abroad,  against  the  powers  of  Europe.  At  home,  he  aimed  only 
at  order  and  justice ;  abroad,  at  peace,  but  an  advantageous  and 
glorious  peace,  such  as  he  has  a  right  to  desire  who  has  not  been 
the  aggressor,  but  who  has  been  victorious  through  his  superior 
ability.  Thus  Europe  sought  anxiously  to  be  reconciled  to  France, 
represented  by  a  great  man,  so  just  and  so  powerful.  And  if  this 
great  man  had  met  with  auspicious  circumstances,  there  was  not 
one  which  he  had  not  brought  about  himself,  or  by  which  he  had 
not  skilfully  profited.  It  was  but  yesterday  that  one  of  his  lieu- 
tenants, anticipating  his  orders,  had  hastened,  at  the  report  of  the 
cannon,  to  gain  for  him  the  victory  of  ]\Iarengo  ;  but  what  had  he 
not  done  to  pave  the  way  to  that  victory  ?  Now,  a  prince,  struck 
with  insanity,  on  one  of  the  first  thrones  in  the  world,  afforded  an 
easy  prey  to  his  diplomatic  ability ;  but  with  what  masterly  conde- 
scension had  he  not  contrived  to  flatter  that  monarch  !  England, 
by  her  conduct  on  the  seas,  was  soon  going  to  reconcile  all  the 
maritime  powers  with  France ;  but  we  shall  see  what  art  he  had 
employed  to  soothe  them,  and  to  leave  to  England  the  jiart  of 
violence.  Fortune,  tliat  capricious  mistress  of  great  men,  is  not. 
then,  so  capricious  as  ]ieo])le  are  pleased  to  n^jin^scnt  licr.  All 
is  not  caprice  when  she  smiles  upon  them.  ca])rict'  when  she 
abandons  them,  and,  in  her  alleged  infidelities,  tlu^  fault  is,  in 
general,  not  on  her  side.  But  let  us  speak  a  language  more 
true,  more  worthy  of  so  grave  a  subject  :   Fortune,  that  ])agan 


326  HISTORY  OF  THE  julyiSoo 

name  given  to  the  power  which  governs  all  things  here  below, 
is  Providence,  befriending  genius  when  walking  in  the  path  of 
rectitude,  that  is,  in  the  ways  marked  out  by  infinite  wisdom. 

The  fortunate  circumstance  which  was  destined  definitively  to 
rally  the  powers  of  the  North  around  the  politics  of  the  First 
Consul,  and  to  procure  for  him  auxiliaries  upon  the  element  on 
which  he  had  most  need  of  them,  that  is,  on  the  seas,  was  this  : — 
The  English  had  just  committed  new  violences  against  neutrals. 
They  could  not  suffer  the  Russians,  tlie  Danes,  the  Swedes,  the 
Americans,  to  frequent  quietly  all  the  ports  of  the  world,  and 
to  lend  their  flags  to  the  commerce  of  France  and  Spain.  They 
had  already  violated  the  independence  of  the  neutral  flag,  espe- 
cially in  regard  to  America,  and  it  was  because  the  Americans 
had  not  sufficiently  defended  it  that  the  Directory  showed  its 
anger,  by  subjecting  them  to  treatment  almost  as  rigorous  as 
that  which  they  experienced  from  the  English.  General  Bona- 
parte had  repaired  this  fault  by  annulling  the  harshest  of  the 
regulations  enforced  by  the  Directory;  by  instituting  the  tri- 
bunal of  prizes,  charged  to  administer  better  justice  to  captured 
vessels  ;  by  paying  homage,  in  the  person  of  Washington,  to  all 
America;  lastly,  by  inviting  negotiators  to  Paris,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  renewing  relations  of  amity  and  commerce  with  her. 
It  was  precisely  at  this  moment  that  England,  as  if  irritated  by 
the  ill  success  of  her  policy,  seemed  to  become  more  oppressive 
towards  neutrals.  Odious  acts  had  already  been  committed  by 
her  upon  the  seas ;  but  the  last  exceeded  all  the  bounds,  not 
only  of  justice,  but  of  the  most  ordinary  prudence. 

This  is  not  the  place  for  entering  into  all  the  details  of  that 
important  dispute ;  suffice  it  to  specify  its  principal  points. 
The  neutrals  alleged  that  the  war,  which  certain  great  nations 
thought  fit  to  wage  with  one  another,  ought  not,  in  any  way, 
to  cramp  their  own  trade,  nay,  that  they  had  a  right  to  pick 
up  that  commerce  of  which  the  belligerent  powers  voluntarily 
deprived  themselves.  In  consequence,  they  claimed  the  right 
of  frequenting  freely  all  the  ports  of  the  world,  of  navigating 
even  between  the  ports  of  the  belligerent  nations ;  of  going,  for 
instance,  from  France  and  Spain  to  England,  from  England  to 
Spain  and  France,  and,  what  was  more  disputable,  of  going  from 
the  colonies  to  the  mother-countries,  of  going  from  JNIexico  to 
Spain,  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  thither  the  precious  metals, 
which,  but  for  their  intervention,  could  never  have  reached 
Europe.  They  maintained  that  "the  flag  covers  the  merchan- 
dise," which  means,  that  the  flag  of  a  power,  not  implicated  in 
the  war,  covered  from  every  kind  of  search  the  merchandise 
transported  in  their  vessels ;  that,  on  board  them,  French 
merchandise  could  not  be  seized  by  the  English,  nor  English 
merchandise  by  the   French ;    as  a   Frenchman,   for  instance, 


JULYiSoo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPinE.  327 

would  have  been  inviolable  on  the  quays  of  Copenhagen  and 
St.  Petersburg  for  the  British  power ;  in  short,  that  the  vessel  of 
a  neutral  nation  was  as  sacred  as  the  very  quays  of  its  capital. 

The  neutrals  consented  to  only  onv,  exception.  They  ad- 
mitted that  they  ought  not  to  carry  goods  specially  used  in 
war,  for  it  was  contrary  to  the  very  idea  of  neutrality  that  they 
should  supply  one  of  the  belligerent  nations  witli  arms  against 
the  other.  But  they  sought  to  limit  this  interdiction  solely  to 
articles  fabricated  for  war,  such  as  muskets,  cannon,  powder, 
projectiles,  materials  for  accoutrements  of  every  kind,  *^c. ;  and 
as  for  provisions,  they  would  not  consider  any  provisions  inter- 
dicted but  such  as  were  prepared  for  the  use  of  armies,  such  as 
biscuit,  for  example. 

If  they  admitted  one  exception  as  to  the  nature  of  transport- 
able merchandise,  they  admitted  another  as  to  the  places  to  be 
entered,  but  on  condition  that  it  should  be  accurately  defined. 
This  second  exception  was  relative  to  the  poi-ts  bond  jUlc 
blockaded,  and  guarded  by  a  naval  force  capable  of  laying 
siege  to  them,  or  of  reducing  them  by  famine,  by  means  of 
blockade.  In  such  a  case  they  admitted  that  to  run  into  a 
blockaded  port  was  thwarting  one  of  the  two  nations  in  the 
use  of  its  right,  by  preventing  it  from  taking  the  ])laces  of  its 
enemy  by  attack  or  by  famine  ;  that  it  was  consequently  ailbrd- 
ing  succour  to  one  of  the  two  against  the  other.  But  they 
insisted  that  the  blockade  should  be  preceded  by  formal  declara- 
tions, that  the  blockade  should  be  bond  fide,  executed  by  such 
a  force  that  there  would  be  imminent  danger  in  violating  it  ; 
and  they  did  not  admit  that,  by  a  mere  declaration  of  blockade, 
either  party  could  interdict  at  pleasure,  by  means  of  a  ])ure 
fiction,  the  entry  into  such  or  such  a  port,  nay,  fre(piently  the 
entire  extent  of  certain  coasts. 

Lastly,  as  it  was  necessary  to  ascertain  whether  a  vessel 
really  belonged  to  the  nation  whose  Hag  she  hoi-ted.  whether 
or  not  she  carried  merchandise  called  cont ral)aii(l  of  war.  lln' 
neutrals  consented  to  be  searched,  but  re(|uired  that  this  search 
should  be  made  with  certain  courtesies  to  be  agreed  u])on  and 
punctually  observed.  Above  all.  they  considered  it  as  an 
essential  rule  that  search  should  not  take  ])lace  it'  nierc^haiit 
vessels  were  convoyed  by  a  ship  (jf  wai\  The  military  or  royal 
flag,  according  to  them,  ought  to  enjoy  the  ])ri\ilege  of  IniiiM' 
believed  on  its  word,  when  it  aflii'iiied.  u])on  llie  lionoiir  ot  its 
nation,  that  the  vessels  under  coiuoy  wei-e.  in  the  lli'-i  jilae-'.  nt 
its  nation,  and,  in  the  next,  that  they  had  on  boai'd  no  int'r- 
dicted  articles,  it'  it  were  otlu'rwise.  said  lliry.  a  mere  l»rig. 
when  cruisincr.  niight  stoji  a  convoy,  and  with  tlial  eonviy  a 
fleet  of  war,  perha])s  an  admiral.  Who  know-e\i'ii  ?  a  pi-i\aleer 
might  sto]i  either  ^1.  de  Suiri-eii  or  Lord  X<'Uoii. 


328  HISTORY  OF  THE  july  1800 

Thus  the  doctrines  maintained  by  the  neutrals  may  be  reduced 
to  four  principal  points. 

The  flag  covers  the  merchandise,  that  is  to  say,  no  search 
shall  be  made  after  an  enemy's  goods  on  board  a  neutral  vessel, 
foreign  to  the  belligerent  nations. 

No  merchandise  is  interdicted  but  contraband  of  war.  This 
contraband  is  confined  solely  to  articles  made  for  the  use  of  the 
armies.     Corn,  for  instance,  and  naval  stores,  are  not  included. 

Access  cannot  be  interdicted  to  any  port,  unless  it  is  hond 
fide  blockaded. 

Lastly,  no  vessel  under  convoy  can  be  searched. 

Such  were  the  principles  maintained  by  France,  Prussia, 
Denmark,  Sweden,  Russia,  and  America,  that  is  to  say,  by  an 
immense  majority  of  nations  :  principles,  founded  on  respect  for 
the  rights  of  others,  but  pertinaciously  contested  by  England. 

She  insisted,  in  fact,  that,  on  these  conditions,  the  commerce 
of  her  enemies  would  be  carried  on  without  obstacle  by  means 
of  the  neutrals  (which,  be  it  observed  by  the  way,  was  not 
correct,  for  that  commerce  could  not  be  continued  by  means 
of  neutrals,  without  relinquishing  to  them  the  greater  part  of 
the  profits,  and  causing  the  nation  obliged  to  have  recourse  to 
them  to  sustain  an  enormous  loss) ;  she  insisted  then  on  seizing 
French  and  Spanish  merchandise  on  board  whatever  vessel  it 
might  be.  She  maintained  that  certain  commodities,  without 
being  fabricated,  such  as  corn  and  naval  stores,  were  real  succours 
carried  to  a  nation  in  time  of  war.  She  alleged  that  a  declara- 
tion of  blockade  was  sufficient,  without  the  presence  of  a  naval 
force,  to  interdict  the  entry  of  certain  ports  or  coasts  ;  and 
lastly,  that  neutrals,  upon  pretext  of  being  under  convoy,  could 
not  escape  the  search  of  the  belligerent  powers. 

If  the  reader  wishes  to  know  what  was  at  the  bottom  of  the 
important  interest  concealed  under  these  sophistries  of  the 
public  writers  of  England,  here  it  is.  England  was  bent  on 
preventing  the  precious  metals  of  Mexico,  the  principal  source 
of  the  opulence  of  Spain,  from  being  brought  to  the  Spaniards ; 
to  the  French  sugar  and  coffee,  which  they  cannot  dispense 
with  ;  to  both  the  timber,  hemp,  and  iron  of  the  North,  neces- 
sary for  their  navy.  She  would  fain  have  it  in  her  power  to 
starve  them,  in  case  of  a  deficient  harvest,  as  she  had  done  in 
1793,  for  instance;  she  sought  a  pretext  for  closing  the  ports 
of  entire  countries,  without  having  recourse  to  a  Ijoncl  fide 
blockade;  lastly,  she  purposed,  by  dint  of  searches,  annoy- 
ances, and  obstacles  of  every  kind,  to  ruin  the  commerce  of  all 
nations,  so  that  war,  which,  for  commercial  nations  is  a  state  of 
distress,  should  become  for  her  merchants,  what  it  actually  was, 
a  time  of  monopoly  and  of  extraordinary  prosperity.  With 
regard  to  the  Americans,  she  had  an  intention  still  more  unjust. 


JULY  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  329 

namely,  to  rob  them  of  their  seamen  upon  pretext  that  they 
were  English,  a  confusion  easy  to  make,  owing  to  the  similarity 
of  the  languages. 

In  1780,  during  the  American  war,  Catherine  the  Great  had 
formed  the  league  of  the  neutrals  to  resist  these  pretensions. 
The  First  Consul,  taking  advantage  of  the  nascent  friendship  of 
Paul,  of  the  increasing  irritation  of  the  neutrals,  and  of  the 
unparalleled  violences  of  the  English,  made  the  utmost  efforts 
to  form  a  similar  one  in  1 800. 

At  this  moment,  the  dispute  presented  itself  under  one  form 
only,  that  of  the  right  of  search.  The  Danes  and  the  Swedes, 
to  escape  the  vexations  of  the  English  cruisers,  had  devised  the 
expedient  of  sailing  in  numerous  convoys,  escorted  by  frigates 
bearing  the  royal  flag.  It  must  be  added  that  they  never 
tarnished  the  honour  of  their  flag,  and  took  good  care  not  to 
escort  false  Danes  or  false  Swedes,  or  to  cover  contraband  of 
war,  as  it  was  called.  They  studied  only  how  to  escape  vexa- 
tions which  had  become  intolerable.  But  the  English,  viewing 
this  as  a  mere  subterfuge  to  elude  a  difficulty  and  continue  the 
commerce  of  neutrals,  persisted  in  exercising  the  right  of  search, 
even  in  regard  to  vessels  under  convoy. 

In  the  preceding  year,  two  Swedish  frigates,  the  Troya  and 
the  Halla  Fcrscn,  escorting  Swedish  merchantmen,  had  been 
stopped  by  the  English  squadrons  and  obliged  to  submit  to  the 
search  of  the  convoy  under  their  care.  The  King  of  Sweden 
had  sent  the  captains  of  the  two  frigates  before  a  court-martial 
for  not  defending  them.  This  example  had  for  a  moment 
checked  the  English,  who  were  apprehensive  lest  they  should 
provoke  a  rupture  with  the  northern  powers.  They  had  in  con- 
sequence shown  a  little  more  lenience  to  Swedish  vessels.  But 
two  recent  instances  had  revived  the  difficulty,  and  driven 
Sweden  and  Denmark  to  the  last  degree  of  exasperation. 

In  the  winter  of  1799-1800,  the  Danish  frigate  the  Ilav.fcrscn, 
Captain  Vandockum,  who  was  convoying  a  fleet  of  merchantmen 
in  the  Mediterranean,  was  stopped  by  the  squadron  of  Admiral 
Keith ;  she  attempted  to  resist,  was  fired  upon,  and  carried  into 
Gibraltar.  A  most  violent  dispute  ensued  on  this  subject  be- 
tween the  English  cabinet  and  tlie  Danisli  cabinet,  and  it  was 
still  going  on,  wlicn,  in  the  montli  of  July,  the  Danish  frigate, 
the  Freya,  escorting  a  convoy  of  her  nation,  was  met  in  the 
Channel  by  an  English  squadron.  The  latter  insisted  on  exer- 
cising the  right  of  search  ;  Ca]itain  Krabc.  commander  of  the 
Freya,  noblv  resisted  the  summons  of  the  English  adiuiral. 
and  refused  to  suffer  the  convoy  to  be  searched.  Eorct^  was 
employed  with  uncalled-for  violence;  Captain  Krabf  defended 
himself;  his  ship  was  riddled,  and  he  was  oblig-nl  to  surrender 
to  the  superior  force  of  the   enemy,  for   lu>  had   but  a  single 


330  HISTORY  OF  THE  july  1800 

frigate  to  oppose  to  six  men-of-war.     The  Freya  was  carried 
into  the  Downs. 

This  occurrence  was  soon  followed  by  another,  of  a  different 
nature,  but  more  odious  and  more  serious.  Two  Spanish  frigates 
were  lying  at  anchor  at  the  entrance  of  the  road  of  Barcelona. 
The  English  formed  a  plan  for  taking  them.  Here  was  no 
question  about  the  right  of  neutrals,  but  the  perpetration  of  a 
piece  of  downright  knavery,  for  the  purpose  of  entering  an 
enemy's  port  with  impunity,  without  being  recognised.  They 
perceived  in  these  roads  a  Swedish  galliot,  the  Hoffiiung,  and 
resolved  to  make  use  of  her  for  accomplishing  the  piratical  act 
which  they  meditated.  They  manned  their  boats,  boarded  the 
galliot,  clapped  a  pistol  to  the  breast  of  the  Swedish  captain, 
and  obliged  him  to  sail  quietly  towards  the  Spanish  frigates, 
which,  having  no  mistrust  of  the  Swedish  flag,  since  it  was 
neutral,  suffered  her  to  come  alongside.  The  English  imme- 
diately rushed  on  board,  surprised  the  two  frigates,  which  had 
few  hands  on  board,  took  possession  of  them,  and  left  the 
harbour  of  Barcelona  with  their  unworthily  acquired  prey. 

This  event  produced  an  extraordinary  sensation  in  Europe, 
and  incensed  all  the  maritime  nations,  whose  rights  the  English 
were  no  longer  satisfied  with  violating,  but  whose  flag  they  out- 
raged, by  making  it,  unknown  to  itself,  subservient  to  acts  of 
the  most  infamous  piracy.  Spain  was  already  at  war  with  Great 
Britain ;  she  could  do  nothing  more ;  but  she  had  recourse  to 
Sweden,  whose  flag  had  been  usurped,  to  denounce  this  odious 
fact,  more  offensive  to  Sweden  than  even  to  Spain.  Nothing- 
more  was  requisite  to  embitter  the  quarrel  between  England 
and  the  neutrals.  At  this  moment  especially,  the  moderation 
which  the  First  Consul  had  manifested  towards  them  was  of 
such  a  nature  as  to  render  British  violence  more  glaring.  Sweden 
demanded  reparations :  Denmark  had  already  demanded  them. 
Behind  these  two  courts  was  Russia,  which,  ever  since  the 
league  of  1780,  regarded  herself  as  a  copartner  with  the  powers 
of  the  Baltic  in  all  questions  that  interested  their  maritime 
rights. 

On  the  part  of  Denmark,  M.  de  Bernstorff  kept  up  a  brisk 
controversy  with  the  cabinet  of  London,  by  means  of  notes 
which  France  published,  and  which  do  equal  honour  to  the 
minister  who  wrote  them,  and  to  the  nation  which  gave  them 
its  signature,  and  which  had  soon  to  support  them  with  its 
arms.  "A  mere  gunboat,"  said  the  English,  "carrying  the 
flag  of  a  neutral,  is  to  have  a  right  then  to  convoy  the  trade 
of  the  world,  and  to  witlidraw  from  our  vigilance  the  commerce 
of  our  enemies,  which  may  be  carried  on  as  easily  in  time  of  war 
as  in  time  of  peace!"  "A  whole  squadron,"  replied  M.  de 
Bernstorff,   "  would  be  obliged  then  to  obev  the  summons  of 


AUG.  i8oo       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  331 

the  most  paltry  cruiser,  to  stop  at  her  requisition,  to  suffer  the 
convoy  which  it  is  escorting  to  be  examined  before  its  face! 
The  word  of  an  admiral,  making  a  declaration  upon  the  honour 
of  his  nation,  is  not  to  weigh  against  the  doubt  of  the  captain  of 
a  privateer,  who  is  to  have  a  right  to  verify  the  declaration  by 
a  search !  One  of  these  hypotheses  is  more  inadmissible  than 
the  other." 

To  support  its  doctrines  by  means  of  terror,  the  English 
cabinet,  which  had  just  sent  Lord  Whitworth  to  Copenhagen, 
despatched  after  him  a  squadron  of  sixteen  sail,  which  was 
cruising  at  this  moment  at  the  entrance  of  the  Sound.  The 
presence  of  this  squadron  produced  a  strong  sensation  among 
all  the  powers  of  the  Baltic  :  it  alarmed  not  only  Denmark, 
against  which  it  was  directed,  but  also  Sweden,  Russia,  and 
Prussia  herself,  whose  commerce  was  likewise  interested  in  the 
free  navigation  of  the  seas.  The  four  powers  which  signed  the 
old  armed  neutrality  of  1780  commenced  a  negotiation,  with  tiie 
avowed  purpose  of  forming  a  new  league  against  the  maritime 
tyranny  of  the  English.  The  cabinet  of  London,  which  was, 
nevertheless,  afraid  of  such  an  event,  insisted  warmly  at  (Copen- 
hagen on  settling  the  dispute  ;  but,  so  far  from  offering  indem- 
nities, it  had  the  singular  presumption  to  demand  them.  It 
purposed,  by  frightening  Denmark,  to  withdraw  her  from  the 
league  before  it  was  formed.  Unfortunately,  Denmark  had 
been  taken  by  surprise ;  the  Sound  was  not  in  a  state  of  de- 
fence ;  Copenhagen  was  not  secured  from  a  bombardment.  Li 
this  state  of  things,  she  was  obliged  to  give  way  for  the  moment, 
with  a  view  to  ffain  the  winter  season,  durinnf  wliicli  ice  would 
defend  the  Baltic,  and  give  all  the  neutrals  time  to  make  their 
preparations  for  resistance.  On  the  29th  of  August  (iith 
Fructidor,  year  VIII.)  Denmark  was  obliged  to  sign  a  conven- 
tion, in  which  the  question  of  the  law  of  nations  was  adjourned, 
and  the  last  misunderstanding  only,  whicli  had  arisen  on  the 
subject  of  the  Frcjia,  was  adjusted.  I'lit"  Frei/a  was  to  be 
repaired  in  the  English  dockyards  and  restored;  but,  for  thi- 
moment  at  least,  the  Danish  government  ceased  to  furnisli 
convoys  for  mercliautmcn. 

This  convention  had  settled  notliing.  The  storm,  so  far  fi'om 
being  dispersed,  soon  gatliercd  again,  for  the  four  noi-thci-n 
courts  were  extremely  incensed.  The  King  of  Sweden,  whose 
honour  was  not  yet  satisfied,  in-eijared  for  a  joui-iiey  to  St. 
Petersburg,  to  renew  tlie  ancient  league  of  neul  iviliiy  :  and 
Paul  I.,  who  was  not  fond  of  middle  tei'ms.  look  at  the  eut-et 
a  most  energetic  ste]).  Being  ini'ormed  of  the  dispute  wiih 
Denmark,  and  of  the  presence  of  a  liritish  tleet  at  tlie  entranre 
of  the  Sound,  he  se(|uestrated  all  property  belonging  to  the 
Entrlish,  as  a  securitv  for   the   iniurv  that  miirlit   he  done   to 


332  HISTORY  OF  THE  aug.  1800 

Russian  commerce.  This  measure  was  to  be  continued  till  the 
intentions  of  the  British  government  were  completely  elucidated. 

In  the  northern  courts,  therefore,  everything  tended  to 
favour  the  designs  of  the  First  Consul.  Events  served  him 
according  to  his  wish.  Things  went  on  equally  well  in  the  south 
of  Europe,  that  is,  in  Spain.  Here  one  of  the  first  monarchies 
of  the  globe  was  seen  sinking  into  dissolution,  to  the  great 
detriment  of  the  balance  of  Europe,  and  to  the  great  grief  of  a 
generous  nation,  indignant  at  the  part  which  it  was  made  to  act 
in  the  world.  The  First  Consul,  whose  indefatigable  mind  em- 
braced all  objects  at  once,  had  already  directed  the  efforts  of  his 
policy  towards  Spain,  and  sought  to  derive  as  much  advantage 
for  the  common  cause  as  he  could  from  that  degenerate  court. 

We  should  not  draw  the  melancholy  picture  that  follows,  if 
it  were  not  true,  in  the  first  place,  and  if  it  were  not  necessary, 
in  the  next,  for  understanding  the  great  events  of  the  period. 

The  King,  the  Queen  of  Spain,  and  the  Prince  of  Peace 
had  engaged  for  many  years  the  attention  of  Europe,  and  ex- 
hibited a  spectacle  extremely  dangerous  for  royalty,  at  that  time 
already  so  much  lowered  in  the  estimation  of  nations.  One 
would  have  said  that  the  illustrious  house  of  Bourbon  was  des- 
tined at  the  close  of  this  century  to  lose  their  crowns  in  France, 
in  Naples,  and  in  Spain :  for,  in  these  three  kingdoms,  three 
sovereigns  of  imbecile  weakness  exposed  their  sceptres  to  the 
derision  and  the  contempt  of  the  world,  by  leaving  them  in  the 
hands  of  three  queens,  either  giddy,  violent,  or  dissolute. 

The  Bourbons  of  France,  whether  by  their  own  fault,  whether 
through  misfortune,  were  swallowed  up  by  the  French  Revolu- 
tion ;  by  dint  of  foolishly  provoking  it,  those  of  Naples  had  been 
driven  a  first  time  from  their  capital ;  those  of  Spain,  before 
they  let  their  sceptre  drop  into  the  hands  of  the  crowned  soldier 
whom  that  Revolution  had  produced,  deemed  it  expedient  to 
pay  their  court  to  him.  They  had  already  allied  themselves 
with  France  in  the  time  of  the  Convention ;  they  could  not  but 
connect  themselves  with  her  much  more  cheerfully  now  that 
the  Revolution,  instead  of  a  sanguinary  anarchy,  exhibited  to 
them  a  great  man,  disposed  to  protect  them  if  they  followed 
his  advice.  Happy  had  it  been  for  these  princes,  if  they  had 
followed  the  advice,  at  that  time  excellent,  of  this  great  man ! 
Happy  for  himself  had  he  done  no  more  than  give,  it  them  ! 

The  King  of  Spain  was  an  honest  man,  not  harsh  and  blunt 
like  Louis  XVI.,  more  agreeable  in  person,  but  less  informed, 
and  surpassing  him  in  weakness.  He  rose  very  early,  not  to 
attend  to  his  royal  duties,  but  to  hear  Masses,  and  then  go 
down  to  his  workshops,  where,  surrounded  by  turners,  smiths, 
and  armourers,  and  stripped  of  his  clothes  like  them,  he  wrought 
in  their  company  at  all  sorts  of  work.    Though  very  fond  of  the 


AUG.  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  333 

chase,  he  liked  still  better  to  manufacture  arms.  From  his  shops 
he  went  to  his  stables,  to  assist  in  dressing  his  horses,  and  in- 
dulged in  the  most  incredible  familiarities  with  his  grooms. 
After  spending  the  first  half  of  the  day  in  this  manner,  he  took 
a  solitary  repast,  to  which  neither  the  queen  nor  even  his  chil- 
dren were  admitted,  and  devoted  the  rest  of  the  day  to  the 
chase.  Several  hundred  horses  and  servants  were  set  in  motion 
for  this  daily  pleasure,  which  was  his  predominant  passion. 
After  riding  like  a  young  man,  he  would  return  to  his  palace, 
give  a  quarter  of  an  hour  to  his  children,  half  an  hour  to  the 
signature  of  the  papers  submitted  to  him  by  the  queen  and  his 
ministers,  sit  down  to  play  with  some  of  the  nobles  of  his  court, 
sometimes  take  a  nap  with  them,  till  the  hour  for  his  last  meal, 
which  was  followed  immediately  by  his  retirement  to  bed,  always 
at  one  and  the  same  fixed  time.  Such  was  his  life,  without  a 
single  variation  throughout  the  year,  unless  during  Passion 
Week,  which  was  devoted  entirely  to  religious  exercises.  In 
other  respects,  an  honest  man,  faithful  to  his  word,  mild,  humane, 
religious,  of  exemplary  chastity  though  not  cohabiting  with  his 
wife,  ever  since  his  physicians  had,  by  her  direction,  ordered  him 
to  abstain  from  it ;  he  had  no  other  share  in  the  scandals  of  his 
court,  in  the  faults  of  his  government,  than  in  suffering  them 
to  be  committed,  without  perceiving  them,  without  believing 
them,  during  the  course  of  a  long  reign. 

By  his  side,  the  queen,  sister  of  the  Duke  of  Parma,  a 
pupil  of  Condillac's,  who  wrote  for  her  and  her  brother  some 
excellent  works  of  instruction,  led  a  totally  different  life,  and 
would  do  very  little  honour  to  the  celebrated  philosophic  tutor 
of  her  youth,  if  philosophers  could  in  general  answer  for  their 
disciples.  She  was  nearly  fifty  years  old,  and  had  still  certain 
vestiges  of  beauty,  which  she  strove  to  perpetuate  with  infinite 
pains.  Going  to  Mass  every  day,  like  the  king,  she  employed 
in  corresponding  with  a  great  number  of  persons,  and  particu- 
larly with  the  Prince  of  Peace,  those  hours  wliicli  Charles  IV. 
spent  in  his  workshops  and  his  stables.  In  this  corresjiondence 
she  communicated  to  the  Prince  of  Peace  the  affairs  of  court 
and  State,  and  received  from  him  a  report  of  all  the  puerilities 
and  scandal  of  Madrid.  She  finished  her  morning  by  giving 
one  hour  to  her  children,  and  one  to  the  duties  of  governuKMit. 
Not  a  paper,  not  an  appointment,  not  a  pardon,  went  for  the 
royal  signature,  before  it  was  submitted  to  her.  The  minister 
who  should  have  ventured  u]ion  such  an  infraction  of  the 
conditions  of  her  favour  would  have  been  instantly  dismissed. 
She  dined  alone,  like  the  king,  in  the  niiddh^  of  the  day  ;  the 
rest  of  the  afternoon  was  devoted  to  rece]iti(^ns.  in  whicli  she 
acquitted  herself  very  gracefully,  and  to  the  i'riure  of  Peace, 
on  whom  she  bestowed  several  hours  of  her  time  every  dav. 


334  HISTORY  OF  THE  aug.  1800 

The  reader  is  aware  that  the  Prince  of  Peace  was  no  longer 
minister,  at  the  period  of  which  we  are  treating.  M.  d'Urqnijo, 
whom  we  shall  presently  introduce,  had  succeeded  him ;  but 
that  prince  was  nevertheless  the  first  authority  in  the  kingdom. 
This  singular  personage,  ignorant,  fickle,  of  no  capacity,  but 
of  handsome  exterior,  as  it  is  necessary  to  be  in  order  to  suc- 
ceed in  a  corrupt  court,  the  arrogant  ruler  of  Queen  Louisa, 
had  reigned  for  twenty  years  over  her  vacant  and  frivolous 
soul.  Weary  of  his  high  favour,  he  shared  it  cheerfully  with 
obscure  favourites,  indulged  in  a  thousand  debaucheries,  which 
he  recounted  to  his  crowned  slave,  whom  he  delighted  to  mor- 
tify by  his  stories,  nay,  even  maltreated  her,  it  is  said,  in  the 
grossest  manner ;  and  yet  he  retained  an  absolute  empire  over 
that  princess,  who  was  incapable  of  resisting  him,  who  could 
not  be  happy  unless  she  saw  him  every  day.  After  she  had 
long  committed  the  government  to  him,  with  the  official  title 
of  first  minister,  she  gave  it  up  as  much  to  him  still,  though  he 
no  longer  had  that  title ;  for  nothing  was  done  in  Spain  but 
according  to  his  pleasure.  He  disposed  of  all  the  resources  of 
the  State  ;  and  he  had  at  home  enormous  sums  in  cash,  while 
the  treasury,  reduced  to  the  greatest  straits,  made  shift  with 
a  discredited  paper-money,  depressed  to  half  its  nominal  value. 
The  nation  was  almost  habituated  to  this  spectacle;  it  mani- 
fested indignation  only  when  some  new  and  extraordinary 
scandal  made  the  blood  mount  into  the  faces  of  the  brave 
Spaniards,  whose  heroic  resistance  soon  afterwards  proved  that 
they  were  worthy  of  a  different  government.  At  the  moment 
when  Europe  rang  with  the  great  events  occurring  on  the 
Po  and  the  Danube,  the  court  of  Spain  was  the  theatre  of  an 
unheard-of  scandal,  which  had  well-nigh  exhausted  the  patience 
of  the  nation.  The  Prince  of  Peace,  proceeding  from  one  excess 
to  another,  had  finished  by  marrying  a  relation  of  the  royal 
family.  A  child  was  born  from  this  union.  The  king  and 
queen,  resolving  themselves  to  stand  sponsors  for  the  new-born 
infant,  had  the  ceremony  performed  with  all  the  etiquette 
customary  at  the  baptism  of  Infants  of  Spain.  The  liighest 
nobles  of  the  court  were  obliged  to  perform  the  same  duty  that 
would  have  been  required  of  them  if  the  child  had  been  the 
offspring  of  royalty.  On  this  infant  in  long-clothes  liad  been 
conferred  the  great  orders  of  the  crown  and  magnificent  pre- 
sents. The  grand-inquisitor  had  officiated  at  the  religious 
ceremony.  This  time,  it  is  true,  indignation  had  risen  to  the 
highest  pitch,  and  every  Spaniard  had  considered  himself  as 
personally  insulted  by  this  odious  proceeding.  Things  had 
come  to  such  a  pass  that  the  S]")anish  ministers  opened  their 
minds  upon  the  subject  to  the  foreign  ambassadors,  and  par- 
ticularly to  the  ambassador  of  France,  to  whom  they  usually 


AUG.  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  335 

had  recourse  in  most  of  their  embarrassments,  and  who  re- 
ceived from  their  own  lips  the  shocking  particulars  which  we 
are  here  relating. 

Amidst  these  scandalous  proceedings,  the  king  alone,  kept 
under  continual  espionage  by  his  wife,  neither  knew  nor  sus- 
pected what  was  passing.  Neither  the  outcry  of  his  sul)jects, 
nor  the  occasional  revolt  of  some  of  the  grandees  of  Spain,  in- 
dignant at  the  degradation  that  was  required  of  them,  nor  the 
inexplicable  assiduities  of  the  Prince  of  Peace,  could  open  his 
eyes.  This  poor  good-natured  king  even  used  sometimes  to 
make  this  singular  remark,  which  emljarrassed  all  present  who 
were  doomed  to  hear  it :  "  My  brother  of  Naples  is  a  blockhead, 
who  suffers  himself  to  be  ruled  by  his  wife."  It  should  be 
added  that  the  Prince  of  the  Asturias,  since  Ferdinand  VII., 
brought  up  at  a  distance  from  the  court  and  with  incredible 
harshness,  detested  the  favourite,  whose  criminal  influence  he 
was  aware  of,  and  that  his  just  hatred  for  the  favourite  was  at 
last  converted  in  his  mind  into  an  involuntary  hatred  for  his 
father  and  mother. 

What  a  spectacle,  at  the  conclusion  of  the  eighteenth  and  the 
beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century,  when  tlie  throne  of  France 
had  recently  sunk  with  a  crasli.  and  when  a  young  warrior, 
simple,  austere,  indefatigable,  full  of  genius,  had  just  raised 
himself  upon  its  ruins  !  How  long  could  the  Spanish  monarchy 
withstand  the  dangerous  effect  of  this  contrast ! 

Amidst  these  disorders,  the  house  of  Spain  was  at  limes 
overtaken  by  confused  presentiments,  and  began  to  feel  scjiue 
apprehensions  of  a  lievolution.  The  ancient  attaclnnent  of  the 
Spaniards  to  royalty  and  to  religion  served,  it  is  true,  to  cheer 
it ;  but  it  was  afraid  that  Revolution  would  come  by  the  way  of 
the  Pyrenees,  and  therefore  sought  to  dis])el  the  danger  by  im- 
plicit deference  towards  the  French  Pu'pulilic.  The  incredible 
violence  of  the  English  cabinet,  the  passionate  oiitbin-sls  of 
Paul  I.  against  that  liouse,  on  the  formation  of  tlic  second 
coalition,  had  thrown  it  completely  into  our  arms.  It  regarded 
this  as  advantageous,  nay,  lionourable,  since  General  I*>ona]iartt' 
had  ennoliled,  by  liis  ])resenc{'  in  tlie  seat  of  ])ower,  all  the 
relations  of  the  cabinets  with  the  govt'rnment  of  the  K'cjuililic. 

The  good  king  Charles  \\ .  liad  concei\ed,  though  at  a  dis- 
tance, a  sort  of  friendship  fnr  the  First  Consul.  This  feeling 
became  stronger  every  day,  and  it  is  jjainful  to  think  how  this 
singular  attachment  was  destined  to  terminatt',  without  ti-eaehery 
on  the  part  of  France,  liut  by  an  inconceivahle  concatenation 
of  ciicunistances.  "  A\"hat  a  gieat  man  is  (Jeneial  llonapai'tiC 
Charles  I\'.  was  incessantly  saying.  Hie  (juefu  said  so  too, 
but  more  coldly,  l)t'cause  the  rriiice  of  I'eacr.  dis|i(isi'd  siniie- 
times  to  censun;  what  the  court  of  Spain   ilid  since   he  was   no 


336  HISTORY  OF  THE  aug.  1800 

longer  minister,  seemed  to  blame  the  partiality  that  was  shown 
to  the  government  of  France.  Meanwhile  the  First  Consul, 
informed  by  M.  Alquier,  our  ambassador,  a  man  of  superior 
understanding  and  sagacity,  that  he  must  absolutely  secure  at 
Madrid  the  good-will  of  the  Prince  of  Peace,  the  First  Consul 
had  sent  to  that  favourite  some  magnificent  arms,  made  at  the 
manufactory  of  Versailles.  This  attention  on  the  part  of  the 
greatest  personage  in  Europe  had  touched  the  vanity  of  the 
Prince  of  Peace.  Some  attentions  of  our  ambassador  had  com- 
pletely won  him,  and  thenceforward  the  whole  court  of  Spain 
seemed  to  give  itself  up  to  us  without  reserve. 

From  d'Urquijo,  the  minister,  alone  was  a  slight  resistance 
experienced.  He  was  a  man  of  eccentric  character,  naturally 
an  enemy  to  the  Prince  of  Peace,  whom  he  had  succeeded,  and 
liking  General  Bonaparte  not  much  better.  M.  d'Urquijo,  of 
plebeian  extraction,  and  endowed  with  some  energy,  having 
drawn  upon  himself  the  enmity  of  the  clergy  and  of  the  court 
through  some  insignificant  reforms  which  he  had  attempted, 
inclined,  in  an  astonishing  manner  for  a  Spaniard  of  that  time, 
towards  revolutionary  ideas.  He  was  connected  with  many 
French  demagogues,  and  participated  to  a  certain  point  in  their 
aversion  for  the  First  Consul.  He  had  the  merit  of  desiring 
to  reform  the  most  crying  abuses,  of  striving,  for  instance,  to 
diminish  the  revenues  of  the  clergy  and  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
agents  of  the  court  of  Eome.  To  these  measures  he  was  striving 
to  obtain  his  Holiness'  assent ;  and  in  making  this  attempt  he 
had  exposed  himself  to  serious  dangers.  Having,  in  fact,  the 
Prince  of  Peace  against  him,  he  must  be  undone,  if  the  Eomish 
influence  were  to  unite  with  the  domestic  influence  in  the 
palace  to  overthrow  him.  Touched  with  some  attentions  paid 
him  by  M.  Alquier,  witnessing,  moreover,  the  partiality  of  the 
king  and  queen,  M.  d'Urquijo  at  length  began,  in  his  turn,  to 
admire  General  Bonaparte,  whom  it  was  not  only  natural,  but 
at  that  time  quite  the  fashion,  to  admire. 

The  partiality  of  the  king  soon  became  unbounded.  Having 
seen  the  arms  sent  to  the  Prince  of  Peace,  he  conceived  and 
expressed  a  wish  to  have  some  of  the  same  sort.  Some  mag- 
nificent specimens  were  manufactured  forthwith,  and  he  re- 
ceived them  with  real  joy.  The  queen  also  wished  for  dresses, 
and  Madame  Bonaparte,  who  was  celebrated  for  her  taste,  sent 
all  the  most  exquisite  and  elegant  productions  of  that  kind  in 
Paris.  Charles  IV.,  generous  as  a  Castilian,  unwilling  to  be 
behindhand,  took  care  to  make  a  right  royal  return.  Knowing 
that  horses  would  be  acceptable  to  the  First  Consul,  he  stripped 
the  studs  of  Aranjuez,  Medina  Cceli,  and  Altamira  of  their 
handsomest  inmates,  to  find  first  six,  then  twelve,  then  sixteen 
horses,  the  finest  in  the  Peninsula.     One  cannot  tell  where  he 


AUG.  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  337 

would  have  stopped,  had  he  not  been  checked  in  his  ardour. 
He  took  two  months  to  select  them  himself,  and  nobody  could 
have  performed  the  task  better,  for  lie  was  a  consummate 
judge.  He  appointed,  moreover,  a  numerous  train  to  accom- 
pany them  to  France,  chose  his  best  grooms  for  this  mission, 
clothed  them  in  magnificent  liveries,  and  imposed  but  one  con- 
dition on  all  this  parade,  namely,  that,  while  travelling  in 
France,  his  grooms  should  attend  Mass  every  Sunday.  A 
promise  was  given  that  his  desire  should  be  complied  with, 
and  his  joy  at  making  a  handsome  present  to  the  First  Consul 
was  then  unalloyed.  Though  fond  of  France,  this  excellent 
prince  had  a  notion  that  it  was  impossible  for  a  man  to  live  in 
that  country  many  days,  without  wholly  forsaking  the  religion 
of  his  forefathers. 

The  4clat  of  these  demonstrations  suited  well  the  views  of  the 
First  Consul.  It  gratified  him ;  he  thought  it  useful  to  sliow 
to  Europe,  and  even  to  France,  the  successors  of  Charles  V., 
the  descendants  of  Louis  XIV.,  taking  honour  to  themselves 
from  their  personal  relations  with  him.  But  he  songlit  more 
solid  advantages  in  his  diplomatic  relations,  and  aimed  at  a 
more  important  object. 

The  King  and  Queen  of  Spain  were  passionately  fond  of  one 
of  their  children,  the  Infanta  Maria  Louisa,  wife  of  the  Here- 
ditary Prince  of  Parma.  The  queen,  sister,  as  we  have  said,  of 
the  reigning  Duke  of  Parma,  had  united  her  daughter  to  her 
nephew,  and  concentrated  upon  this  couple  her  fondest  afibc- 
tions ;  for  she  was  most  ardently  attached  to  the  house  from 
which  she  sprang.  She  meditated  an  aggrandisement  for  that 
house  in  Italy,  and,  as  Italy  was  at  the  disposal  of  the  conqueror 
of  Marengo,  it  was  on  him  that  slie  rested  all  her  liopes  of 
obtaining  the  accomplishment  of  her  wishes.  The  First  Consul, 
apprised  of  those  wishes,  took  care  not  to  neglect  this  way  of 
arriving  at  his  ends;  and  he  despatched  to  Madrid  liis  faithful 
Berthier,  in  order  to  profit  l)y  the  circumstance  that  ])res('nte<l 
itself.  This  was  the  first  subject  of  his  attention  on  his  return 
from  Marengo.  If  he  had  sent  one  of  his  aides-(le-eani]»  to 
Berlin  and  to  Vienna,  he  resolved  to  do  more  for  the  court  <if 
Spain;  he  resolved  to  send  thither  the  man  who  had  the  lar^ost 
share  in  his  glory;  for  Berthier  was  then  the  Pariuenio  of  llit> 
modern  Alexander. 

It  was  at  the  very  moment  when  the  First  Consul  was  wvu)- 
tiating  the  preliminaries  of  peace  with  M.  de  St.  .Inlicn.  wlim 
he  was  seducing  the  inilannnal)le  heart  of  Paul  I.,  and  tonuMii  iiii: 
in  the  North  the  (|uarrel  of  the  neutral  powers:  it  was  at  this 
moment  that  he  d('s])atclic<l  (icncral  iJerlliiei'  in  all  ha>tc  \n 
Madrid.  IL;  set  out  towards  the  ciul  of  .Vu-nst  ( lM--iniiinLr 
of  Fructidor),  without  oilicial  title,  l)ut   with  the  certainty  nt 

YOU   1.  V 


338  HISTORY  OF  THE  aug  1800 

producing  a  great  effect  by  his  mere  presence,  and  with  secret 
powers  for  treating  on  the  most  important  subjects. 

His  journey  embraced  several  objects ;  the  tirst  was,  to  visit 
the  principal  seaports  of  the  Peninsula,  to  ascertain  their  state 
and  their  resources,  and,  money  in  hand,  to  urge  expeditions  for 
Malta  and  for  Egypt.  Berthier  quickly  performed  this  task,  and 
then  hastened  to  Madrid  to  fulfil  the  more  important  mission 
with  which  he  was  charged.  The  First  Consul  was  quite  willing 
to  grant  an  increase  of  territory  to  the  house  of  Parma  ;  he  was 
even  disposed  to  add  to  this  aggrandisement  a  new  title,  that 
of  king,  which  would  have  crowned  the  wishes  of  the  queen ; 
but  he  required  to  be  paid  for  these  concessions  in  two  ways : 
firstly,  by  the  restitution  of  Louisiana  to  France ;  secondly,  by 
a  threatening  injunction  to  the  court  of  Portugal,  for  the  purpose 
of  deciding  it  to  make  peace  with  the  Eepublic  and  to  break 
with  England. 

The  motives  of  the  First  Consul  for  requiring  such  conditions 
were  these  : — Since  Kleber's  death,  he  began  to  be  uneasy  about 
the  preservation  of  Egypt,  and  he  shared  with  all  his  contem- 
poraries the  ambition  of  distant  possessions.  The  rivalry  between 
France  and  England,  which,  for  a  century  past,  had  fought  solely 
for  the  East  and  West  Indies,  had  inflamed  to  the  highest  degree 
the  passion  for  possessing  colonies.  In  case  of  Egypt  being 
wrested  from  us,  the  First  Consul  wished  to  achieve  something 
for  the  colonial  greatness  of  France.  He  cast  his  eye  over  the 
map  of  the  world,  and  beheld  a  magnificent  province,  situated 
between  Mexico  and  the  United  States,  formerly  belonging  to 
France,  ceded,  in  a  time  of  abasement,  by  Louis  XV.,  to  Charles 
III.,  seriously  threatened  by  the  English  and  the  Americans,  so 
long  as  it  should  be  in  the  impotent  hands  of  the  Spaniards,  of 
little  value  to  the  latter,  who  possessed  half  the  American  con- 
tinent, but  of  great  value  to  the  French,  who  had  no  possession 
in  that  part  of  America,  and  capable  of  being  made  productive, 
when  the  activity  of  the  latter  should  be  specially  concen- 
trated on  its  territory  :  this  province  was  Louisiana.  If  Egypt, 
lost  to  us,  could  no  longer  furnish  us  with  a  compensation  for 
St.  Domingo,  the  First  Consul  hoped  to  find  it  in  Louisiana. 

He  demanded  it  formally,  therefore,  of  Spain,  as  the  price  of 
an  acquisition  in  Italy.  He  required,  in  addition,  that  part  of 
the  Spanish  fleet  blocked  up  in  the  roads  of  Brest  should  be 
given  to  him.  As  for  Portugal,  he  wished  to  take  advantage  of 
the  geographical  position  of  Spain  in  regard  to  that  country,  and 
of  the  ties  of  consanguinity  which  united  the  two  reigning  houses 
of  the  Peninsula,  to  detach  it  from  the  alliance  with  England. 
The  Prince  of  Brazil,  Pegent  of  Portugal,  was,  in  fact,  son-in-law 
of  the  King  and  Queen  of  Spain.  The  court  of  Madrid,  there- 
fore, possessed  not  only  the  power  of  neighbourhood,  but  also 


AUG.  i8oo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  339 

family  influence,  and  it  was  a  fit  occasion  for  employing  this 
twofold  medium  for  driving  the  English  from  this  part  of  the 
Continent.  The  English,  once  excluded  from  Portugal,  when  the 
coasts  of  Prussia,  Denmark,  Eussia,  and  Sweden  were  about  to 
be  closed  against  them,  when  Xaples,  doomed  to  submit  to  the 
will  of  France,  was  going  to  receive  orders  to  forbid  them  her 
ports — the  English  would  soon  be  excluded  from  the  whole  of 
the  Continent. 

Such  were  the  proposals  which  Berthier  was  ordered  to  carry 
to  Madrid.  He  was  cordially  received  by  the  king,  the  queen, 
the  Prince  of  Peace,  and  by  all  the  grandees  of  Spain,  curious 
to  see  the  man,  whose  name  always  figured  beside  that  of 
General  Bonaparte  in  the  military  bulletins  of  these  times.  The 
conditions  of  France  appeared  hard,  yet  no  serious  resistance 
could  be  made  to  them.  D'Urquijo,  the  minister,  alone,  fearing 
the  etl'ect  which  this  cession  might  produce  upon  the  Spaniards, 
showed  rather  more  opposition  than  the  court.  Keasons  incon- 
testably  good  were  adduced  to  make  him  easy.  He  was  told 
that  it  would  take  a  large  extent  of  territory  on  the  yet  unin- 
habited banks  of  the  Mississippi  to  form  an  equivalent  for  the 
smallest  possessions  in  Italy ;  that  the  Spaniards  needed,  in  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico,  allies  such  as  the  French  against  the  English 
and  the  Americans ;  that,  if  Louisiana  was  of  great  value  to 
France,  stripped  of  all  her  colonial  possessions,  it  was  of  scarcely 
any  to  Spain,  already  so  rich  in  the  Xew  World;  that  an  increase 
of  influence  in  Italy  would  be  worth  more  to  Spain  than  a 
distant  territory,  situated  in  a  region  where  she  had  more  land 
than  she  could  work  and  defend  ;  that  it  was  an  ancient  French 
possession,  wrung  from  the  weakness  of  Louis  XV.,  and  which 
Charles  III.  himself,  with  that  upright  spirit  which  was  known 
to  all  the  world,  had  for  a  moment  refused,  so  convinced  was 
he  that  it  was  not  his  due.  These  reasons  were  excellent,  and 
assuredly,  under  these  circumstances,  Spain  was  not  asked  to 
give  more  than  she  received.  But  what  decided  M.  d  Trquijo 
more  than  all  the  best  arguments,  was  tlio  fear  of  oflcnding 
France,  and  thwarting  a  combination  to  whicli  his  court  was 
attached  with  a  sort  of  passion. 

An  eventual  treaty  was  agreed  upon.  Wy  tliis  treaty,  tlie 
First  Consul  promised  to  obtain  for  the  Duke  of  Parma  an  in- 
crease of  dominions  in  Italy  of  al)out  1,200,000  souls;  to  ensure 
to  him,  moreover,  the  title  of  king,  and  the  acknowledgnieuL 
of  this  new  rank  by  all  the  sovereigns  of  Euro])e,  at  tlie  general 
peace.  As  soon  as  part  of  these  conditions  were  fultilleil.  S])ain, 
in  return,  was  to  cede  back  to  France  Louisiana,  witli  the 
same  extent  of  territoiy  which  that  province  had  when  it  was 
ceded  by  Louis  XV.  to  Charles  111  ,  and  to  give,  moreover,  six 
ships  of  the  line,  riggtnl,  arnied,  ready  to  I'eceiv*'  ilieir  crews. 


340  HISTORY  OF  THE  aug.  1800 

This  treaty,  signed  by  Berthier  at  Madrid,  filled  the  queen  with 
joy,  and  raised  the  infatuation  of  the  court  of  Spain  for  the 
First  Consul  to  the  highest  pitch. 

The  last  condition,  which  had  for  its  object  to  force  Portugal 
to  break  with  England,  was  easy,  for  it  was  as  accordant  with 
the  interests  of  Spain  as  with  those  of  France.  Spain,  in  fact, 
was  equally  interested  with  France  in  weakening  the  power  of 
England,  and  above  all  in  excluding  her  from  the  Continent.  In 
this  the  First  Consul  did  no  more  than  rouse  her  from  her  unpar- 
donable apathy,  and  urge  her  to  make  use  of  an  influence  which 
she  ought  long  since  to  have  employed.  He  went  still  further 
in  his  plans  relative  to  this  point :  he  proposed  to  Charles  IV., 
if  the  court  of  Lisbon  should  not  comply  immediately  with 
the  injunction  given  it,  to  pass  the  frontiers  of  Portugal  with 
an  army,  to  seize  one  or  two  provinces,  and  to  keep  them  as 
pledges,  for  the  purpose  of  afterwards  obliging  England  to  re- 
store the  Spanish  colonies  which  she  had  taken,  in  order  to  save 
the  dominions  of  her  ally.  For  his  part,  if  Charles  IV.  did  not 
conceive  himself  strong  enough  to  undertake  this  enterprise, 
he  offered  him  the  assistance  of  a  French  army.  That  kind- 
hearted  king  did  not  ask  for  so  much.  The  Prince  of  Brazil 
was  his  son-in-law ;  he  had  no  wish,  therefore,  to  take  provinces 
from  him,  even  though  they  were  only  to  serve  as  pledges  for 
the  restitution  of  Spanish  provinces.  But  he  addressed  to  him 
the  most  pressing  exhortations,  and  even  added  threats  of  war, 
if  his  advice  was  not  attended  to.  The  court  of  Lisbon  promised 
to  send  a  negotiator  immediately  to  Madrid,  to  confer  with  the 
ambassador  of  France. 

Berthier  returned  to  Paris  loaded  with  the  favours  of  the 
court  of  Spain,  and  could  assure  the  First  Consul  that  he  had 
friends  entirely  devoted  to  him  in  Madrid.  The  magnificent 
horses  sent  by  Charles  IV.  arrived  nearly  about  the  same  time, 
and  were  presented  to  the  First  Consul  in  the  Place  du  Carrousel, 
at  one  of  those  great  reviews,  in  which  he  delighted  to  show  to 
the  Parisians  and  to  foreigners  the  soldiers  who  had  conquered 
Europe.  An  immense  concourse  of  curious  persons  came  to 
see  those  beautiful  animals  and  those  grooms  in  splendid  live- 
ries, which  reminded  the  spectator  of  the  pageantries  of  ancient 
monarchy,  and  bore  evidence  to  the  respect,  the  extraordinary 
attentions,  of  the  oldest  courts  of  Europe  for  the  new  head  of 
the  French  Eepublic. 

At  this  moment,  three  American  negotiators,  Messrs.  Oliver 
Ellsworth,  Eichardson  Davie,  and  Van  Murray,  sent  to  reconcile 
France  and  the  United  States,  arrived  in  Paris.  That  Eepublic, 
swayed  by  interest  much  more  than  gratitude,  above  all, 
governed  at  that  time  by  the  policy  of  the  Federalist  party, 
had  drawn  closer  to  Great  Britain  during  the  late  war,  and  had 


AUG.  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  341 

been  wanting  not  only  to  France  but  likewise  to  herself  in  desert- 
ing the  principles  of  the  maritime  neutrality.  Forgetful  of  the 
treaty  of  alliance  of  1778,  to  which  she  owed  her  existence,  a 
treaty  which  bound  her  not  to  grant  to  others  commercial  advan- 
tages which  were  not  at  the  same  time  extended  to  the  French, 
she  had  conceded  extraordinary  and  exclusive  advantages  to 
Great  Britain.  Giving  up  the  principle  that  "  the  flag  covers 
the  goods,"  she  had  admitted  that  an  enemy's  property  may  be 
searched  for  on  board  a  neutral  bottom,  and  seized  if  its  origin 
were  ascertained.  This  conduct  was  alike  impolitic  and  dis- 
honourable. The  Directory,  naturally  much  irritated,  had  had 
recourse  to  the  system  of  reprisals,  declaring  that  France  would 
treat  neutrals  as  they  suffered  England  to  treat  them.  Proceed- 
ing from  one  harsh  step  to  another,  it  had  come  to  a  state  of 
almost  declared  war  with  America,  but  without  actual  hostilities. 

Such  was  the  state  of  things  which  the  First  Consul  had  it 
much  at  heart  to  put  an  end  to.  We  have  seen  what  honours 
he  paid  to  Washington,  with  the  twofold  intention  of  produc- 
ing an  effect  both  at  home  and  al)road :  he  appointed  three 
plenipotentiaries,  his  brother  Joseph  Bonaparte,  and  the  two 
councillors  of  State  Fleurieu  and  Kccderer,  to  arrange  matters 
with  the  American  plenipotentiaries,  and  earnestly  pressed  the 
conclusion  of  the  negotiation,  in  order  to  give  England  very 
soon  a  new  adversary,  by  placing  another  power  on  the  list  of 
those  who  would  engage  to  cause  the  true  principles  of  maritime 
neutrality  to  lie  observed.  The  first  obstacle  to  a  reconciliation 
was  the  article  by  which  the  United  States  promised  to  France 
a  share  in  the  commercial  advantages  granted  by  lier  to  all 
nations.  This  obligation  not  to  concede  anything  to  others 
without  conceding  as  much  to  us  occasioned  the  Americans 
great  embarrassment.  Their  negotiators  manifested  no  dis- 
position to  yield  on  this  point,  but  appeared  ready  to  acknow- 
ledge and  to  defend  the  riglits  of  neutrals,  and  to  re-establish, 
in  their  stipulations  with  France,  the  principles  which  they 
had  abandoned  in  treating  with  England.  The  First  Consul, 
who  was  much  more  tenacious  of  the  principles  of  the  maritime 
neutrality  than  of  the  comniereial  advantages  of  the  treaty  of 
1778,  which  had  become  illusory  in  ])ractic(>,  the  First  Consul 
directed  his  brother  to  waive  the  point,  and  to  conclude  an 
arrangement  with  the  American  envoys,  ]»rovide(l  there  could 
be  obtained  from  them  a  comjiletc;  and  formal  recognition  of 
the  principles  of  the  law  of  nations  which  it  was  inii)orlant  to 
enforce.  This  difliculty  renioNcd,  the  parties  so(»n  ai^reed  al)out 
all  the  rest,  and  at  this  moment  a  treaty  of  reconciliation  was 
preparing  to  be  signed  with  the  United  States. 

Another  reconciliation,  of  much  greater  im])ortance  still,  that 
of  the  llepublic  with  the  Holy  See,  began  to  pn'duce  its  fruit. 


342  HISTORY  OF  THE  aug.  1800 

The  new  Pope,  elected  in  the  vague  hope  of  an  accommodation 
with  France,  had  beheld  this  hope,  to  which  he  owed  his 
elevation,  realised.  General  Bonaparte,  as  we  have  related, 
returning  from  Marengo,  had  transmitted  some  overtures  to 
Pius  VII.  through  Cardinal  Martiniana,  Bishop  of  Vercelli,  assur- 
ing him  that  he  had  no  intention  to  re-establish  the  Roman 
and  Parthenopean  Eepublics,  instituted  by  the  Directory.  He 
had  certainly  enough  to  do  in  Italy,  with  the  Cisalpine  Re- 
public to  constitute,  to  direct,  and  to  defend  against  the  policy 
and  the  interests  of  all  Europe.  General  Bonaparte  required 
in  return  that  the  new  pontiff  should  lend  the  aid  of  his 
spiritual  authority  in  re-establishing  peace  and  concord  in 
France.  The  Pope  joyfully  received  Count  Alciati,  nephew  of 
Cardinal  Martiniana,  who  was  charged  to  carry  the  overtures 
of  the  First  Consul ;  he  sent  him  back  immediately  to  Vercelli, 
to  declare,  in  his  name,  that  though  disposed  to  co-operate 
with  the  First  Consul,  in  effecting  an  object  so  important  and 
so  dear  to  the  Church,  still  he  wished  first  to  be  made  ac- 
quainted in  a  somewhat  more  precise  manner  with  the  views 
of  the  French  cabinet.  The  cardinal,  in  consequence,  wrote 
from  Vercelli  to  Paris,  to  communicate  the  dispositions  and 
the  wishes  of  the  new  Pope.  The  First  Consul,  in  reply,  asked 
for  a  negotiator,  with  whom  he  could  enter  into  direct  ex- 
planation, and  the  Pope  immediately  appointed  Monsignor 
Spina,  Bishop  of  Corinth,  nuncio  of  the  Holy  See  at  Florence. 
This  envoy,  having  first  repaired  to  Vercelli,  resolved  to  set 
out  for  France,  at  the  urgent  solicitation  of  the  First  Consul, 
who,  by  bringing  this  negotiation  under  his  own  eye,  thought 
to  make  the  more  sure  of  its  success.  On  the  part  of  the  First 
Consul,  it  was  a  ticklish  step  to  bring  to  Paris  a  representative 
of  the  Holy  See,  especially  in  the  state  of  the  public  mind, 
which  was  not  yet  prepared  for  a  sight  of  this  kind.  It  was 
agreed  that  Monsignor  Spina  should  not  have  any  official  title, 
and  that  he  should  profess  himself  to  be  Bishop  of  Corinth, 
charged  to  treat  with  the  French  government  on  the  affairs 
of  the  Roman  government. 

During  these  negotiations,  so  actively  and  so  ably  conducted 
with  all  the  powers,  M.  de  St.  Julien,  who  had  signed  and  was 
the  bearer  of  the  preliminaries  of  peace,  had  proceeded  for 
Vienna,  accompanied  by  Duroc.  xlware  of  the  imprudence  of 
his  conduct,  he  had  not  concealed  from  M.  de  Talleyrand  that 
he  was  not  sure  he  should  be  able  to  take  Duroc  on  to  Vienna. 
The  illusion  of  the  minister  would  not  allow  him  to  give  heed 
to  this  difficulty  ;  and  it  was  agreed  that  M.  de  St.  Julien  and 
Duroc  should  take  the  headquarters  of  M.  de  Kray,  established 
at  Alt-Qittingen,  near  the  Inn,  in  their  way,  to  obtain  from 
that   general   passports    permitting   Duroc    to    enter   Austria. 


AUG.  i8oo       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  343 

They  reached  the  headquarters  on  the  4th  of  August  1800 
(i6th  Thermidor,  year  VIIL),  but  Duroc  was  detained,  and  not 
suffered  to  pass  the  limit  fixed  by  the  armistice.  This  was  a 
first  and  by  no  means  favourable  sign  of  the  reception  which 
the  preliminaries  were  likely  to  meet  with.  M.  de  St.  Julien 
then  set  off  alone  for  Vienna,  telling  Duroc  that  he  would 
apply  for  passports  for  him  and  send  them  to  the  head- 
quarters if  he  obtained  them.  M.  de  St.  Julien  then  sought 
audience  of  the  emperor,  and  delivered  to  him  the  articles 
which  he  had  signed  in  Paris,  on  condition  of  ratification  and 
secrecy.  The  emperor  w^as  greatly  surprised  and  dissatisfied 
at  the  extraordinary  latitude  which  M.  de  St.  Julien  had 
given  to  his  instructions.  It  was  not  precisely  the  conditions 
contained  in  the  preliminary  articles  which  displeased  him  : 
it  was  the  fear  of  being  compromised  with  England,  which 
had  just  assisted  him  with  her  money,  and  was  extremely 
suspicious.  He  was  prepared,  it  is  true,  to  go  so  far  as  to 
communicate  part  of  his  intentions,  for  the  purpose  of  dis- 
covering those  of  the  First  Consul ;  but  he  would  not  at  any 
price  have  signed  any  document  whatever,  for  that  would  infer 
a  negotiation  opened  without  the  participation  of  the  British 
cabinet.  Therefore,  in  spite  of  the  danger  of  provoking  <i 
storm  on  the  part  of  France,  the  imperial  cabinet  resolved  to 
disavow  M.  de  St.  Julien.  That  officer  was  publicly  very  ill- 
treated,  and  sent  into  a  sort  of  exile  in  one  of  the  remote 
provinces  of  the  empire.  The  preliminaries  were  considered 
as  null,  having  been  signed,  though  provisionally,  by  an  agent 
without  character  and  without  powers.  J)uroc  received  no 
passports,  and,  after  waiting  till  the  13th  of  August  (25th 
Thermidor),  he  was  obliged  to  return  to  Paris. 

All  this,  independently  of  the  delay  in  the  conclusion  of 
peace  which  it  created,  was  very  disagreeable  to  say  to  the  First 
Consul ;  and  Austria  had  reason  to  fear  the  effect  of  such  a 
communication  on  his  irritable  character.  It  was  very  possible 
that  he  might  leave  Paris  immediately.  ])ut  liimself  at  the  liead 
of  the  armies  of  the  Pepublie,  and  marcli  upon  Vienna.  The 
court  of  Austria  resolved,  therefore,  while  disavowing  tlie  pre- 
liminaries, not  to  make  a  rupture  of  tliat  disavowal,  and  to 
propose  to  the  French  government  the  immediate  o]K'niiig  of  a 
congress.  Lord  ]\Iinlo,  representative  of  the  I>ritish  cabinet  at 
Vienna,  consented  to  sutler  Austria  to  negotiate,  but  on  cdii- 
dition  that  England  should  be  a  party  to  the  negotiation.  It 
was  agreed  witli  liim  t<»  propose  iliplomatie  conferences  in  wliicli 
England  and  Austria  sliuuld  alike  take  part.  In  conseinience, 
M.  de  Thu'jut  wrote  to  M.  de  Tallevrand,  under  date  of  the 
lltb  of  August  (23id  Thennidor).  thai,  tliouuh  disavowing 
the  imprudent  conducl  of  ^\.  de  St.  . I  alien,  the  emju'ror  was 


344  HISTORY  OF  THE  aug.  1800 

nevertheless  earnestly  desirous  of  peace ;  that  he,  therefore, 
proposed  the  immediate  opening  of  a  congress,  in  France  itself, 
at  Schelestadt,  or  Luneville,  whichever  the  French  government 
pleased ;  that  Great  Britain  was  ready  to  send  a  plenipoten- 
tiary ;  and  that,  if  the  First  Consul  assented  to  this,  a  general 
peace  might  soon  be  restored  to  the  world.  The  whole  was 
clothed  in  the  language  most  likely  to  soothe  the  impetuous 
disposition  of  him  who  then  governed  France. 

When  the  First  Consul  received  these  tidings,  he  was  highly 
irritated.  He  was  offended,  in  the  first  place,  at  the  disavowal 
of  the  officer  who  had  treated  with  him,  and  in  the  next,  he 
saw  with  mortification  that  peace  was  deferred.  He  perceived, 
above  all,  in  the  presence  of  England  at  the  negotiation,  a  cause 
of  interminable  delays ;  for  there  was  much  more  difficulty  in 
concluding  a  maritime  than  a  continental  peace.  On  the  spur 
of  the  moment,  and  under  the  influence  of  a  first  impression,  he 
was  for  raising  an  outcry,  denouncing  Austria  as  having  violated 
her  faith,  and  commencing  hostilities  forthwith.  M.  de  Talley- 
rand, sensible  that  he  had  himself  done  wrong  in  treating  with 
a  plenipotentiary  without  powers,  endeavoured  to  pacify  the 
First  Consul.  The  matter  was  submitted  to  the  Council  of 
State.  This  great  body,  which  is  now  nothing  more  than  an 
administrative  tribunal,  was  then  a  real  council  of  government. 
The  minister  laid  before  it  a  detailed  report.  "  The  First 
Consul,"  said  he  in  his  report,  "  has  thought  fit  to  convoke  an 
extraordinary  meeting  of  the  Council  of  State,  and,  trusting  to 
its  discretion  as  well  as  to  its  wisdom,  he  has  charged  me  to 
communicate  to  it  the  most  minute  details  of  the  negotiation 
which  has  taken  place  with  the  court  of  Vienna."  Having 
unfolded  that  negotiation,  as  one  might  have  done  before  a 
council  of  ministers,  M.  de  Talleyrand  acknowledged  that  the 
Austrian  plenipotentiary  had  no  powers ;  that,  in  negotiating 
with  him,  the  possibility  of  a  disavowal  ought  to  have  been  fore- 
seen ;  that,  in  consequence,  there  was  no  establishing  a  polemiquc 
d'apparat  on  this  subject;  and  that  a  violent  outbreak  ought  to 
be  avoided.  But,  referring  to  the  example  of  the  negotiations 
for  the  peace  of  Westphalia,  which  had  long  preceded  the  sig- 
nature of  the  treaty  of  Munster,  and  during  which  the  parties 
continued  to  negotiate  and  fight,  he  proposed  that  the  opening 
of  a  congress  should  bo  agreed  to,  and  at  the  same  time  that 
hostilities  should  be  recommenced. 

This  was,  in  fact,  the  wisest  course  that  could  be  pursued.  It 
was  expedient  to  treat,  since  the  hostile  powers  had  made  France 
an  offer  to  do  so,  but  also  to  profit  by  the  state  of  our  armies,  quite 
ready  to  take  the  field  afresh,  and  that  of  the  Austrian  armies 
not  yet  recovered  from  their  defeats,  to  force  Austria  to  negotiate 
in  earnest,  and  to  separate  herself  from  Great  Britain. 


AUG.  rSoo       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  345 

There  was,  however,  one  thing  which  might  be  tried  that  had 
also  its  advantages;  and  the  First  Consul  discovered  it  with 
his  usual  sagacity.  England  proposed  a  joint  negotiation.  In 
admitting  her  to  a  congress,  there  was  a  danger  of  introducing 
a  contracting  party  in  no  hurry  to  conclude,  and  the  danger, 
more  especially,  of  clogging  the  continental  peace  with  all  the 
difficulties  of  the  maritime  peace  :  time  would,  therefore,  elapse 
in  negotiations  either  insincere  or  rendered  more  difficult ;  the 
season  for  fighting  would  be  suffered  to  pass  away,  and  thus  the 
Austrian  armies  would  gain  a  respite  which  they  greatly  needed. 
These  were  serious  inconveniences.  But  a  compensation  might 
be  found  for  them  all ;  it  was  this  :  since  England  desired  to  be 
admitted  to  the  negotiation,  to  admit  her,  but  on  one  condition, 
that  of  concluding  a  naval  armistice  also.  If  England  assented 
to  this,  the  benefits  of  the  naval  armistice  would  far  surpass 
the  inconveniences  of  the  C(jntinental  armistice  ;  for  our  fieets, 
navigating  wherever  they  pleased,  would  Ije  enabled  to  provision 
Malta  and  to  carry  soldiers  and  maUriel  to  Egypt.  For  such  an 
advantage,  the  First  Consul  would  gladly  have  run  the  risk  of 
an  extra  campaign  on  the  Continent.  A  naval  armistice  was 
no  doubt  something  quite  new,  quite  unusual,  in  the  law  of 
nations  ;  but  it  was  fair  that  the  Anglo- Austrian  alliance  should 
pay  in  some  manner  for  the  sacrifice  which  we  made  on  our 
part  in  suspending  the  march  of  our  legions  for  Vienna. 

We  had  residing  in  London  a  discreet  and  skilful  negotiator, 
M.  Otto,  who  was  there  for  the  purpose  of  treating  of  matters 
relative  to  the  prisoners  of  war.  He  had  even  been  chosen  by 
our  cabinet,  with  a  view  to  make  use  of  him  on  the  first  occasion, 
either  to  make  or  to  listen  to  overtures.  He  was  instructed 
specially  to  address  himself  to  the  Ikitish  cabinet,  and  plum])ly 
propose  the  question  of  a  naval  armistice.  In  this  mode  of 
proceeding  the  First  Consul  found  the  advantage  of  getting  on 
faster,  and  of  negotiating  his  business  directly,  wliich  lie  always 
liked  to  do  better  than  to  enqjloy  agents.  On  the  24lh  of 
August  (6th  Fructidor,  year  VIII.),  instructions  confuriiiable 
with  this  new  plan  of  negotiation  were  sent  to  ]\I.  Otto.  On  the 
same  day,  the  communications  from  Vienna  were  answered  in  a 
very  harsh  tone.  In  this  answer,  the  refu.sal  to  admit  tlic  ])re- 
liminaries  was  attrilnited  to  the  subsidiary  treaty  signed  on  the; 
20th  of  June  last ;  the  French  government  disdainful!}  dcjilon-d 
tlie  dependence  in  wliicli  the  emperor  was  i)lace(l  in  regard  to 
England  ;  it  assented  to  a  congress  at  Luneville,  but  added,  tliat 
they  must  nevertheless  tight  while  negotiating,  because,  in  ])ro- 
posing  a  joint  negcjtiation,  Austria  had  woi  taken  the  ])rec,iution 
to  provide,  as  a  natural  condition,  for  a  sus)>ension  of  arms  by  land 
and  sea.  Tiiis  was  one  way  of  iinhu-ing  Austrian  diploniaey  itself 
to  make  an  eflbrt  in  London  for  ol)tainin<'  a  naval  armistice. 


346  HISTORY  OF  THE  sept.  1800 

Negotiations  were  opened  in  London  between  M.  Otto  and 
Captain  George,  the  head  of  the  Transport  Office.  They  lasted 
during  the  whole  month  of  September.  M.  Otto  proposed,  on 
the  part  of  France,  that  hostilities  should  be  suspended  by  land 
and  sea ;  that  all  the  vessels  both  of  commerce  and  war  of  the 
belligerent  nations  should  be  allowed  to  sail  freely;  that  the 
ports  belonging  to  Prance,  or  occupied  by  her  armies,  such  as 
Malta  and  Alexandria,  should  be  assimilated  to  the  fortresses  of 
Philipsburg,  Ulm,  and  Ingolstadt,  in  Germany,  which,  though 
blockaded  by  our  armies,  were  nevertheless  to  receive  provisions 
and  supplies.  M.  Otto,  treating  frankly,  admitted  that  France 
would  derive  great  advantages  from  this  arrangement ;  but  he 
added,  that  she  ought  to  have  very  great  advantages,  to  com- 
pensate her  for  the  concession  which  she  made  in  suffering 
the  summer  to  pass  away  without  completing  the  destruction 
of  the  Austrian  forces. 

The  sacrifice  required  of  England  in  this  demand  was  one 
which  nothing  was  capable  of  wringing  from  her.  It  would,  in 
fact,  be  permitting  the  revictualling  of  Malta  and  Egypt,  and 
thus  perhaps  ensuring  for  ever  those  two  possessions  to  France  ; 
it  would  also  be  permitting  the  grand  combined  French  and 
Spanish  fleet  to  leave  Brest,  to  sail  into  the  Mediterranean,  and 
to  take  a  position  there,  which  would  render  it  afresh  master  of 
that  sea  for  a  longer  or  a  shorter  time.  England,  therefore, 
could  not  assent  to  such  a  proposal.  Still  the  danger  of  Austria 
touched  her  deeply ;  she  had  an  important  interest  in  not 
suffering  her  to  be  crushed ;  for,  if  Austria  were  crushed, 
General  Bonaparte,  having  the  full  command  of  his  means, 
would  be  able  to  attempt  some  formidable  enterprise  against 
the  British  Islands.  In  consequence,  she  deemed  it  expedient 
to  make  sacrifices  to  an  interest  of  this  kind ;  and,  while  crying 
out  against  the  strangeness  of  a  naval  armistice,  she  presented 
a  counter-project,  dated  the  7th  of  September  1800  (20th 
Fructidor,  year  VIIL).  To  begin  with,  she  assented  to  Lune- 
ville  as  the  place  of  the  congress,  and  appointed  Mr.  Thomas 
Grenville,  brother  of  the  minister  for  foreign  affairs,  to  treat 
for  the  general  peace.  She  next  proposed  the  following  system 
respecting  the  naval  armistice.  All  hostilities  were  to  be 
suspended  by  land  and  sea :  the  suspension  of  arms  was  to 
extend  not  only  to  the  three  l^elligerent  parties,  Austria, 
England,  and  France,  but  to  their  allies.  This  arrangement 
was  designed  to  deliver  Portugal  from  the  threatening  remon- 
strances of  Spain.  The  maritime  places  which  were  blockaded, 
such  as  Malta  and  Alexandria,  were  to  be  assimilated  to  the 
places  in  Germany  and  to  be  provisioned  every  fortnight  in 
proportion  to  the  consumption  which  had  taken  place  during 
the  interval  of  time  clasped.     The  ships  of  the  line  lying  at 


SEPT.  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  347 

Brest  and  other  ports  were  not  to  be  at  liberty  to  change  their 
station  during  the  armistice. 

This  counter-project  was,  on  the  part  of  England,  rather  a 
testimony  of  good-will  towards  Austria  than  an  actual  con- 
cession on  the  important  point  of  the  negotiation.  Malta 
might,  no  doubt,  gain  something  by  being  provisioned  for  a  few- 
months  ;  but  Egypt  needed  no  provisions.  It  was  soldiers, 
muskets,  cannon,  that  it  wanted,  and  not  corn,  which  it  had  to 
spare  to  all  the  world. 

France,  however,  by  yielding  on  some  points,  might  still  find 
in  the  naval  armistice  advantages  sufficiently  great  to  induce  its 
acceptance,  even  with  modifications. 

On  the  2ist  of  September  (the  4th  complementary  day  of  the 
year  VIII.),  the  First  Consul  made  a  proposal,  which  was  the 
last.  He  consented  that  ships  of  the  line  should  not  be  allowed 
to  change  their  station,  which  condenmed  the  combined  squadron 
of  Spain  and  France  to  remain  blocked  up  in  Brest :  he  required 
that  Malta  should  be  revictualled  every  fifteen  days,  at  the  rate 
of  10,000  rations  per  day  ;  he  consented  that  Egypt  should  con- 
tinue blockaded ;  but  he  required  that  six  frigates  should  have 
liberty  to  leave  Toulon,  to  sail  to  Alexandria,  and  to  return 
without  being  searched  by  the  British  cruisers. 

His  intention  here  was  clear  enough,  and  he  was  right  not  to 
disguise  an  interest,  which  every  one  would  have  guessed  at 
first  sight.  He  meant  to  arm  these  six  frigates  en  JliUe,  to  load 
them  with  men  and  munitions  of  war,  and  to  send  them  to 
Egypt.  He  hoped  that  they  might  be  made  to  carry  4000 
soldiers,  a  great  quantity  of  muskets,  swords,  bombs,  balls,  &c. 
He  had,  therefore,  sacrificed  everything,  to  confine  himself  to 
his  main  object,  the  revictualling  of  Malta  and  the  recruiting 
of  the  army  in  Egypt. 

But  the  difficulty,  what  effort  soever  might  be  made  on  botli 
sides  to  diminish  it,  remained  at  bottom  the  same.  The  object 
was  to  preserve  j\Ialta  and  Egypt  for  France,  two  points  upon 
which  England  would  not  give  way.  Thus  there  were  no  means 
of  cominw  to  an  understanding;.  The  negotiation  was  relin- 
quished,  on  the  refusal  in  London  to  admit  the  last  plan  for  a 
naval  armistice. 

Before  these  parleys  were  definitively  broken  oil',  the  First 
Consul,  by  way  of  courtesy,  made  a  final  proposal  to  England. 
He  offered  to  renounce  all  armistice,  and,  nevertlieless,  to  treat 
with  her,  but  in  a  separate  negotiation  from  that  wliicli  was 
about  to  commence  with  Austria. 

It  was  now  September  1800.  Several  months  had  been  spent 
in  sterile  negotiations  since  the  victories  of  jMarengo  and  lloeh- 
stett,  and  the  First  Consul  would  not  waste  any  more  time 
without  actinsT. 


348  HISTORY  OF  THE  sept.  1800 

Austria,  when  threatened,  had  replied  that  she  could  not  force 
England  to  sign  a  naval  armistice  ;  that  she  offered,  for  her  own 
part,  to  negotiate  immediately ;  that  she  had  appointed  M.  de 
Lherbach  to  repair  to  Luneville ;  that  he  was  about  to  proceed 
thither  forthwith ;  that  Mr.  Thomas  Grenville  was  waiting,  on 
his  part,  for  passports ;  that  they  could,  therefore,  negotiate 
without  delay ;  but  that  it  was  not  necessary  to  resume  hos- 
tilities during  the  negotiations,  and  to  spill  more  torrents  of 
human  blood.  The  First  Consul,  who  perceived  the  secret 
intention  of  protracting  till  winter  should  arrive,  determined, 
at  length,  on  resuming  hostilities,  and  had  issued  his  orders 
accordingly.  He  had  employed  to  good  purpose  the  two  months 
which  had  elapsed,  and  put  a  finishing  hand  to  the  organisation 
of  the  armies.  His  new  arrangements  in  respect  to  them  were 
as  follows : — 

Moreau,  as  we  have  said,  had  been  obliged  to  send  General 
St.  Suzanne  upon  the  Ehine  with  some  detachments,  for  the 
purpose  of  uniting  the  garrisons  of  Mayence  and  Strasburg,  and 
making  head  against  the  partisans  raised  by  Baron  d'Albini  in 
the  heart  of  Germany.  The  army  of  Moreau  was  in  conse- 
quence weakened,  and,  at  the  same  time,  the  force  so  collected 
was  insufficient  to  cover  his  rear.  The  First  Consul,  to  ward 
off  all  danger  in  that  quarter,  had  hastened  to  complete  the 
Batavian  army,  placed  under  the  command  of  Augereau.  He 
had  formed  it  of  8000  Dutch  and  12,000  French,  drawn  from 
the  troops  which  guarded  Holland  and  the  departments  of  the 
North.  These  troops,  the  most  worn  down  by  the  preceding 
campaigns,  reinvigorated  since  by  rest,  reinforced  by  recruits, 
now  constituted  excellent  corps.  Augereau  had  marched  to 
Frankfort,  where  he  awed  by  his  presence  the  Mayence  levies 
of  Baron  d'Albini  and  the  Austrian  detachments  left  in  the 
environs.  This  precaution  taken,  the  corps  of  St.  Suzanne  re- 
organised, nearly  18,000  strong,  had  returned  to  the  Danube, 
and  again  formed  the  left  wing  of  Moreau.  His  return  raised 
the  active  army  of  the  Ehine  to  more  than  100,000  men. 

When  the  army  of  reserve  liad  thrown  itself  into  Italy,  it  had 
been  obliged  to  leave  behind  part  of  the  corps  destined  to  com- 
pose it,  and  for  the  complete  formation  of  which  there  had  not 
been  time  to  wait.  Instead  of  an  effective  force  of  60,000  men, 
as  was  intended,  it  had  numbered  only  forty  and  some  odd  thou- 
sand. The  First  Consul  had  formed  with  these  corps  left  behind 
a  second  army  of  reserve,  1 5 ,000  strong,  given  the  command  of 
it  to  Macdonald,  and  posted  it  in  the  Grisons,  facing  the  Tyrol, 
which  had  permitted  Moreau  to  draw  him  to  his  right  wing, 
commanded,  as  the  reader  is  aware,  by  Lecourbe,  and  to  unite, 
in  case  of  need,  under  his  hand,  the  entire  mass  of  his  army, 
if  he  should  have  to  force  the  barrier  of  the  Inn. 


SEPT.  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  349 

The  army  of  Italy,  on  its  part,  established  on  the  banks  of 
the  Mincio  by  the  convention  of  Alexandria,  relieved  also  by 
the  presence  of  Macdonald  from  all  concern  about  Switzerland 
and  the  Tyrol,  had  been  enabled  to  draw  its  wings  closer  to  its 
main  body,  and  to  concentrate  itself  in  such  a  manner  that  it 
could  enter  into  action  at  any  moment.  Composed  of  the  troops 
which  had  crossed  the  St.  Bernard,  of  those  which  had  been 
drawn  from  Germany  by  the  St.  Gothard,  lastly,  of  the  troops 
of  Liguria,  which  had  defended  Genoa  and  the  Var,  rested  and 
recruited,  it  presented  a  total  mass  of  about  120,000  men, 
80,000  of  whom  were  assembled  on  the  Mincio.  Massena  had 
at  first  been  appointed  commander-in-chief,  and  he  was,  in  fact, 
the  only  one  capable  of  commanding  it  well.  Unfortunately, 
mischievous  dissensions  had  arisen  between  the  commissariat 
of  the  army  and  the  Italian  governments.  The  army,  though 
stationed  amidst  fertile  Italy,  and  in  possession  of  the  rich 
magazines  left  by  the  Austrians,  had  nevertheless  not  enjoyed 
all  the  plenty  to  which  it  was  entitled  by  its  long  privations. 
It  was  alleged  that  the  commissariat  officers  had  sold  part  of 
these  magazines.  The  governments  of  Piedmont  and  the  Cis- 
alpine, moreover,  complained  that  they  were  drained  by  war 
contributions,  and  refused  to  pay  them.  Amidst  this  confusion, 
heavy  charges  were  preferred  against  the  French  administra- 
tion ;  and  in  these  complaints  General  Massena  himself  was 
included.  The  clamour  soon  became  so  vehement,  that  the 
First  Consul  thought  himself  obliged  to  recall  Massena,  and  to 
appoint  General  Brune  in  his  stead.  Brune,  with  abundance  of 
intelligence  and  courage,  was  but  an  indifferent  general,  and  a 
still  more  indifferent  politician.  He  was  one  of  the  most  zealous 
leaders  of  the  demagogue  party,  which,  however,  did  not  prevent 
him  from  being  devotedly  attached  to  the  First  Consul,  who  was 
thereby  much  gratified.  Not  having  had  it  in  his  power  to 
assign  him  an  active  command  during  the  spring  campaign,  the 
First  Consul  determined  to  give  him  one  during  the  autunni  cam- 
paign. His  victory  in  Holland  caused  him  to  rank  high  in  public 
estimation ;  but  the  recall  of  Massena  was  a  misfortune  for  the 
army,  and  for  the  First  Consul  himself.  ]\lassena,  soured,  was 
about  to  become,  in  spite  of  himself,  a  subject  of  hope  for  a 
multitude  of  intriguers,  who  at  this  moment  were  again  stirring. 
The  First  Consul  was  aware  of  this,  but  he  would  not  suffer 
irregularities  anywhere,  and  one  cannot  blame  him  for  it. 

To  these  four  armies  the  First  Consul  had  added  a  lifth 
assemblage  of  troops  around  x\miens.  He  had  (IclacluHl  from 
the  dend-brigades  left  in  the  interior  the  skeletons  of  llie  com- 
panies of  grenadiers,  recruited  them  with  tine  men,  and  formed 
out  of  them  a  superb  corps  of  9000  or  10,000  picked  soldiers, 
whom  he  intended  to  despatch  in   haste   to  ilie  coast,  if   the 


350  HISTORY  OF  THE  sept.  1800 

English  should  effect  a  landing  on  any  part  of  it,  or  into  Italy, 
to  perform  the  duty  which  Augereau  was  performing  in  Germany, 
that  of  covering  the  wings  and  the  rear  of  the  principal  army. 
Murat  was  appointed  its  commander-in-chief. 

All  this  had  been  accomplished,  as  far  as  related  to  the 
recruiting,  by  means  of  the  levy  ordered  by  the  Legislative 
Body,  and,  with  reference  to  expense,  by  means  of  the  financial 
resources  recently  created.  These  different  corps  were  now  in 
want  of  nothing ;  they  were  well  fed,  well  armed ;  they  had 
horses,  and  a  complete  maUricl. 

The  First  Consul  was  naturally  impatient  to  avail  himself  of 
such  means  to  wring  peace  from  Austria  before  winter.  He, 
therefore,  ordered  Moreau  and  Brune  to  repair  to  their  head- 
quarters, and  to  make  preparations  for  recommencing  hostilities. 
He  directed  Moreau  to  give  the  Austrian  general  the  notice 
stipulated  by  the  armistice,  and  not  to  allow  any  prolongation 
of  the  suspension  of  arms,  unless  on  one  condition,  that  the 
emperor  should  relinquish  to  the  French  the  three  fortresses 
actually  blockaded,  Philipsburg,  Ulm,  and  Ingolstadt.  On  this 
condition  he  consented  to  grant  a  further  respite  of  five  or  six 
weeks.  These  fortresses,  in  fact,  were  worth  the  sacrifice.  Once 
in  possession  of  them,  the  French  would  obtain  an  excellent 
base  of  operation  on  the  Danube ;  they  would  be  reinforced  by 
the  corps  which  were  blockading  them ;  they  would,  moreover, 
have  time  left  to  push  one  wing  of  the  army  of  Italy  upon 
Tuscany  and  the  kingdom  of  ISTaples,  countries  in  which  levies 
en  masse  were  being  raised  at  the  instigation  of  Austria,  and 
with  the  money  of  England.  Such  were  the  orders  despatched 
to  the  headquarters  of  Moreau. 

The  Emperor  of  Germany,  on  his  part,  making  good  use  of 
the  time,  had  employed  with  the  greatest  activity  the  subsidies 
furnished  by  England.  He  hastened  the  new  levies  ordered  in 
Bohemia,  Moravia,  Hungary,  Styria,  and  Carinthia.  Wickham, 
the  English  minister,  had  established  a  sort  of  offices  in  several 
towns  of  Germany,  for  bribing  soldiers  to  fight  for  the  coalition. 
By  means  of  a  fresh  subsidy,  the  Bavarian  and  Wurtemberg 
corps  had  been  considerably  augmented.  Independently  of  the 
sums  paid  to  Austria,  English  recruiting  officers  had  taken  into 
the  direct  pay  of  their  government  two  regiments,  composed  of 
boatmen  plying  on  the  rivers  of  Germany,  and  destined  to  facili- 
tate the  passage  of  them.  Ten  thousand  peasants,  hired  for  the 
purpose,  threw  up,  under  the  direction  of  Austrian  engineers, 
formidable  entrenchments  along  the  whole  line  of  the  Inn,  from 
the  Tyrol  to  the  junction  of  that  river  witli  the  Danube.  All 
was  bustle  from  Vienna  to  jMunich.  The  staff  of  the  Austrian 
army  had  been  totally  changed.  M.  de  Kray,  notwithstanding 
his  experience  and  his  vigour  on  the  field  of  battle,  had  shared 


SEPT.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  351 

the  disgrace  of  M.  de  Melas.  The  Archduke  Ferdinand  himself, 
who  served  under  him,  had  been  removed.  The  Archduke 
John,  a  young  prince  of  highly  cultivated  mind  and  very  brave, 
but  without  experience  in  war,  his  head  full  of  theories,  his 
imagination  struck  by  the  manoeuvres  of  General  Bonaparte, 
and  anxious  to  imitate  him  at  any  rate,  had  been  called  to  the 
supreme  command  of  the  imperial  armies.  This  was  one  of 
those  novelties,  which  people  are  fond  of  trying  in  desperate 
circumstances.  The  emperor  had  repaired  in  person  to  the 
army,  to  review  it,  and  to  excite  the  spirit  of  the  soldiers  by 
his  presence. 

He  passed  several  days  with  the  army,  accompanied  by  M. 
de  Lherbach,  the  negotiator  appointed  to  proceed  to  Luneville, 
and  by  the  young  Archduke  John.  Having  seen  everything, 
examined  everything,  in  company  with  his  advisers,  he  ascer- 
tained that  nothing  was  ready,  that  the  army  was  not  yet 
sufficiently  recruited,  either  in  point  of  materiel  or  courage,  for 
the  immediate  recommencement  of  hostilities.  M.  de  Lherbach 
was,  therefore,  commissioned  to  repair  to  Moreau's  headquarters, 
to  learn  whether  a  prolongation  of  tlie  armistice  for  a  few  days 
could  not  be  obtained  from  the  French  government.  M.  de 
Lherbach  was  informed  by  Moreau  of  the  conditions  fixed  by 
the  First  Consul  for  a  new  suspension  of  arms.  He  consented 
reluctantly  to  these  conditions,  and,  on  the  20th  of  September 
(the  3rd  complementary  day  of  the  year  VIIL),  he  concluded  a 
new  prolongation  of  the  armistice  with  General  Lahorie,  in  the 
village  of  Hohenlinden,  which  was  destined  so  soon  to  become 
celebrated.  The  fortresses  of  Philipsburg,  Ulm,  and  Ingolstadt 
were  to  be  delivered  up  to  the  French  army,  to  be  disposed  of 
as  it  should  think  fit.  In  return,  the  armistice  was  prolonged 
for  forty-five  days,  reckoning  from  the  21st  of  September, 
including  fifteen  days'  notice  of  the  resumption  of  hostilities, 
if  they  were  once  more  to  recommence. 

The  emperor  returned  to  A'ienna,  dissatisfied  with  the  visit 
which  he  had  been  induced  to  pay  to  the  army,  for  that  visit 
had  been  productive  of  no  other  result  than  the  surrender  to 
the  French  of  the  three  strongest  fortresses  in  the  empire. 
That  prince  was  overwhelmed  with  chagrin.  His  subjects 
shared  his  sentiments,  and  accused  M.  de  Thugut  of  being  a 
complete  tool  of  England.  Queen  Caroline  of  Naples  had  just 
arrived  with  Admiral  Nelson  and  Lady  Hamiltcni,  to  support 
the  war  party  in  \'ienna;  but  tlic  public  clamour  was  veliemenl. 
M.  Thugut  was  reproached  for  egregious  fauhs,  such  as  llie 
refusal,  at  the  connnencement  <if  winter,  to  listen  to  the  i)acitic 
proposals  of  the  First  Consul,  the  vicious  direclion  of  the  niili- 
tary  operations,  his  ol)stinacy  in  not  admitting  the  existence  of 
the  arniv  of  reserve,  even  when  it  was  crossinu  the  St.  Deniard, 


352  HISTORY  OF  THE  sept.  1800 

the  concentration  of  the  principal  forces  of  the  empire  in  Liguria, 
with  a  view  to  please  the  English,  who  flattered  themselves 
that  they  should  gain  possession  of  Toulon ;  lastly,  the  engage- 
ment entered  into  with  the  British  government  not  to  treat 
without  it ;  an  engagement  signed  on  the  20th  of  June,  at  a 
moment  when  he  ought,  on  the  contrary,  to  have  preserved  his 
freedom  of  action.  These  reproaches  were,  in  great  part,  well 
founded ;  but,  whether  founded  or  not,  they  had  the  sanction 
of  events ;  for  nothing  had  succeeded  with  M.  de  Thugut,  and 
nations  judge  only  from  results.  M.  de  Thugut  was,  therefore, 
obliged  to  yield  to  circumstances,  and  retired,  still  retaining, 
however,  considerable  influence  over  the  Austrian  cabinet.  M. 
de  Lherbach  was  appointed  to  succeed  him,  and,  as  envoy  to 
the  congress  of  Luneville,  instead  of  M.  de  Lherbach,  was 
selected  a  well-known  diplomatist,  M.  Louis  Cobentzel,  who 
was  personally  acceptable  to  General  Bonaparte,  and  who  had 
negotiated  with  him  the  treaty  of  Campo  Formio.  Hopes  were 
entertained  that  M.  de  Cobentzel  would  prove  a  fitter  person 
than  any  other  for  establishing  amicable  relations  with  the 
French  government,  and  that,  placed  at  Luneville,  at  some 
distance  from  Paris,  he  would  occasionally  visit  that  capital,  to 
have  direct  communication  with  the  First  Consul. 

The  delivery  to  the  French  army  of  the  three  fortresses  of 
Ulm,  Ingolstadt,  and  Philipsburg  took  place  most  seasonably 
for  the  celebration  of  the  fete  of  the  i  st  Vendemiaire.  It  could 
not  fail  to  revive  the  hopes  of  peace,  by  furnishing  evidence  of 
the  extremity  to  which  Austria  was  reduced.  This  fete,  one 
of  the  two  which  the  Constitution  had  retained,  was  destined 
to  celebrate  the  anniversary  of  the  foundation  of  the  Eepublic. 
The  First  Consul  determined  that  it  should  not  be  less  pompous 
than  that  of  the  4th  of  July,  so  opportunely  heightened  by  the 
presentation  to  the  Invalides  of  the  colours  taken  in  the  last 
campaign ;  he  resolved  that  it  should  be  distinguished  by  a 
character  as  patriotic,  but  more  serious,  from  all  those  which 
had  been  given  during  the  course  of  the  Eevolution,  and,  above 
all,  that  it  should  be  exempt  from  the  ridicule  attached  to  the 
imitation  of  ancient  customs  in  modern  times. 

Keligion,  it  must  be  confessed,  leaves  a  great  void  in  the 
solemnities  of  nations,  when  it  is  excluded  from  them.  Public 
games,  theatrical  representations,  and  fires,  illumining  the  night 
with  their  brightness,  may  occupy,  during  several  hours,  the 
multitude  assembled  to  rejoice  at  any  joyful  occurrence,  but 
cannot  fill  up  an  entire  day.  In  all  ages,  nations  have  been 
disposed  to  celebrate  their  victories  at  the  foot  of  their  altars, 
and  they  have  converted  their  public  ceremonies  into  an  act  of 
thanksgiving  to  the  Deity.  But  altars  France  then  had  none. 
Those  which  had  been  erected  to  the  goddess  of  Eeason,  during 


SEPT.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  353 

the  Eeign  of  Terror,  those  which  the  Theophilanthropists  inno- 
cently strewed  with  flowers,  during  the  Hceutious  system  of  the 
Directory,  were  covered  with  a  ridicule  never  to  be  effaced  ;  for, 
in  regard  to  altars,  none  are  respectable  but  those  which  are 
ancient.  Now,  the  old  Catholic  altar  of  France  had  not  yet 
been  restored.  Nothing,  consequently,  was  left  but  ceremonies 
in  some  sort  academic,  beneath  the  dome  of  the  Invalides ; 
elegant  discourses,  such  as  M.  de  Fontanes  could  deliver;  or 
patriotic  airs,  such  as  a  Mehul  or  a  Lesueur  could  compose.  The 
First  Consul,  sensible  of  all  this,  sought,  therefore,  to  supply  the 
place  of  the  religious  feature  by  a  profoundly  moral  feature. 

The  homage  to  Washington,  the  presentation  of  the  colours 
taken  at  Marengo,  had  already  supplied  materials  for  the  two 
fetes  celebrated  during  his  consulship;  he  contrived  to  find, 
in  a  great  reparative  act,  the  subject-matter  of  the  fete  of  the 
1st  of  Vendemiaire,  year  IX.  (23rd  September  i8co). 

At  the  time  of  the  violation  of  the  tombs  at  St.  Denis,  the 
body  of  Turenne  had  been  found  in  perfect  preservation. 
Amidst  the  excesses  of  the  populace,  an  involuntary  feeling  of 
respect  had  saved  these  remains  from  the  general  profanation. 
Deposited  at  first  in  the  Jardin  des  Plantes,  they  had  afterwards 
been  consigned  to  the  care  of  M.  Alexandre  Lenoir,  a  man 
whose  pious  zeal,  worthy  of  being  recorded  in  history,  had  pre- 
served for  us  a  multitude  of  ancient  monuments,  which  he  had 
collected  in  the  museum  of  the  Petits  Augustins.  There  lay 
these  remains  of  Turenne,  exposed  to  the  curiosity,  rather  than 
to  the  respect,  of  visitors.  The  First  Consul  conceived  the  idea 
of  depositing  the  relics  of  this  great  m.an  beneath  the  dome  of 
the  Invalides,  and  under  the  guard  of  our  country's  veterans. 
To  glorify  an  illustrious  general  and  a  servant  of  the  ancient 
monarchy  was  reconciling  the  glories  of  Louis  XIV.  with  those 
of  the  Republic;  it  was  re-establishing  respect  for  the  past, 
without  offending  the  present ;  it  was,  in  short,  the  whole  policy 
of  the  First  Consul,  under  the  noblest  and  the  most  touching 
form.  This  removal  was  to  take  place  on  the  last  comple- 
mentary day  of  the  year  VIIL  (22nd  of  September),  and,  on 
the  following  day,  the  first  stone  of  the  monument  to  Kk'ber 
and  Desaix  was  to  be  laid.  Thus,  at  the  moment  when  our 
earth,  in  obedience  to  the  laws  whicli  govern  its  motions,  was 
completing  one  great  century,  and  giving  l)irth  to  another  (no 
less  famous  in  its  turn,  if  it  prove  one  day  worthy  of  its  com- 
mencement), at  this  moment,  the  First  Consul  resolved  to  \\\\ 
a  joint  homage  to  the  hero  of  past  times  and  to  tiie  twin 
heroes  of  the  present  time.  To  render  these  two  con'nionies 
the  more  striking,  he  imitated  in  some  points  what  had  bei'n 
practised  at  the  Federation  of  1790,  and  desired  all  the  depart- 
ments to  send  to  him  representatives,  who,  by  their  presence, 

VOL.  I.  ^ 


354  HISTORY  OF  THE  sept.  1800 

should  give  to  these  fetes  not  merely  a  Parisian,  but  a  national 
character.  The  departments  cordially  responded  to  this  appeal, 
and  chose  distinguished  citizens,  whom  curiosity,  a  desire  to 
see,  with  their  own  eyes,  disorder  succeeded  by  tranquillity, 
the  miseries  of  anarchy  by  prosperity,  and  the  desire  especially 
to  approach  and  to  converse  with  a  great  man,  drew  in  great 
numbers  to  Paris. 

On  the  5th  complementary  day,  in  the  year  VIII.  (September 
22nd),  the  public  authorities  repaired  to  the  museum  of  the 
Petits  Augustins,  to  fetch  the  car  on  which  was  laid  the  body 
of  Turenne.     On  this  car,  drawn  by  four  white  horses,  was 
placed  the  sword  of  the  hero  of  the  monarchy,  preserved  in  the 
family  of  Bouillon,  and  lent  to  the  government  for  that  noble 
ceremony.     Four  old  generals,  mutilated  in  the  service  of  the 
Eepublic,  held  the  slips  of  the  car ;  it  was  preceded  by  a  pie- 
bald horse,  like  one  which  Turenne  frequently  rode,  harnessed 
as  horses  were  in  his  time,  led  by  a  black,  and  offering  an 
accurate  representation  of  some  scenes  from  the  age  to  which 
this  homage  was  paid.     Around  the  car  marched  the  invalids, 
followed  by  some  of  those  fine  troops  which  had  just  returned 
from  the  banks  of  the  Po  and  of  the  Danube.    This  extraordinary 
and  noble  procession  passed  through  Paris,  amidst  an  immense 
concourse,  and  proceeded  to  the   Invalides,  where  the  First 
Consul  awaited  it,  surrounded  by  the  envoys  of  the  departments, 
both  those  of  the  old  France  of  Louis  XIV.,  and  those  of  new- 
France  ;   these  latter   representing   Belgium  and  Luxemburg, 
the  Ehenish  provinces.  Savoy,  and  the  county  of  Nice.     The 
precious  relic  borne  by  this  train  was  placed  under  the  dome. 
Carnot,  minister  of  war,  delivered  a  simple  and  suitable  address, 
and,  while  music  of  a  solemn  kind  pealed  through  the  vaulted 
edifice,  the  body  of  Turenne  was  deposited  beneath  the  monu- 
ment where  it  now  reposes,  and  where  it  was  soon  to  be  re- 
joined by  his  companion  in  glory,  the  illustrious  and  virtuous 
Vauban ;  where  he  was  destined  to  Ije  joined  one  day  by  the 
author  of  the  great  things  which  we  are  here  relating :  where 
he  will  certainly  remain,  surrounded  by  this  august  company, 
throughout  the  ages  which  Heaven  may  reserve  for  France. 

If,  in  times  like  ours,  when  faith  is  quenched,  anything  can 
supply  its  place,  and  equal,  perhaps,  the  pomp  of  religion,  it  is 
such  spectacles. 

On  the  evening  of  that  day,  a  gratuitous  representation  of 
the  Tartuffe  and  the  Cid  was  given  to  the  people  of  the  capital, 
with  a  view  to  afford  them  an  amusement  less  coarse  than  usual. 
The  First  Consul  attended  the  performance.  His  presence, 
his  intention,  instinctively  guessed  by  that  impressible  and 
intelligent  populace,  all  concurred  to  maintain,  in  that  tumul- 
tuous assemblage,  perfect  decorum,  a  very  unusual  thing  at 


SEPT.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  355 

gratuitous  representations.  The  silence  was  interrupted  only 
by  cries,  a  thousand  times  repeated,  of  Vive  la  R4puhlique ! 
Vive  le  General  Bonaparte  ! 

On  the  following  day,  the  First  Consul,  accompanied,  as  on 
the  preceding,  by  the  public  authorities  and  the  envoys  of  the 
departments,  repaired  to  the  Place  des  Victoires.  There  was  to 
be  raised  a  monument  in  the  Egyptian  style,  destined  to  receive 
the  mortal  remains  of  Kleber  and  Desaix,  who,  according  to  the 
intention  of  the  First  Consul,  were  to  rest  side  by  side.  He 
laid  the  first  stone,  and  then  proceeded  on  horseback  to  the 
Invalides.  There  the  minister  of  the  interior,  who  was  his 
brother  Lucien,  delivered  a  speech  on  the  state  of  the  Republic, 
which  made  a  strong  impression.  Certain  passages  were  highly 
applauded,  among  others  the  following,  relative  to  the  present 
age  and  the  age  of  Louis  XIV. :  "  One  might  say,  that  at  this 
moment  those  two  great  ages  have  met  to  express  mutual 
admiration  over  that  august  tomb."  The  speaker,  while  pro- 
nouncing these  words,  pointed  to  the  tomb  of  Turenne.  He  was 
answered  by  unanimous  applause,  proving  that  all  hearts,  with- 
out derogating  from  the  present,  were  willing  to  take  again  from 
the  past  what  deserved  reviving.  And,  that  the  spectacle  might 
be  complete,  that  the  ordinary  illusions  of  human  nature  might 
have  their  share  in  these  scenes,  otherwise  so  noljle,  the  orator 
further  exclaimed  :  "  Happy  the  generation  which  sees  a  revolu- 
tion begun  under  monarchy  terminate  in  a  republic  ! " 

During  this  ceremony,  the  First  Consul  had  received  a  tele- 
graphic despatch,  announcing  the  armistice  of  Hohenlinden  and 
the  cession  of  the  three  fortresses  of  Philipsburg,  Ulm,  and 
Ingolstadt.  He  sent  his  brother  Lucien  a  note,  which  was  read 
to  those  present,  and  greeted  with  greater  applause  than  the 
academic  harangue  of  tlie  minister  of  the  interior.  Notwith- 
standing the  respect  due  to  the  place,  shouts  of  Vive  Bonaparte! 
Vive  la  R^pahliquc  !  shook  the  vaults  of  tlie  noble  edifice.  An 
immediate  pul)lication  of  the  news  in  l*aris  produced  a  more 
profound  satisfaction  than  all  the  rejoicings  destined  for  tlie 
amusement  of  the  multitude.  People  were  not  afraid  of  war ; 
they  were  full  of  confidence  in  the  genius  of  the  First  Consul 
and  in  the  courage  of  the  French  armies,  if  it  nnist  be  con- 
tinued ;  l)ut,  after  so  many  battles,  after  so  many  troubles,  ilicy 
wished  to  enjoy  in  peace  the  glory  accjuired  and  llie  prosperity 
that  was  l)eginning  to  dawn. 

That  prosperity  was,  indeed,  making  rapid  advances.  If  the 
mere  presence  of  (Jeneral  Ponaparte  liad  sullieed.  on  the  iSth  of 
Brumaire,  to  soothe,  to  cheer  men's  minds,  to  revive  tlu'ir  ho])es, 
the  case  must  be  very  difl'erent  now,  when  \\w  successes  of 
our  armies,  the  eager  advances  made  by  Ein-o])e  towards  us,  the 
prospect  of  a  speedy  and  a  glorious  peace,  and  lastly,  tiamiuillity 


356  HISTORY  OF  TEE  sept.  1800 

everywhere  restored,  had  realised  the  hopes  conceived  in  a  first 
moment  of  confidence. 

These  hopes  had,  in  fact,  become  realities,  and  it  may  be 
said  that,  in  the  ten  months  past,  from  November  1799  to 
September  1800,  the  face  of  France  was  changed.  The  public 
funds,  the  vulgar  but  true  index  to  the  state  of  public  opinion, 
had  risen  from  twelve  francs  (the  real  price  at  which  five  per 
cent,  stock  was  sold  the  day  before  the  i8th  of  Brumaire)  to 
forty  francs.     They  promised  to  reach  fifty. 

The  stockholders  had  just  received  a  half-year's  dividend  in 
cash,  a  thing  which  had  not  occurred  since  the  commencement 
of  our  Eevolution.  This  financial  phenomenon  had  produced  a 
great  effect,  and  it  appeared  to  be  not  one  of  the  least  of  the 
victories  of  the  First  Consul.  How  had  he  been  able  to  accom- 
plish this  prodigy?  This  was  an  enigma  which  the  mass  of 
the  public  explained  by  that  extraordinary  power,  which  he 
was  already  said  to  possess,  of  doing  whatever  he  pleased. 

But  there  is  no  miracle  in  this  world  :  there  is  no  other  cause 
for  real  successes  but  sound  sense  seconded  by  a  strong  will. 
Such  too  was  the  sole  cause  of  the  happy  results  obtained  by 
the  administration  of  the  First  Consul.  He  had,  in  the  first 
place,  applied  a  remedy  to  the  real  evil,  which  consisted  in  the 
delays  in  the  collection  of  the  taxes :  he  had,  with  this  view, 
instituted  a  special  agency  for  the  preparation  of  the  assessments, 
formerly  left  too  complaisantly  to  the  communes.  This  special 
agency,  stimulated  by  the  prefects,  another  creation  of  the  con- 
sular government,  had  made  out  the  assessments  in  arrear  of 
the  year  VII.  and  the  year  VIII.  and  finished  those  for  the 
year  IX.,  the  year  just  entered  upon  (September  1800  to 
September  1801).  Thus,  for  the  first  time  since  the  Eevolu- 
tion, the  assessments  of  the  current  year  were  about  to  be 
put  into  a  train  of  collection,  from  the  very  first  day  of  that 
year.  The  receivers-general,  having  the  revenue  paid  to  them 
punctually,  were  thus  enabled  to  discharge  punctually  the 
monthly  bills  which  they  had  accepted,  and  had,  in  fact, 
always  paid  them  at  the  end  of  every  month.  We  have  already 
said  that  to  guarantee  the  solidity  of  these  bills,  the  treasury 
had  required  of  the  receivers  a  security  in  cash,  which  security, 
deposited  in  the  Sinking  Fund,  was  to  serve  to  retire  such  bills 
as  might  be  protested.  Out  of  the  20,000,000  f .  composing  the 
total  amount  of  the  securities,  not  more  than  1,000,000  f.  had 
been  required  for  the  payment  of  dishonoured  bills.  Hence 
they  had  obtained  immediately  a  character  equal  to  that  of  the 
best  commercial  paper.  At  first,  they  could  not  be  discounted 
below  three-fourths  per  cent,  per  month,  that  is,  nine  per  cent, 
per  annum ;  now,  persons  were  willing  to  discount  them  at  eight, 
and  even  at  seven.     This  was  a  very  moderate  rate,  especially 


SEPT.  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  357 

in  comparison  with  that  which  the  government  had  hitherto 
been  obliged  to  pay.  Now,  as  the  direct  contributions  in  a 
total  budget  of  500,000,000  amounted  to  about  300,000,000  f., 
the  treasury  had,  from  the  first  day  of  that  year's  account,  had 
in  its  hands  the  300,000,000  f.  in  assets  easy  to  be  realised. 
Instead  of  receiving  nothing,  or  nearly  nothing,  as  formerly, 
and  receiving  but  tardily  the  little  that  was  paid  in,  it  had, 
from  the  very  ist  of  Vendemiaire,  the  greater  part  of  the  public 
revenue  at  its  disposal.  Such  had  been  the  result  of  the  pre- 
paration of  the  assessments  in  proper  time,  and  of  that  system 
of  bills  of  exchange  drawn,  by  the  name  of  obligations,  on  the 
chests  of  the  receivei'S-general :  by  depriving  the  latter  of  the 
pretext  of  delay  in  their  receipts,  the  government  had  been 
enabled  to  impose  upon  them  the  condition  of  paying  on  a 
fixed  day. 

The  year  VIII.  which  had  just  closed  (September  1799  to 
September  1800),  had  not  been  so  easily  provided  for  as  the 
year  IX.  promised  to  be.  It  had  been  necessary  to  withdraw 
all  the  papers  previously  issued.  Ions  d'arrircuje,  hons  de  requisi- 
tion, d4U(/ations,  &c.  These  papers  had  been  withdrawn  either 
by  the  discharge  of  anterior  contributions,  or  by  means  of 
certain  arrangements  entered  into  with  the  holders.  The 
revenue  of  the  year  VIII.  had  consequently  been  diminished 
by  so  much,  and  there  had  resulted  a  deficit  on  that  year's 
account.  But  the  victories  of  our  armies  having  carried  them 
into  the  enemy's  country,  the  treasury  was  immediately  re- 
lieved from  the  burden  of  their  subsistence ;  and,  with  some 
national  domains,  which  began  to  fetch  advantageous  prices,  the 
deficit  of  that  year  might  afterwards  be  covered.  No  more 
bojis  d'arr&age  had  been  issued,  for  the  stockholders  were  in 
future  to  be  paid  in  cash ;  no  more  Ions  de  rt^qvisition,  for  the 
armies  were  supported  either  by  the  French  treasury,  or  by  some 
foreign  treasury ;  lastly,  no  more  delegations,  for,  as  we  have 
elsewhere  related,  the  First  Consul  had  adopted  an  invariable 
system  in  regard  to  persons  having  claims  upon  the  State  :  he 
either  gave  them  nothing  or  cash ;  and  in  cash  he  already  gave 
them  more  than  the  preceding  governments.  Every  week  he 
held  a  council  of  finances ;  at  this  council  he  required  a  state- 
ment of  the  resources,  and  another  of  the  wants,  of  each  minis- 
terial department,  to  be  laid  before  him,  selecting  the  most 
urgent  of  those  wants,  and  dividing  among  them  the  resources 
which  were  sure  to  come  in,  but  nothing  more.  "With  this 
regularity,  this  firmness  of  conduct,  there  was  no  further 
necessity  for  issuing  paper;  and,  tlirowing  no  lielitiuus  stock 
into  circulation,  the  government  had  ceased  to  have  any  to 
redeem.  The  receipts  of  the  treasury,  during  the  year  IX., 
were  therefore  sure  to  be  in  specie. 


358  HISTORY  OF  THE  sept.  1800 

The  public  dividends  had  been  paid  by  the  Bank  of  France. 
This  bank  had  existed  for  only  six  months,  and  it  was  already 
able  to  issue  notes  to  a  considerable  amount,  which  were  taken 
by  the  public  as  readily  as  cash.  The  wants  of  trade  and 
the  conduct  of  the  government  towards  the  new  establishment 
had  occasioned  this  rapid  success.  The  way  in  which  the  thing 
was  done  was  this.  Out  of  the  securities  in  cash,  a  million,  at 
most,  had  been  sufficient  to  support  the  credit  of  the  obligations. 
The  rest  had  been  left  unemployed ;  and,  strong  as  was  the 
temptation  to  employ  the  18,000,000  or  19,000,000!  remaining 
to  satisfy  wants,  all  of  which  were  urgent,  the  government  had 
not  hesitated  to  impose  upon  itself  the  severest  privations,  in 
order  to  devote  5,000,000  f.  to  the  purchase,  of  bank  shares,  the 
amount  of  which  it  had  paid  immediately.  It  had  not  stopped 
there,  but  had  deposited  with  it  in  account  current  the  surplus 
of  the  disposable  funds.  An  account  current  is  composed  of 
sums  which  are  paid  in  on  condition  that  they  can  be  drawn  out 
at  pleasure,  according  to  the  wants  of  each  day.  Having  all  at 
once  such  resources  at  its  disposal,  the  bank  had  lost  no  time 
in  discounting,  in  issuing  notes,  which,  always  paid  in  money,  if 
the  holders  so  desired,  had  acquired  in  a  few  months  the  value 
of  cash.  All  this  may  now  appear  ordinary  enough ;  for  we 
see  this  phenomenon  in  every  small  town  operating  in  the 
easiest  manner,  and  a  great  number  of  banks  prospering  from 
the  very  day  of  their  foundation.  But,  at  that  time,  after  so 
many  bankruptcies,  after  the  aversion  which  the  assignats  had 
excited  for  paper,  it  was  a  sort  of  commercial  prodigy,  wrought 
by  a  government,  which,  of  all  sentiments,  particularly  inspired 
that  of  confidence. 

The  treasury  then  resolved  to  entrust  the  bank  wdth  various 
services  advantageous  for  itself  and  for  the  State,  especially  that 
of  paying  the  rentes.  It  did  this  by  means  of  a  perfectly  simple 
process.  The  acceptances  of  the  receivers-general  were  as  good 
as  bills  of  exchange.  The  treasury,  therefore,  offered  the  bank 
these  bills  to  the  amount  of  about  20,000,000  f.  for  discount ;  an 
operation  highly  advantageous  to  it,  for  discount  was  at  six  or 
seven  per  cent.,  and  an  operation  perfectly  safe,  as  these  accept- 
ances had  acquired  an  unexceptionable  character.  The  Ijank 
then  undertook  the  payment  of  six  months'  dividend  to  the 
stockholders,  who  received  from  it  either  cash  or  notes,  at 
their  option. 

Thus,  in  a  few  months,  the  government  had,  l)y  submitting 
to  privations,  already  raised  itself  a  powerful  instrument,  which, 
for  an  aid  of  10,000,000  or  1 2,000,000  f.  that  it  had  received  for 
the  moment,  could  now  render  it  services  to  the  amount  of 
hundreds  of  millions. 

Financial  prosperity,  therefore,  revived  on  all  sides.      The 


SEPT.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  359 

only  sensible  depression  amidst  the  general  well-being  was  the 
depression  of  landed  property.  In  the  height  of  our  troubles, 
the  proprietors  of  land  or  of  houses  had  enjoyed  the  advantage 
of  paying  no  taxes,  owing  to  the  delay  in  making  out  the  assess- 
ments, or  in  paying  next  to  nothing,  thanks  to  the  assignats. 
It  was  now  otherwise.  They  were  now  obliged  to  pay,  first  the 
arrears,  next  the  current  assessments,  and  the  whole  in  cash. 
For  small  proprietors,  the  burden  was  heavy.  Allowance  had 
at  first  been  made  for  5,ooo,0(X)f.  of  non-available  assets  in  the 
budget,  with  the  intention  of  exempting  the  taxpayers  who  were 
too  hardly  pressed ;  it  was  found  necessary  to  devote  to  the  same 
object  a  mvich  larger  sum.  It  was  a  kind  of  profit  and  loss 
account  opened  with  the  taxpayers,  by  the  operation  of  which 
the  past  was  forgiven  them,  in  order  that  punctual  payment  of 
the  present  might  be  obtained.  Landed  property  alone  cannot 
support  in  a  State  all  the  public  burdens.  These  must  partly  be 
met  by  excise,  and  other  duties  on  articles  of  consumption.  The 
Eevolution,  by  abolishing  the  taxes  on  liquors,  on  salt,  and  on 
other  articles,  had  closed  one  of  the  two  necessary  sources  of 
the  public  wealth.  Time  had  not  yet  opened  it  again.  This 
was  one  of  the  glories  destined  at  a  later  period  for  the  restorer 
of  order  and  of  society  in  France.  But  he  had  first  a  great  many 
prejudices  to  overcome.  By  establishing  octrois  at  the  gates  of 
towns  to  provide  for  the  wants  of  the  hospitals,  he  had  made 
a  first  useful  experiment,  and  which  accustomed  people  to  the 
resumption  of  a  measure,  sooner  or  later  indispensable. 

Though  landed  property  was  for  a  moment  heavily  burdened, 
a  general  feeling  of  ease  was,  nevertheless,  diffused  among  all 
classes.  In  all  parts  people  felt  themselves  regenerated,  and 
they  found  within  them  courage  for  speculation  and  exertion. 

But  there  was  much  more  to  be  done  in  that  convulsed 
society,  to  restore  everything,  not  to  a  perfect  state,  such  as 
one  might  aspire  to  in  time,  but  merely  to  a  state  that  was  en- 
durable. We  have  just  seen  what  required  to  be  done  for  the 
finances :  there  was  another  service  quite  as  important  and  quite 
as  much  disorganised  as  that  of  the  finances,  namely,  that  of 
the  roads.  They  had  become  almost  impassable.  As  everybody 
knows,  not  a  few  years'  but  a  few  months'  neglect  is  sufficient 
to  change  into  a  quagmire  the  artificial  strata  which  men  make 
upon  the  earth,  for  the  transport  of  heavy  loads.  Xuw,  it  was 
nearly  ten  years  since  the  roads  in  France  were  left  almost 
without  repairs.  Under  the  old  government,  their  repair  was 
provided  for  by  corve'es,  and  since  the  lievolution  l»y  means  of  a 
sum  which  figured  in  the  general  budget,  but  had  not  been  paid 
more  punctually  than  the  sums  destined  for  other  services.  The 
Directory,  seeing  how  things  stood,  had  ])een  led  to  the  idea  of 
a  special  resource,  which  could  not  be  misapphed,  and  which 


36o  HISTORY  OF  TEE  sept.  1800 

conld  never  run  short ;  and,  to  attain  this  end,  it  had  established 
a  toll  for  keeping  up  the  roads,  and  erected  gates  for  collecting 
it.  This  toll  had  Leen  farmed  to  the  contractors  for  the  roads 
themselves,  who,  negligently  superintended,  defrauded  both  in 
the  collection  of  the  toll  and  in  the  application  of  the  produce 
of  it.  Besides,  it  was  insufhcient.  It  yielded  at  most  13,000,000 
or  14,000,000  f.  per  annum,  and  30,000,000  f.  would  have  been 
required.  In  the  three  years  VI.,  YIL,  and  VIII.  no  more  than 
32,000,000  f.  had  been  expended  on  the  roads,  and  it  would  have 
required  at  least  ioo,oco,coof.  to  remedy  the  ravages  which 
Time  had  made,  and  to  provide  for  their  annual  repair. 

The  First  Consul,  adjourning  the  adoption  of  a  complete 
system,  had  recourse  to  the  simplest  expedient,  that  of  applying 
the  general  funds  of  the  State  to  the  succour  of  this  important 
service.  He  continued  the  toll,  the  mode  of  levying  it,  and  its 
application,  confining  himself  to  a  stricter  superintendence,  and 
gave  immediately  i2,coo,coo  f.  upon  the  year  IX.,  a  considerable 
sum  for  that  time.  This  sum  was  to  serve  for  the  repair  of  the 
principal  highroads  running  from  the  centre  to  the  extremities 
of  the  Eepublic,  from  Paris  to  Lille,  from  Paris  to  Strasburg, 
from  Paris  to  Marseilles,  from  Paris  to  Bordeaux,  and  from 
Paris  to  Brest.  He  proposed  to  lay  out  afterwards  on  other 
roads  a  similar  amount  to  what  he  had  thus  devoted  to  them, 
to  augment  this  grant  in  proportion  to  the  improved  circum- 
stances of  the  treasury,  at  the  same  time  continuing  the  toll 
till  the  roads  of  France  were  restored  to  the  state  in  which 
those  of  every  civilised  country  ought  to  be. 

The  canals  of  St.  Quentin  and  the  Ourcq,  commenced  towards 
the  end  of  the  old  government,  exhibited  everywhere  the  appear- 
ance of  ditches  half  filled  up,  of  hills  half  cut  through,  of  ruins,  in 
short,  rather  than  works  of  art.  He  immediately  sent  engineers 
to  survey  them,  went  thither  himself,  and  ordered  definitive 
plans,  with  the  intention  of  signalising  by  works  of  great  public 
utility  the  first  moments  of  the  speedily  expected  peace. 

It  was  not  merely  the  wretched  state  of  the  roads  which  ren- 
dered them  unfit  for  travelling,  but  also  the  robbers  by  whom 
they  were  infested  in  a  great  number  of  provinces.  The  Chouans 
and  the  Vendeans,  unemployed  ever  since  the  termination  of 
the  civil  war,  and  having  contracted  habits  of  life  incompatible 
with  peace,  pursued  the  trade  of  plunder  on  the  highroads  of 
Bretagne,  Normandy,  and  the  environs  of  Paris.  Eefractory 
persons  running  away  from  the  conscription,  and  some  soldiers 
of  the  army  of  Liguria,  impelled  by  privations  to  desert,  were 
committing  the  like  depredations  on  the  roads  of  the  centre  and 
of  the  south.  Georges  Cadoudal,  who  had  returned  from  Eng- 
land with  plenty  of  money,  and  was  now  concealed  in  the 
Morbihan,  secretly  directed  this  new  choiiannerie.     Numerous 


SEPT.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  361 

movable  columns,  accompanied  by  military  commissions,  were 
requisite  to  suppress  this  disorder.  The  First  Consul  had 
already  formed  some  of  these  columns,  but  he  had  not  sufficient 
troops.  While  the  Directory  had  kept  too  many  troops  at 
home,  he  had  kept  too  few.  But  he  said  to  himself,  most  justly, 
that,  when  he  had  beaten  the  enemies  abroad,  he  should  soon 
put  down  those  at  home.  '■  Have  patience,"  he  replied  to  those 
who  spoke  to  him  in  alarm  about  this  kind  of  disorder ;  "  give 
me  a  month  or  two ;  by  that  time  I  shall  have  conquered  peace, 
and  then  I  will  do  speedy  and  complete  justice  upon  those  high- 
waymen." Thus,  in  every  point  of  view,  peace  was  then  the 
indispensable  condition  of  well-being.  Meanwhile,  however,  he 
applied  himself  to  remedy  the  most  urgent  disorders. 

We  have  already  related  that  he  had  consented  to  substitute 
for  the  oath  formerly  required  of  priests  a  mere  promise  of 
obedience  to  the  laws,  which  could  not  offend  their  consciences 
in  any  way.  They  had  immediately  availed  themselves  of  this 
in  great  numbers,  and  the  clerical  functions  were  at  once  dis- 
puted by  the  constitutional  priests,  who  had  taken  the  oath  to 
the  civil  constitution  of  the  clergy,  the  nonjuring  priests,  who 
had  given  only  a  promise  of  obedience  to  the  laws,  and,  lastly, 
those  who  had  neither  taken  the  oath  nor  given  the  promise. 
The  priests  belonging  to  the  first  two  classes  were  competitors 
with  one  another  for  obtaining  the  churches,  which  were  granted 
to  them  with  more  or  less  facility,  according  to  the  extremely 
variable  humour  of  the  local  authorities.  Those  who  had  refused 
any  sort  of  declaration  performed  the  ceremonies  of  religion 
clandestinely  in  private  houses,  and  were  held  by  many  staunch 
Catholics  to  be  its  only  true  ministers.  Lastly,  to  add  to  the 
confusion,  there  were  the  Theophilanthropists,  who  also  made  use 
of  the  Catholic  churches,  and  on  certain  days  deposited  flowers 
on  those  altars  at  which  the  priests  had  been  saying  Mass.  These 
ridiculous  sectaries  held  festivals  in  honour  of  all  the  virtues, 
of  courage,  temperance,  charity,  kc.  On  All  Saints'  Day,  for 
example,  they  celebrated  a  festival  in  honour  of  ancestors.  In 
the  eye  of  strict  Catholics  this  was  a  profanation  of  the  religious 
edifices  ;  and  sound  sense  and  the  respect  due  to  the  dominant 
creeds  commanded  that  it  should  be  done  away  with. 

For  putting  an  end  to  this  chaos,  an  agreement  with  the  Holy 
See  was  requisite ;  an  agreement  by  means  of  whicli  those  who 
had  taken  the  oath,  those  who  had  given  the  promise,  and  those 
who  had  refused  both,  might  be  reconciled  together.  lUit  Mon- 
signor  Spina,  envoy  of  the  Holy  See,  had  but  just  arrived  at 
Paris,  and,  surprised  to  find  himself  there,  kept  out  of  every- 
body's sight.  The  subject  to  be  discussed  was  as  delicate  for 
him  as  for  the  government.  The  First  Consul,  discei'uing  with 
extraordinary  tact  the  characters  of  men  and  the  employment 


362  HISTORY  OF  THE  sept.  1800 

for  which  they  were  fitted,  had  opposed  to  this  wily  Italian  the 
person  most  capable  of  coping  with  him,  namely,  the  Abbe 
Bernier,  who,  after  having  long  directed  La  Vendee,  had  at  length 
reconciled  it  with  the  government.  He  had  brought  him  to 
Paris,  attached  him  to  himself  by  the  most  honourable  of  all  ties, 
the  desire  to  contribute  to  the  public  welfare,  and  to  share  the 
honour  of  doing  so.  To  the  Abbe  Bernier  to  re-establish  a  good 
understanding  between  I'rance  and  the  Eomish  Church  was 
like  continuing  and  completing  the  pacification  of  La  Vendee. 
The  interviews  with  Monsignor  Spina  had  but  just  begun,  and 
the  government  could  not  promise  itself  an  immediate  result. 

It  was  of  importance  to  come  to  as  speedy  an  arrangement  of 
religious  affairs  as  possible ;  for  peace  with  the  Holy  See  was 
not  less  desirable  for  the  quiet  of  people's  minds  than  peace 
with  the  great  powers  of  Europe.  But,  meanwhile,  there  was 
a  multitude  of  irregularities,  either  mischievous  or  singular, 
against  which  the  First  Consul  strove  to  provide  in  the  best 
possible  manner  by  consular  ordinances.  He  had  already,  by 
his  ordinance  of  the  7th  Mvose,  year  VIII.  (28th  of  December 
1799),  forbidden  the  local  authorities,  frequently  favourable  to 
the  priests,  to  thwart  them  in  the  exercise  of  their  religion. 
Having  charge  of  the  religious  edifices,  as  we  have  elsewhere 
observed,  they  would  frequently  not  allow  the  priests  the  vise 
of  them  on  Sundays,  but  only  on  decadis,  alleging  that  the 
decadi  was  the  only  holiday  recognised  by  the  laws  of  the 
Eepublic.  The  ordinance  referred  to  above  had  provided  for 
this  difficulty,  by  enjoining  the  local  authorities  to  give  up  the 
edifices  for  public  worship  to  the  priests  on  the  days  indicated 
by  each  persuasion.  But  this  ordinance  had  not  smoothed  all 
the  difficulties  relative  to  Sundays  and  decadis.  On  this  point 
the  laws  and  manners  were  at  variance,  a  variance  which  it  is 
necessary  to  explain,  in  order  to  convey  an  idea  of  the  state  of 
French  society  at  that  period. 

The  Eevolution,  in  its  passionate  fondness  for  uniformity 
and  symmetry,  had  not  confined  itself  to  the  introduction  of 
uniformity  into  all  measures  of  length,  superficies,  and  weight, 
and  to  the  reduction  of  them  to  natural  and  immutable  unities, 
such  as  a  fraction  of  the  meridian,  or  the  specific  gravity  of 
distilled  water ;  it  had  aimed  at  introducing  the  same  regularity 
into  the  measure  of  time.  It  had  therefore  divided  the  year 
into  twelve  equal  months,  of  thirty  days  each,  completing  it 
by  the  ingenious  invention  of  five  complementary  days.  It 
had  divided  the  months  into  three  decades,  or  weeks  of  ten 
days  each,  reduced  in  this  manner  the  days  of  rest  to  three 
per  month,  and  substituted  for  the  four  Sundays  of  the  Gre- 
gorian calendar  the  three  decadis  of  the  Kepublican  calendar. 
Most  assuredly,  in  all  mathematical  points  of  view,  this  latter 


OCT.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  363 

calendar  was  far  better  than  the  old  one ;  but  it  offended  religious 
ideas ;  it  was  not  that  of  the  generality  of  mankind,  that  of 
history  ;  it  could  not  overcome  inveterate  habits.  The  metrical 
system,  after  forty  years'  efforts  and  legislative  restrictions,  and 
notwithstanding  its  incontestable  commercial  advantages,  has 
scarcely  yet  been  definitively  adopted  :  how  then  could  there 
be  any  hope  of  supporting  the  Eepublican  calendar  against  a 
custom  of  twenty  centuries,  against  universal  usage,  against 
the  power  of  religion  ?  When  we  reform,  we  must  be  content 
to  reform  for  the  purpose  of  applying  a  remedy  to  real  suffer- 
ings, of  re-establishing  justice  where  it  is  wanting ;  but  to 
reform  for  the  pleasure  of  the  eye  or  of  the  mind,  for  the 
purpose  of  putting  a  straight  line  where  there  is  none,  is  re- 
quiring too  much  of  human  nature.  You  may  form  at  pleasure 
the  habits  of  a  child  ;  you  cannot  remould  those  of  a  grown 
man.  It  is  the  same  with  nations  :  you  cannot  alter  the  habits 
of  a  people  after  an  existence  of  fifteen  centuries. 

Accordingly,  Sunday  was  again  observed  in  all  quarters.  In 
certain  towns,  the  shops  were  closed  on  Sundays,  in  others  on 
decadis ;  frequently  in  tlie  same  town,  in  the  same  street,  the 
contrast  existed,  and  exhibited  the  spectacle  of  a  mischievous 
conflict  of  ideas  and  manners.  For  the  rest,  Sunday  would 
have  prevailed  everywhere,  but  for  the  intervention  of  certain 
authorities.  The  First  Consul,  by  a  new  ordinance  of  the  7th 
Thermidor,  year  VIII.  (July  26,  1800),  decided  that  every  one 
should  be  at  liberty  to  keep  holiday  when  he  pleased,  to  adopt 
for  a  day  of  rest  the  day  most  conformable  with  his  tastes  or 
his  religious  opinions  ;  and  that  the  public  officers,  bound  to 
adhere  to  the  legal  calendar,  should  alone  be  obliged  to  choose 
the  decadi  for  the  suspension  of  their  labours.  This  was 
ensuring  the  triumph  of  Sunday. 

The  First  Consul  acted  judiciously  in  encouraging  the  return 
to  an  ancient  and  general  habit,  most  judiciously,  if  he  designed 
re-establishing  the  Catholic  religion,  as  he  really  did  design, 
and  with  good  reason,  to  do. 

The  emigrants  again  engaged  his  attention.  We  have  already 
adverted  to  their  eagerness  to  return  ever  since  the  very  first 
days  of  the  Consulate  ;  this  eagerness  had  kept  increasing,  on 
observing  what  repose  France  enjoyed,  in  what  security  all  the 
inhabitants  of  its  territory  lived.  But,  desirous  as  the  govern- 
ment was  to  put  an  end  to  the  proscription  launclied  against 
them,  it  was  yet  necessary,  while  putting  dow^i  one  disorder, 
and  proscription  is  one,  to  avoid  falling  into  another,  for  a 
precipitate  reaction  is  a  disorder  too,  and  of  the  most  serious 
nature.  These  returned  emigrants  found  on  their  estates 
either  old  denouncers,  who  had  contributed  to  persecute  them, 
or  purchasers  who  had  obtained  possession  of  their  property 


3^4  HISTORY  OF  THE  oct.  1800 

with  paper :  to  both  these  classes  they  were  disquieting 
enemies,  or  at  least  troublesome  neighbours  ;  and  they  were 
not  discreet  enough  not  to  abuse  the  clemency  shown  to  them 
by  the  government. 

They  availed  themselves  with  alacrity  of  the  law  passed  a 
few  months  before,  which  declared  that  the  list  of  the  emigrants 
was  closed.  Those  who  had  been  omitted  in  this  list  lost  no 
time  in  profiting  by  the  clause  respecting  them.  As  they  could 
no  longer  be  inscribed  but  by  the  authority  of  the  ordinary 
tribunals,  which  constituted  but  an  inconsiderable  danger  for 
them,  they  lived  in  quiet,  and  had  almost  all  returned.  Those 
who  had  been  entered  in  the  list,  and  whom  the  law  referred 
to  the  administrative  authorities  to  claim  their  erasure,  took 
advantage  of  the  spirit  of  the  times  to  get  their  names  erased. 
They  applied,  in  the  first  instance,  for  surveillances,  that  is, 
as  we  have  already  explained,  the  faculty  of  returning  for  a 
time  under  the  superintendence  of  the  political  police ;  they 
then  obtained  from  friends,  or  from  complaisant  persons,  false 
certificates,  attesting  that  they  had  not  quitted  France  during 
the  Eeign  of  Terror ;  that  they  had  only  kept  concealed  to 
save  themselves  from  the  scaffold ;  and  in  this  manner  they 
obtained  their  erasure  with  incredible  facility.  The  list  drawn 
up  formerly  by  the  local  authorities,  with  the  recklessness  of 
persecution,  comprehended  145,000  persons,  and  formed  nine 
volumes.  Now,  names  were  erased  with  as  much  recklessness 
as  they  had  before  been  inscribed,  and  the  emigrants  were 
reinstated  by  thousands  in  all  their  rights.  Some,  w^hose  pro- 
perties had  not  yet  been  sold,  applied  to  the  members  of  the 
government  to  get  the  sequestration  taken  off;  they  solicited, 
according  to  custom,  the  men  whom  they  abused  the  day  before, 
whom  they  would  again  abuse  on  the  morrow,  and  frequently 
Madame  Bonaparte  herself,  who  had  formerly  been  connected 
with  the  French  noblesse,  in  consequence  of  the  rank  which 
she  held  in  society.  If  the  emigrants,  whose  estates  were  not 
sold,  recovered  them  at  the  price  of  abject  solicitations  followed 
by  ingratitude,  there  was  no  great  mischief  in  that ;  but  those 
whose  property  had  been  alienated  went  into  the  provinces, 
addressed  themselves  to  the  new  proprietors,  and  often,  by 
dint  of  threats,  importunities,  or  religious  suggestions  at  the 
pillow  of  the  dying,  recovered  their  family  possessions  at  a 
low  price,  by  means  not  much  more  creditable  than  those  by 
which  they  had  been  despoiled  of  them. 

The  tumult  was  at  this  moment  so  general  as  to  attract  the 
attention  of  the  First  Consul.  He  wished  to  redress  the  wrongs 
done  by  the  Revolution,  but  above  all  he  wished  to  avoid 
alarming  any  of  the  interests  which  it  had  created,  and  which 
had  become  legitimate  with  time.     In  consequence,  he  thought 


OCT.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  365 

it  right  to  adopt  a  measure,  which  was  only  part  of  what  he  did 
at  a  later  period,  but  which  introduced  some  order  into  that 
chaos  of  claims,  of  precipitate  returns,  and  of  dangerous  at- 
tempts. After  mature  deliberation  in  the  Council  of  State,  the 
following  ordinance  was  issued  on  the  20th  of  October  1800 
(28th  Vendemiaire,  year  IX.). 

In  the  first  place,  all  those  previously  erased,  no  matter  by 
what  authority,  or  with  what  negligence  the  proceedings  in 
regard  to  them  had  been  conducted,  were  validly  withdrawn  from 
the  list  of  emigrants.  Certain  collective  inscriptions,  under 
the  designation  of  children  or  heirs  of  emigrants,  were  consi- 
dered as  not  having  taken  place.  Women,  under  the  authority 
of  husbands  when  they  quitted  France,  minors  under  the  age  of 
sixteen  years,  priests  who  left  the  country  in  obedience  to  the 
laws  of  banishment,  persons  comprehended  under  the  head  of 
day-labourers,  workmen,  artisans,  or  domestic  servants ;  the 
absent,  whose  absence  was  anterior  to  the  Eevolution,  the 
Knights  of  Malta,  residing  in  Malta  during  our  troubles,  were 
all  definitively  erased.  The  names  of  the  victims  who  had 
perished  on  the  scaffold  were  also  withdrawn  from  the  list : 
this  was  a  reparation  due  to  their  families  and  to  humanity. 
These  modifications  made,  those  were  kept  upon  the  list  without 
exception  who  had  borne  arms  against  France,  those  who  held 
offices  in  the  civil  or  military  household  of  the  exiled  princes, 
those  who  had  received  rank  or  title  from  foreign  governments, 
without  the  authorisation  of  the  French  government.  The 
minister  of  justice  was  to  appoint  nine  commissioners,  the 
minister  of  police  a  like  number ;  to  these  eighteen  com- 
missioners the  First  Consul  was  to  add  nine  councillors  of 
State ;  these  twenty-seven  persons  collectively  were  charged  to 
make  out  the  new  list  of  emigrants  upon  the  bases  indicated. 
The  emigrants  definitively  erased  were  obliged  to  make  a 
promise  of  fidelity  to  the  Constitution,  if  they  wished  to  remain 
in  the  country,  or  to  obtain  the  removal  of  the  sequestration 
from  their  unsold  property.  They  were  condemned  to  remain 
under  the  surveillance  of  the  political  police  till  a  year  after  the 
conclusion  of  a  general  peace.  This  precaution  was  designed 
for  the  protection  of  the  purchasers  of  national  domains.  As 
for  the  emigrants  definitively  kept  upon  the  list,  nothing  could 
for  the  present  be  enacted  relative  to  them :  what  concerned 
them  was  deferred  to  a  later  period. 

Under  existing  circumstances,  this  ordinance  comprehended 
all  that  could  most  reasonably  be  done ;  it  retrenched  from  the 
proscription  list  the  great  mass  of  the  inscribed;  it  reduced 
that  list  to  a  small  number  of  tlic  declared  enemies  of  the 
Iievolution,  and  postponed  the  decision  of  the  fate  of  all  such  to 
a  future  period.     Thus,  wlien  the  Ilepublic  should  be  definitively 


366  HISTORY  OF  THE  oct.  1800 

victorious  over  Europe,  universally  recognised,  solidly  estab- 
lished, when  the  firm  determination  of  the  First  Consul  to  pro- 
tect the  purchasers  of  national  domains  should  have  sufficiently 
dispelled  their  alarms,  the  government  would  probably  be  able 
to  complete  that  act  of  clemency,  and  at  length  recall  all  the 
proscribed,  even  those  who  had  been  traitors  to  France.  For 
the  moment  it  went  no  further  than  to  cut  several  embarrassing 
questions  and  to  put  an  end  to  many  intrigues. 

We  see  what  difficulties  of  all  kinds  that  government  had  to 
surmount,  to  restore  order  in  a  subverted  society,  to  be  clement 
and  just  towards  the  one,  without  alarming  or  being  unjust 
towards  others.  But  toilsome  as  were  its  labours,  they  found 
their  reward  in  the  plaudits,  it  may  be  said,  of  the  entire 
country.  In  the  first  days  which  succeeded  the  i8th  Brumaire, 
people  had  thrown  themselves  into  the  arms  of  General  Bona- 
parte, because  they  sought  force,  whatever  it  might  be ;  and 
because,  from  the  acts  of  the  young  general  in  Italy,  they  hoped 
that  this  force  would  be  enlisted  into  the  service  of  sound  sense 
and  justice.  A  single  doubt  was  then  felt,  and  somewhat 
diminished  the  eagerness  to  give  themselves  up  to  him.  Will 
he  keep  his  place  longer  than  the  governments  which  preceded 
him  ?  Will  he  understand  how  to  govern  so  well  as  he  did  how 
to  fight  ?  Will  he  put  an  end  to  the  troubles,  the  persecutions? 
Will  he  be  of  such  or  such  a  party  ?  The  eleven  or  twelve  past 
months  had  effectvially  dispelled  these  doubts.  His  power  was 
gaining  strength  from  hour  to  hour ;  since  Marengo,  especially, 
France  and  Europe  bowed  under  his  ascendency.  As  for  his 
political  talents,  there  was  but  one  voice  on  that  subject  among 
those  who  approached  him  ;  he  was,  at  least,  as  great  a  statesman 
as  he  was  a  commander.  As  for  the  tendency  of  his  government, 
that  was  as  evident  as  his  genius.  He  was  of  that  moderate 
party  which  deprecated  persecution  of  every  kind,  which,  dis- 
posed to  annul  some  of  the  tilings  which  the  Eevolution  had  done, 
was  not  for  annulling  all,  but,  on  the  contrary,  was  determined 
to  uphold  its  principal  results.  These  doubts  removed,  pectple 
rallied  around  him  with  the  eagerness  of  joy  and  gratitude. 

In  all  parties  there  are  two  sets  of  persons  ;  the  one  numerous, 
and  honest,  whom  a  man  may  bring  over  to  himself  by  realising 
the  wishes  of  the  country :  the  other,  small  in  number,  stubborn 
and  factious,  which,  far  from  contenting,  you  deeply  mortify  by 
realising  those  wishes,  because  you  deprive  it  of  its  grievances. 
With  the  exception  of  this  latter  class,  all  the  parties  were 
satisfied,  and  lent  freely  their  support  to  the  First  Consul,  or 
resigned  themselves,  at  least,  to  his  government,  if  their  cause 
was  irreconcilable  with  his,  as  the  royalists,  for  example.  The 
patriots  of  '89,  and  ten  years  before  these  comprised  nearly  all 
France,  the  patriots  of  '89,  at  first  hurried  on  by  enthusiasm 


OCT.  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  367 

towards  the  Kevolution,  soon  borne  back  at  the  sight  of  the 
bloody  scaftbld,  now  disposed  to  think  that  they  had  been  mis- 
taken on  almost  everything,  conceived  that  they  had  at  length 
found,  under  the  consular  government,  all  that  was  possible  to 
be  realised  in  their  wishes.  The  abolition  of  the  feudal  system, 
civil  equality,  a  certain  intervention  of  the  country  in  its  affairs, 
no  great  deal  of  liberty,  but  much  order,  the  triumphant  position 
of  Prance  in  Europe — all  this,  very  different,  it  is  true,  from 
what  they  had  at  first  wished  for,  but  now  sufificient  in  their 
estimation,  all  this  seemed  ensured  to  them.  M.  de  la  Fayette, 
who,  in  many  respects,  resembled  those  men,  excepting  that 
he  was  less  convinced — M.  de  la  Fayette,  released  from  the 
dungeons  of  Olmlitz,  through  an  act  of  the  First  Consul's, 
proved,  by  his  perfectly  disinterested  assiduities  towards  him, 
the  esteem  which  he  felt  for  his  government  and  the  adhesion 
of  those  who  entertained  sentiments  like  his  own.  As  for  the 
more  ardent  revolutionists,  who,  without  being  attached  to  the 
Ptcvolution  from  participation  in  its  condemnable  excesses, 
adhered  to  it  from  conviction  and  from  sentiment — these  were 
pleased  with  the  First  Consul  for  being  the  reverse  of  the  Bour- 
bons and  ensuring  their  definitive  exclusion.  The  purchasers 
of  national  domains,  though  looking  black  at  times,  on  account 
of  his  indulgence  towards  the  emigrants,  had  no  doubt  of  his 
resolution  to  uphold  the  inviolability  of  the  new  properties, 
and  clung  to  him  as  to  an  invincible  sword,  that  secured  them 
from  the  only  real  danger  with  which  they  were  threatened, 
the  triumph  of  the  Bourbons  and  the  emigrants  by  means  of 
the  arms  of  Europe. 

As  for  that  timid  and  well-disposed  portion  of  the  royalist 
party,  which  sought,  above  all,  to  be  relieved  from  all  further 
dread  of  the  scaffold,  exile,  or  confiscation,  which,  for  the  first 
time  for  ten  years  past,  began  not  to  have  them  before  its  eyes, 
it  was  almost  happy,  for,  with  it,  to  have  nothing  to  fear  was 
almost  happiness.  All  that  the  First  Consul  did  not  yet  grant, 
it  finally  anticipated  from  him,  if  I  may  so  express  myself. 
To  see  the  people  in  their  workshops,  the  tradesmen  at  their 
counters,  the  nobility  in  the  government,  the  priests  at  the 
altar,  the  Bourl)ons  in  the  Tuileries,  and  General  I^onaparie  at 
their  side,  in  the  highest  station  imaginable  for  a  sulijoct,  would 
have  been  to  these  royalists  perfection.  Of  these  things  there 
were  three  or  four,  which  already  they  clearly  discerned  in  the 
acts  and  plans  of  the  First  Consul.  As  for  the  last,  that  of 
seeing  the  Bourbons  again  in  the  Tuileries,  they  were  disposed, 
in  their  good-natured  credulity,  to  expect  it  of  liim,  as  one  of 
the  miracles  of  his  astounding  genius ;  and,  if  the  dilficulty  of 
believing  that  a  man  would  thus  give  up  to  others  a  crown 
which  he  held  in  his  liand  staggered  those  possessed  of  some 


368  HISTORY  OF  TEE  oct.  1800 

perspicacity,  their  resolution  was  soon  taken.  "  Let  him  make 
himself  king,"  said  they,  "  but  let  him  save  us,  for  monarchy 
alone  can  save  us ! "  A  great  man,  in  default  of  a  legitimate 
prince,  seemed  acceptable  to  them ;  but  a  king  they  must 
have  at  any  rate. 

Thus,  by  ensuring  to  the  patriots  of  '89  civil  equality ;  to  the 
purchasers  of  the  national  domains,  to  the  staunchest  patriots, 
the  exclusion  of  the  Bourbons ;  to  the  moderate  royalists  per- 
sonal safety,  the  re-establishment  of  religion ;  to  all,  order, 
justice,  national  greatness,  he  had  won  the  honest  and  disin- 
terested mass  of  all  the  parties. 

There  was  still,  what  there  always  is,  the  implacable  portion 
of  these  parties,  that  which  Time  never  changes  but  by  con- 
signing it  to  the  grave.  Those  who  compose  it  are,  in  general, 
the  most  conscientious,  or  the  most  guilty  of  men,  and  these 
are  always  last  upon  the  breach. 

The  men  who,  in  the  course  of  the  Revolution,  had  imbrued 
their  hands  in  blood,  or  signalised  themselves  by  excesses 
which  it  was  impossible  to  forget ;  others  who,  though  they  had 
nothing  wherewith  to  reproach  themselves,  had  been  hurried 
into  demagogue  turbulence  by  the  violence  of  their  character 
or  the  turn  of  their  mind ;  the  furious  Mountaineers,  the  few 
survivors  of  the  famous  Commune,  the  old  Jacobins  and  Cor- 
deliers, were  irritated  in  proportion  to  the  success  of  the  new 
government.  They  called  the  First  Consul  a  tyrant,  who 
meant  to  effect  a  complete  counter-revolution  in  France,  to 
abolish  liberty,  to  bring  back  the  emigrants,  the  priests,  and 
even  the  Bourbons,  to  make  himself  their  base  servant.  Others, 
less  blinded  by  anger,  said  that  he  designed  to  make  himself 
tyrant  for  his  own  aggrandisement,  to  stifle  liberty  for  his  own 
advantage.  He  was  a  Cicsar  who  ought  to  fall  under  the  dagger 
of  a  Brutus.  They  talked  of  daggers,  but  did  nothing  but  talk 
of  them ;  for  the  energy  of  these  men,  greatly  exhausted  by  ten 
years'  excesses,  began  to  turn  into  violence  of  language.  We 
shall  soon  see,  in  fact,  that  it  was  not  in  their  ranks  that 
resolute  assassins  were  likely  to  be  found.  The  police  was 
incessantly  at  their  heels,  penetrating  into  their  clandestine 
meetings,  watching  them  with  incessant  attention.  There  were 
some  who  wanted  nothing  but  bread ;  the  First  Consul,  by  the 
advice  of  Fouche,  the  minister,  cheerfully  supplied  them  with 
it,  or,  if  they  were  fit  for  anything,  he  did  better,  he  gave  them 
employment.  They  then  became,  according  to  the  account  of 
the  others,  nothing  but  wretches  sold  to  the  tyrant.  If  even 
there  were  any,  who,  from  sheer  fatigue,  became  a  little  more 
calm,  as  was  at  this  time  the  case  with  some  notorious  per- 
sonages, such  as  Santerre,  and  several  others,  they  were  imme- 
diately branded  with  the  appellation  of  hirelings.    According  to 


OCT.  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  369 

the  custom  of  parties,  these  incorrigible  demagogues  sought, 
among  the  real  or  supposed  discontented  men  of  the  day,  the 
imaginary  hero  who  was  to  realise  their  dreams.  It  is  not 
known  from  what  indications  Moreau  had  appeared  to  them 
to  be  jealous  of  the  First  Consul ;  it  was,  probably,  because  he 
had  acquired  sufficient  glory  to  be  the  second  personage  in  the 
State.  They  had  instantly  extolled  him  to  the  skies.  But 
Moreau  had  just  arrived  in  Paris ;  the  First  Consul  had  given 
him  a  most  flattering  reception,  made  him  a  present  of  a  pair 
of  pistols,  enriched  with  precious  stones,  and  inscribed  with 
the  names  of  his  victories ;  he  was  now  nothing  but  a  lackey. 
Brune,  the  demagogue,  at  first  dear  to  their  hearts,  had,  by 
his  intelligence,  attracted  the  attention  of  the  First  Consul, 
obtained  his  confidence,  and  been  appointed  to  the  command 
of  the  army  of  Italy ;  he,  too,  was  a  lackey.  Massena,  on  the 
contrary,  deprived  rather  abruptly  of  the  command  of  that 
army,  was  dissatisfied,  and  could  scarcely  contain  himself ;  he 
was  immediately  declared  the  future  saviour  of  the  Eepublic, 
and  ought  to  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  real  patriots.  Such 
was  the  case  with  Carnot,  whom  they  called  a  royalist  of  the 
1 8th  of  Fructidor,  whose  proscription  they  then  demanded  and 
obtained,  and  who,  being  now  deprived  of  the  portfolio  of  war, 
again  became,  in  their  estimation,  a  great  citizen ;  such  was  the 
case  with  Lannes,  who,  it  is  true,  was  attached  to  the  First 
Consul,  but  was  a  decided  republican,  and  at  times  used  ex- 
tremely violent  language  relative  to  the  return  of  the  priests 
and  of  the  emigrants  ;  such  was  the  case  with  M.  Sieyes  himself 
— with  M.  Sieyes,  odious  at  first  to  the  republicans  for  having 
been  the  principal  accomplice  of  the  1 8th  of  Brumaire,  then  the 
butt  of  their  raillery,  on  account  of  the  disappointment  with 
which  the  First  Consul  had  repaid  his  services,  and  by  this 
time  almost  a  favourite  with  them,  because,  dissatisfied  with 
being  a  cipher,  he  showed  what  he  had  shown  to  all  the  govern- 
ments— a  cold  and  disapproving  mien.  Carnot,  Lannes,  Sieyes, 
were  to  join  Massena  to  set  up  the  Eepublic  again  on  the  first 
occasion.  Lastly,  what  will  strikingly  illustrate  the  silly 
credulity  of  the  expiring  parties,  the  minister  Fouche,  one  of 
the  two  principal  advisers  of  the  First  Consul,  and  who  had 
no  object  to  gain — the  minister  Fouche,  because  he  was  well 
acquainted  with  these  ])atriuts,  not  afraid  of  them,  and  occasion- 
ally afforded  them  relief,  knowing  tluit  it  was  ratlier  tongues 
which  needed  silencing  than  liands  disarming — the  minister 
Fouche  was  to  join  ^lasscna,  Carnot,  Lannes,  and  Sieyes,  to  over- 
throw the  tyrant,  and  save  the  lil)erties  which  were  menaced. 

The  royalist  faction  liad,  like  the  revolutionary  factitni,  its 
implacable  sectaries,  equally  credulous  reasoners.  but  more  t'oi'- 
midable  conspirators.    These  were  the  great  nobles  of  Versailles, 

VOL.  I.  2   A 


370  HISTORY  OF  THE  oct.  1800 

who  had  returned,  or  were  about  to  return,  intriguers  charged 
with  the  sorry  affairs  of  the  Bourbons,  going  to  and  fro  between 
France  and  foreign  countries,  to  frame  childish  plots,  or  to  earn 
a  little  money ;  lastly,  desperadoes,  devoted  soldiers  of  Georges, 
ready  for  any  crimes. 

The  first,  great  nobles,  accustomed  to  talk  much,  attacked 
by  words  only  the  First  Consul,  his  family,  and  his  government. 
They  lived  in  Paris  nearly  like  foreigners  to  the  country,  scarcely 
deigning  to  notice  what  was  passing  there,  sometimes  soliciting 
their  erasure  from  the  list  of  emigrants,  or  the  removal  of  the 
sequestration  from  their  unsold  property.  For  this  purpose 
they  frequented  Madame  Bonaparte's,  at  least  such  of  them  as 
had  been  acquainted  with  her  when  she  was  the  wife  of  M.  de 
Beauharnais.  They  went  in  the  morning,  never  in  the  evening, 
were  received  in  the  entresol  of  the  Tuileries.  which  she  had 
fitted  up  for  her  private  apartments,  warm  solicitors  while  there, 
excusing  themselves  as  soon  as  they  had  left  for  having  gone 
thither,  and  attributing  that  step  to  a  strong  desire  to  oblige 
unfortunate  friends.  Madame  Bonaparte  foolishly  found  plea- 
sure in  the  society  of  these  equivocal  visitors  ;  and  her  husband, 
though  frequently  annoyed  by  them,  nevertheless  endured  them 
out  of  complaisance  to  his  wife,  perhaps,  too,  from  a  desire  to 
know  everything,  and  to  have  communications  with  all  parties. 
There  were  few  of  these  solicitors  who  were  not  under  obliga- 
tions to  the  government,  either  on  their  own  account,  or  on 
account  of  relations ;  but  the  freedom  of  their  language  was  not 
for  this  reason  at  all  diminished.  All  that  was  done  for  them 
was,  in  their  estimation,  no  more  than  their  due  :  they  had  been 
robbed  of  their  possessions,  and,  if  they  were  restored  to  them, 
this  was  but  a  duty,  an  act  of  repentance,  for  which  they  owed 
no  gratitude  to  any  one.  They  jeered  at  everything  and  at 
everybody,  even  at  the  embarrassment  of  Madame  Bonaparte, 
who,  if  she  was  proud  to  be  the  wife  of  the  first  man  of  the  age, 
seemed  almost  ashamed  of  being  the  wife  of  the  chief  of  the 
government,  and  who  was  at  once  too  kind  and  too  weak  to 
crush  them  with  the  legitimate  pride  which  she  ought  to  have 
felt.  They  jeered,  we  said,  at  everybody,  excepting,  however, 
the  First  Consul,  whom  they  thought  a  great  general,  but  a 
middling  politician,  without  consistency  in  his  ideas,  favouring 
the  Jacobins  one  day,  the  royalists  the  next,  having  no  will  but 
in  war,  because  war  was  his  profession,  and  there  too,  inferior 
to  Moreau,  in  more  than  one  respect.  It  is  true,  he  had  obtained 
splendid  successes ;  that  those  gentlemen  admitted ;  thus  far 
everything  had  prospered  with  him,  but  how  long  would  that 
last  ?  Europe,  indeed,  was  now  incapable  of  resisting  him  ;  but, 
though  conqueror  abroad,  would  he  overcome  all  the  difficulties 
with  which  he  was  surrounded  at  home  ?     The  finances  seemed 


OCT.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  371 

to  improve,  but  paper,  which  had  been  the  ephemeral  expedient 
of  all  the  revolutionary  governments,  was  also  the  expedient  of 
his.  Nothing  was  to  be  seen  but  bills  of  the  receivers-general, 
notes  of  the  Bank  of  France,  &c.  Would  not  this  new  paper 
end  as  paper  had  always  ended  ?  The  government  at  this  time 
did  make  some  sort  of  shift,  because  the  armies  were  maintained 
by  the  conquered  countries ;  but  at  the  peace,  when  they  should 
return  to  their  own  territory,  how  were  they  to  be  provided 
for  ?  Landed  property  was  grievously  burdened,  and  before  long 
those  subject  to  the  taxes  neither  could  nor  would  pay  them. 
People  talked,  it  was  true,  of  the  satisfaction  of  certain  classes, 
of  priests  and  emigrants,  who  were  well  treated  by  the  present 
government ;  but  that  government  recalled  the  emigrants  without 
restoring  their  property  to  them.  They  were  enemies  whom  it 
brought  from  abroad  into  the  country,  and  who  were  in  conse- 
quence the  more  dangerous.  It  recalled  the  priests,  but  without 
giving  them  back  their  altars.  To  concede  everything  by  halves 
in  this  way,  was  to  confer  an  obligation  one  day  on  people  who 
would  not  thank  you  for  it  the  next.  Bonaparte,  as  these 
royalists  called  him,  for  they  never  deigned  to  give  him  his 
proper  title,  Bonaparte  knew  not  how  to  do  anything  but  in  an 
incomplete  manner.  He  had  permitted  Sunday  to  be  kept,  but 
he  had  not  dared  to  abolish  the  decadi,  and  France,  left  to 
herself,  had  returned  universally  to  Sunday.  This  was  not  the 
only  ancient  custom  to  which  she  would  return,  as  soon  as  an 
example  was  set  or  liberty  given.  Bonaparte,  by  re-establishing, 
now  this,  then  that,  was  himself  commencing  a  counter-revolu- 
tion, which  would  soon  hurry  him  further  than  he  meant  to  go. 
Since  he  was  about  reviving  so  much  of  the  past,  would  he  go 
the  length  of  restoring  the  monarchy,  and  even  of  restoring  it 
for  himself,  by  making  himself  king  or  emperor  ? — if  so,  he  would 
only  render  the  counter-revolution  more  certain,  by  undertaking 
to  effect  it  with  his  own  hands.  On  this  restored  throne  there 
would  very  soon  be  wanted  those  princes  who  alone  were  worthy 
to  fill  it ;  and,  in  re-establishing  the  institution,  he  would  have 
re-established  it  for  the  Bourbons.* 

It  frequently  happens  that  hatred  guesses  right,  because  it 
takes  delight  in  imputing  faults,  than  which  nothing  is  more 
predicable  of  human  conduct.  Only,  in  its  restless  impatience, 
it  outstrips-  Time.  These  shallow  tattlers  knew  not  how  near 
they  came  to  the  truth ;  neither  did  they  know  that,  before 

*  This  picture  of  the  emif^rants  of  those  daj-s  is  not  drawn  from  imagina- 
tion. The  language  which  1  attribute  to  them  is  literally  extracted  from  the 
voluminous  correspondence  addressed  to  Louis  XVIII.,  and  brought  by  that 
prince  to  France.  Left,  during  the  Hundred  Days,  at  the  Tuilcrics,  and  sub- 
sequently deposited  in  the  archives  of  the  Foreign  Oflice,  it  furnishes  singular 
evidence  of  the  illusions  and  of  the  passions  of  that  time.  Some  of  these 
letters  are  very  witty,  and  all  very  curious. 


372  HISTORY  OF  THE  oct.  1800 

their  predictions  were  accomplished,  it  was  decreed  that  the 
world  should  be  convulsed  for  fifteen  years,  it  was  decreed  that 
the  man  of  whom  they  thus  spoke  should  have  achieved  sublime 
things,  committed  prodigious  faults,  and  that,  ere  the  catas- 
trophe arrived,  they  should  have  time  to  belie  themselves,  to 
abjure  their  cause,  to  forsake  the  only  legitimate  princes  in 
their  estimation,  to  serve  this  ephemeral  master,  to  serve  and 
to  adore  him ;  they  knew  not  that,  if  France  should  one  day 
return  to  the  feet  of  the  Bourbons,  she  would  approach  them  as 
if  thrown  by  the  tempest  to  the  foot  of  a  time-honoured  tree, 
but  thrown  thither  only  for  a  moment. 

In  a  lower  sphere  conspired  otherwise  than  by  words  the 
intriguers  in  the  service  of  the  Bourbons,  and  lower  still,  but 
more  dangerously,  the  agents  of  Georges,  with  their  hands  full 
of  money  supplied  by  England.  Georges,  ever  since  his  return 
from  London,  was  in  the  Morbihan,  concealing  himself  from 
observation,  acting  the  part  of  a  man  who  retires  in  resignation 
to  some  rural  retreat,  but  implacable  in  reality,  having  sworn  in 
his  heart,  having  sworn  to  the  Bourbons,  to  perish  or  to  destroy 
the  First  Consul.  To  attack  in  open  fight  the  grenadiers  of  the 
consular  guard  would  be  hopeless ;  still  there  were  among  the 
Chouans  arms  quite  ready  to  have  recourse  to  the  last  expedient 
of  vanquished  parties,  that  is,  to  assassination.  Among  them 
might  be  found  a  band  ready  for  anything,  for  the  blackest 
crimes  as  well  as  the  rashest  attempts.  Georges,  still  unde- 
cided as  to  the  moment  and  the  place  which  ought  to  be  chosen, 
kept  them  to  their  purpose,  communicating  with  them  through 
trusty  persons,  giving  up  to  them  the  highroads  for  their  sub- 
sistence, or  part  of  the  money  received  in  profusion  from  the 
British  cabinet. 

The  First  Consul,  satisfied  with  the  homage  of  France,  with 
the  unanimous  adhesion  of  the  sincere  and  disinterested  men  of 
every  party,  gave  himself  little  concern  about  the  language  of 
the  one  class,  or  the  plots  of  the  other.  Wholly  engrossed  by 
business,  he  thought  little  of  the  empty  talk  of  the  idle,  though 
he  was  far  from  being  insensible  to  it ;  but,  for  the  time  being, 
he  was  too  much  absorbed  by  his  task  to  pay  much  attention 
to  such  language.  He  thought  very  little  more  of  the  plots 
directed  against  his  person  ;  he  considered  them  as  one  of  those 
dangers  which  he  braved  every  day  on  the  field  of  battle  with 
the  indifference  of  fatalism.  For  the  rest,  he  deceived  himself 
respecting  the  nature  of  his  danger.  Having,  on  the  i8th  of 
Brumaire,  wrested  the  supreme  power  from  the  revolutionary 
party,  and  having  it  at  the  moment  for  his  principal  enemy,  he 
threw  the  blame  of  all  that  happened  on  this  party,  and  seemed 
to  be  irritated  against  it  alone.  The  royalists,  at  least  at  that 
time,  were  in  his  eyes  but  a  persecuted  party,  which  it  was 


OCT.  i8oo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  373 

right  to  screen  from  oppression.  He  was  well  aware  that  there 
were  villains  among  them ;  but  he  had  contracted  the  habit, 
from  living  with  moderate  men,  of  anticipating  violence  from 
the  revolutionists  alone.  One  of  his  advisers,  however,  strove 
to  correct  this  error  of  his  judgment :  it  was  M.  Fouche,  the 
minister  of  the  police. 

In  this  government,  conducted  almost  by  one  man,  all  the 
ministers  had  been  cast  into  the  shade,  with  the  exception  of 
two,  Messrs.  Fouche  and  de  Talleyrand.  They  alone  were,  at 
times,  faintly  discernible  through  the  halo  of  glory  which  en- 
circled General  Bonaparte,  and  the  dazzling  effulgence  of  which 
threw  all  around  him  into  comparative  obscurity.  General 
Berthier  had  just  succeeded  Carnot  in  the  department  of  war, 
because  he  was  more  supple,  more  resigned  to  the  modest  part 
of  comprehending  and  rendering  the  ideas  of  his  chief,  which  he 
did  with  a  clearness  and  a  precision  truly  admirable.  It  was  no 
slight  merit  to  be  the  worthy  chief  of  the  staff  to  the  greatest 
captain  of  the  age,  and  perhaps  of  all  ages.  But  Berthier,  beside 
the  First  Consul,  could  not  have  any  importance  as  director  of 
the  military  operations.  The  navy,  at  the  moment,  attracted 
very  little  attention.  The  finances  required  only  the  firm  and 
persevering,  but  unobtrusive  application  of  certain  principles  of 
order,  laid  down  once  for  all.  The  police,  on  the  contrary,  was 
of  great  importance,  on  account  of  the  vast  authority  with  which 
the  government  was  armed ;  and,  as  well  as  the  police,  the 
foreign  affairs,  on  account  of  the  relations  to  be  re-established 
with  the  whole  world.  As  for  the  police,  the  First  Consul 
needed  a  man  who  was  acquainted  with  the  parties  and  with 
the  individuals  of  whom  the  parties  were  composed :  this  was 
the  cause  of  the  influence  acquired  by  Fouche,  the  minister.  In 
I'cgard  to  the  foreign  affairs,  though  no  person  better  qualified 
than  the  First  Consul  could  be  presented  to  Europe,  there  needed 
every  moment  an  agent  more  mild,  more  patient  than  he ;  and 
this  was  the  cause  of  the  influence  acquired  by  M.  de  Talleyrand. 
Messrs.  Fouche  and  de  Talleyrand  shared,  therefore,  the  only 
portion  of  political  credit  which  tlie  ministers  then  enjoyed. 

The  police  was  not  at  tliat  period  what  fortunately  it  has 
since  become,  a  mere  surveillance,  witliout  power,  charged  solely 
with  warning  and  giving  information  to  justice.  It  was  an 
immense  arbitrary  authority  deposited  in  the  hands  of  a  single 
man.  The  minister  of  the  police  could  exile  these  as  revolu- 
tionists, could  recall  those  as  emigrants,  fix  for  all  the  place  of 
their  residence,  continue  or  remove  the  sequestration  fi-om  the 
property  of  returned  emigrants,  restore  or  take  away  liis  church 
from  a  priest,  suppress  or  reprimand  a  journal  which  liad  dis- 
pleased him ;  lastly,  point  out  any  person  to  the  mistrust  or 
the  favour  of  a  government,  which  then  had  an  extraordinary 


374  HISTORY  OF  THE  oct.  1800 

number  of  places  to  give  away,  and  which  soon  had  the  wealth 
of  Europe  to  distribute  among  its  creatures.  The  minister  of 
the  police,  on  whom  the  institutions  of  the  time  conferred  such 
attributions,  though  placed  under  the  supreme  and  vigilant 
authority  of.  the  First  Consul,  yet  possessed  a  formidable  power 
over  the  whole  nation. 

M.  Fouche,  charged  to  exercise  this  power,  formerly  an  Ora- 
torian  and  a  Conventionalist,  was  an  intelligent  and  a  crafty 
personage,  neither  good  nor  wicked,  well  acquainted  with  men, 
especially  the  bad,  and  despising  them ;  employing  the  funds  of 
the  police  in  supporting  the  agents  of  troubles  as  much  as  in 
watching  them ;  always  ready  to  procure  bread  or  a  place  for 
every  person  weary  of  political  agitations ;  thus  making  friends 
for  the  government,  and  more  especially  for  himself ;  creating 
for  himself  obliged  dependents,  far  superior  to  credulous  and 
deceitful  spies,  who  never  failed  to  inform  him  of  everything 
that  it  was  his  interest  to  know ;  having  persons  under  obliga- 
tions to  him  in  all  the  parties,  even  among  the  royalists,  whom 
he  knew  how  to  manage,  and  to  repress  at  the  right  time ; 
always  forewarned,  never  overrating  danger,  nor  exaggerating 
it  to  his  master ;  clearly  distinguishing  an  imprudent  man  from 
one  really  to  be  feared,  knowing  when  to  caution  the  one,  to 
proceed  against  the  other ;  in  short,  managing  the  police  better 
than  it  ever  was  managed,  for  it  consists  in  disarming  animo- 
sities as  much  as  in  repressing  them ;  a  superior  minister,  if  he 
had  had  elevated  intentions,  if  his  indulgence  had  sprung  from 
any  other  principle  than  an  indifference  to  good  and  evil,  if  his 
activity  had  proceeded  from  any  other  motive  than  a  passion 
for  interfering  in  everything,  which  rendered  him  irksome  and 
suspicious  to  the  First  Consul,  and  frequently  gave  him  the 
appearance  of  a  vulgar  intriguer.  For  the  rest,  his  intelligent 
but  ignoble  countenance  was  a  faithful  mirror  of  the  qualities 
and  vices  of  his  soul. 

The  First  Consul,  chary  of  his  confidence,  never  granted  it 
freely,  especially  to  men  for  whom  he  had  no  esteem.  He  made 
use  of  M.  Fouche,  and  at  the  same  time  distrusted  him.  Hence 
he  sometimes  sought  to  dispense  with  or  to  control  him,  by 
giving  money  to  de  Bourrienne,  his  secretary,  to  Murat,  the 
commandant  of  Paris,  but  especially  to  Savary,  his  aide-de- 
camp, in  order  to  compose  in  this  way  several  contradictory 
polices.  But  M.  Fouche  always  contrived  to  convict  these 
bastard  polices  of  awkwardness  and  puerility,  proved  himself 
alone  to  be  well  informed,  and,  while  frequently  crossing  the 
First  Consul,  nevertheless  made  his  peace  with  him  by  that 
manner  of  treating  men  in  which  was  mingled  neither  love  nor 
hate,  but  an  incessant  application  to  wean  them,  one  by  one, 
from  an  agitated  and  factious  existence. 


OCT.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  375 

M.  Fouch^,  half  faithful  to  the  revolutionary  party,  took 
pleasure  in  showing  indulgence  to  his  old  friends,  and  dared,  in 
reference  to  them,  to  contradict  the  First  Consul.  Well  knowing 
their  moral  situation,  appreciating,  more  especially,  the  villains 
of  royalism,  he  was  incessantly  repeating  that  the  danger,  if 
there  were  any,  was  from  the  royalists  much  more  than  from 
the  revolutionists,  and  that  they  should  soon  have  occasion  to 
perceive  this.  He  had  even  the  merit,  but  not  for  a  long  time, 
of  insisting  that  it  would  be  well  not  to  forsake  the  Revolution 
anc  its  ideas  quite  so  much.  Hearing  already  the  flatterers  of 
the  day  assert,  that  it  was  necessary  to  proceed  more  rapidly 
in  reaction,  to  disregard  the  prejudices  of  the  Revolution,  and 
to  return  to  something  that  should  resemble  monarchy,  minus 
the  Bourbons,  he  dared  to  censure,  if  not  the  aim,  at  least  the 
imprudence  with  which  certain  persons  pursued  that  track. 
While  admitting  the  justice  of  his  opinions,  given  with  good 
sense,  but  without  frankness  and  without  dignity,  the  First 
Corsul  was  struck,  but  not  pleased,  with  them.  He  acknowledged 
the  services  of  this  personage,  but  had  no  esteem  for  him. 

II.  de  Talleyrand  performed  a  totally  contrary  part ;  he  had 
neither  affection  for  M.  Fouche  nor  resemblance  to  him.  They 
had  both  been  formerly  priests,  the  one  having  belonged  to  the 
superior,  the  other  to  the  inferior  clergy,  and  yet  they  had 
notning  in  common,  but  their  having  both  taken  advantage  of 
the  Revolution  to  cast  aside,  the  former  the  prelate's  robes,  the 
latter  the  humble  gown  of  the  Oratorian  professor.  How  strange, 
it  must  be  confessed,  and  how  characteristic  of  that  deeply  con- 
vulsed society,  was  the  spectacle  presented  by  this  government, 
composed  of  a  soldier  and  two  priests,  who  had  abjured  their 
profession,  and,  though  thus  composed,  having  none  the  less 
splendour,  grandeur,  and  influence  in  the  world. 

M.  de  Talleyrand,  descended  from  a  family  of  the  noblest 
lineage,  destined  by  his  birth  for  the  army,  doomed  to  the 
priesthood  by  an  accident,  which  deprived  him  of  the  use  of 
one  foot,  having  no  liking  for  this  imposed  profession,  succes- 
sively bishop,  courtier,  revolutionist,  and  emigrant,  then  after- 
wards minister  for  foreign  afl'airs  under  the  Directory,  M.  de 
Talleyrand  had  retained  something  of  all  these  dillerent  states ; 
there  was  to  be  found  in  him  a  touch  of  the  bishop,  of  the  man 
of  quality,  and  of  the  revolutionist.  Having  no  firmly  fixed 
opinion,  but  only  a  natural  moderation,  wliich  was  opposed  to 
every  species  of  exaggeration ;  capable  of  entering  at  once  into 
the  feelings  of  those  whom  he  wished  to  please,  eilber  from 
liking  or  from  interest ;  s])eaking  a  unique  language  peculiar  to 
that  society  which  had  Voltaire  for  instructor;  full  of  smart, 
poignant  repartees,  which  rendered  him  as  formidable  as  he 
was  attractive ;  by  turns  caressing  or  disdainful,  demonstrative 


376  HISTORY  OF  THE  oct.  1800 

or  impenetrable ;  careless,  dignified,  lame  without  loss  of  grace- 
fulness, in  short,  one  of  the  most  extraordinary  personages,  and 
such  a  one  as  a  revolution  alone  can  produce,  he  was  the  most 
seducing  of  negotiators,  but  at  the  same  time  incapable  of 
directing,  as  head,  the  affairs  of  a  great  State ;  for  every  leader 
should  possess  a  resolute  will,  settled  views,  and  application, 
and  he  had  none  of  these.  His  will  was  confined  to  pleasing, 
his  views  consisted  in  the  opinions  of  the  moment,  his  applica- 
tion was  next  to  nothing.  In  a  word,  he  was  an  accomplished 
ambassador,  but  not  a  directing  minister:  be  it  understood, 
however,  that  this  expression  is  to  be  taken  in  its  most  elevsted 
acceptation.  For  the  rest,  he  held  no  other  post  under  the 
consular  government.  The  First  Consul,  who  allowed  no  person 
the  right  to  give  an  opinion  on  the  affairs  of  war  and  of 
diplomacy,  merely  employed  him  to  negotiate  with  the  foreign 
ministers,  on  bases  previously  prescribed,  and  this  M.  de  Talley- 
rand did  with  an  art  that  will  never  be  surpassed.  He  possessed, 
however,  a  moral  merit,  that  of  being  fond  of  peace  under  a 
master  who  was  fond  of  war,  and  of  showing  that  he  was  so. 
Endowed  with  exquisite  taste,  uniting  with  it  unerring  tact, 
and  even  a  useful  indolence,  he  was  able  to  render  real  services, 
by  simply  opposing  to  the  First  Consul's  exuberance  of  language, 
pen,  and  action,  his  sobriety,  his  perfect  moderation,  and  his 
very  propensity  to  do  nothing.  But  he  made  little  impression 
on  that  imperious  master,  from  whom  he  extorted  no  respect 
either  by  genius  or  by  conviction.  Thus  he  had  no  more 
empire  than  M.  Fouche,  nay,  even  less,  though  quite  as  much 
employed,  and  more  agreeable. 

Then  again,  M.  de  Talleyrand  said  just  the  contrary  to  what 
M.  Fouche  said.  Attached  to  the  ancient  rSgime,  minus  the 
persons  and  the  ridiculous  prejudices  of  other  times,  he  recom- 
mended the  re-establishment  of  the  monarchy  as  soon  as  pos- 
sible, or  an  equivalent  for  it,  by  availing  of  the  glory  of  the 
First  Consul  in  lieu  of  blood-royal,  adding  that,  if  we  wished 
to  have  a  speedy  and  a  durable  peace  with  Europe,  we  ought  to 
make  haste  to  resemble  other  States.  And  while  his  colleague, 
Fouche,  in  the  name  of  the  Kevolution,  advised  that  we  should 
not  go  too  fast,  M.  de  Talleyrand,  in  the  name  of  Europe, 
advised  that  we  should  not  go  so  low. 

The  First  Consul  prized  the  plain  good  sense  of  M.  Fouche, 
relished  the  graces  of  M.  de  Talleyrand,  but  absolutely  believed 
neither  the  one  nor  the  other  on  any  subject,  and,  as  for  his 
confidence,  had  given  that,  given  it  wholly  and  entirely,  but 
not  to  either  of  those  two  men — to  his  colleague  Cambaceres. 
The  latter,  with  an  understanding  far  from  brilliant,  had  ex- 
traordinary good  sense,  and  an  unl^ounded  attachment  to  the 
First  Consul.     Having  trembled  for  ten  years  of  his  life  under 


OCT.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  ^77 

proscribers  of  all  sorts,  he  loved,  with  a  kind  of  affection,  the 
powerful  master,  who  at  length  procured  him  the  faculty  of 
breathing  at  his  ease.  He  loved  his  power,  his  genius,  his 
person,  from  which  he  had  not  received,  and  hoped  never  to 
receive,  anything  but  favours.  Acquainted  with  the  weak- 
nesses of  men,  even  of  the  greatest,  he  counselled  the  First 
Consul,  as  one  ought  to  counsel  when  one  wishes  to  be  attended 
to,  with  perfect  sincerity,  with  extreme  discretion,  never  for 
the  purpose  of  showing  off  his  own  wisdom,  but  always  to  be 
serviceable  to  a  government  which  he  loved  as  dearly  as  him- 
self, always  approving  of  all  its  acts  in  public,  whatever  they 
might  be,  and  never  disapproving  of  them  but  in  private,  in 
an  absolute  Ute-d-Ute  with  the  First  Consul ;  keeping  silence 
when  there  was  no  good  to  be  done,  and  when  censure  could 
be  but  a  vain  pleasure  of  finding  fault ;  sure  to  speak  his 
mind,  and  with  a  courage  highly  meritorious  in  a  man  so  ex- 
tremely timid,  when  he  was  in  time  to  prevent  a  blunder,  or 
influence  the  general  conduct  of  affairs.  And,  as  if  a  character 
which  is  incessantly  under  self-restraint  must  needs  be  betrayed 
into  some  weakness,  the  Consul  Cambaceres  exhibited  a  puerile 
vanity  with  his  inferiors,  lived  with  some  subaltern  courtiers, 
who  paid  him  fulsome  homage,  walked  every  day  in  the  Palais 
Royal,  in  a  ridiculously  magnificent  dress,  and  sought,  in  the 
gratification  of  a  gourmandise  that  has  become  proverbial, 
pleasures  which  were  suited  to  his  vulgar  but  prudent  soul. 
Of  what  consequence,  however,  are  a  few  foibles,  redeemed  by 
superior  reason ! 

The  First  Consul  cheerfully  forgave  these  foibles  in  his  col- 
league, and  made  much  of  him.  He  appreciated  that  superior 
good  sense,  which  never  wished  to  shine  but  to  be  useful,  and 
which  threw  a  tempered  and  true  light  upon  everything.  He 
appreciated,  above  all,  the  sincerity  of  his  attachment,  laughed 
at  his  weaknesses,  but  always  with  delicacy,  and  paid  him  the 
very  high  compliment  of  confiding  everything  to  him  alone,  of 
never  being  concerned  but  about  his  judgment.  Hence,  he 
was  susceptible  of  no  influence  but  his — an  infhience  scarcely 
suspected,  and  on  that  account  very  great. 

The  Consul  Cambaceres  was  qualified  more  especially  to 
temper  liis  vehemence  in  regard  to  persons,  and  his  precipita- 
tion in  regard  to  things.  Amidst  this  couiiict  of  two  o])posite 
tendencies,  one  urging  to  a  precipitate  reaction,  the  other,  on 
the  contrary,  comljating  that  reaction,  M.  Cambaceres,  inflexible 
when  the  maintenance  of  order  was  in  question,  was,  in  every- 
thing else,  always  a  decidiMl  advocate  for  not  goin^  too  fast. 
He  did  not  oppose  the  end  to  wliicli  things  were  visibly  tending, 
for  he  kept  incessantly  repeating,"  Let  them  in  due  time  decree 
as  much  power  as  they  please  to  tlie  First  Consul,  well  and 


378  HISTORY  OF  THE  ocT.  1800 

good,  but  not  too  soon."  He  wished  especially  that  reality 
should  always  be  preferred  to  appearance,  real  power  to  that 
which  was  but  ostentation.  A  Mrst  Consul,  possessing  the 
power  to  do  all  that  he  pleased  for  the  welfare  of  the  State, 
seemed  to  him  far  superior  to  a  crowned  prince,  cramped  in 
his  action.  To  act,  and  to  keep  out  of  sight,  above  all,  never 
to  act  too  quickly,  constituted  the  whole  of  his  wisdom.  This 
most  certainly  is  not  genius,  but  it  is  prudence ;  and,  for 
founding  a  great  State,  both  are  requisite. 

M.  Cambaceres  was  useful  to  the  First  Consul  in  another 
way,  besides  advising  him  with  superior  judgment — that  of 
governing  the  Senate.  That  body,  as  we  have  said,  was  of 
immense  importance,  owing  to  the  patronage  vested  in  it.  In 
the  first  moments,  it  had  been  relinquished,  in  some  measure, 
to  M.  Sieyes  as  a  compensation  for  the  executive  power,  vested 
wholly  in  General  Bonaparte.  M.  Sieyes  was  at  first  content  to 
abdicate,  but,  living  on  his  estate  of  Crosne,  began  to  feel  some- 
what vexed  at  his  nullity  ;  for  there  never  was  abdication  with- 
out regret.  Had  he  possessed  firmness  and  consistency,  he 
might  have  wrested  the  Senate  from  the  First  Consul,  who 
would  then  have  had  no  resource  left  but  a  coup  d'itat.  But 
M.  Cambaceres,  without  noise,  without  ostentation,  insinuating 
himself  by  degrees  with  that  body,  occupied  the  ground,  which 
the  peevish  negligence  of  M.  Sieyes  abandoned  to  him.  People 
knew  that  it  was  through  him  they  could  come  at  the  First 
Consul,  the  source  of  all  favour,  and  to  him  they  accordingly 
addressed  themselves.  Of  this  he  availed  himself  with  infinite 
and  always  concealed  art,  to  repress  or  to  regain  opponents. 
But  this  was  done  with  such  discretion,  that  nobody  thought  to 
complain  of  it.  At  a  time  when  repose  had  become  true  wisdom, 
when  repose  was  even  necessary  for  reviving  one  day  a  taste 
for  liberty,  we  dare  not  censure,  we  dare  not  give  the  name 
of  corrupter  to  the  man  who,  on  the  one  hand,  tempered 
the  master  imposed  by  events,  and,  on  the  other,  checked  the 
imprudences  of  an  opposition  without  aim,  unseasonable,  and 
politically  unwise. 

As  for  the  Consul  Lebrun,  General  Bonaparte  treated  him 
with  respect,  even  with  affection,  but  as  a  person  meddling 
but  little  with  public  affairs,  the  administration  excepted.  To 
him  he  consigned  the  superintendence  over  the  details  of  the 
finances,  and  charged  him  to  keep  him  acquainted  with  the 
proceedings  and  the  sentiments  of  the  royalists,  by  whom  this 
third  consul  was  frequently  surrounded.  He  had  thus  an  ear 
and  an  eye  among  them,  iDut  only  from  the  mere  interest  of 
curiosity  as  to  what  might  be  hatching  in  that  quarter. 

To  convey  an  accurate  idea  of  the  circle  surrounding  the 
First  Consul,  we  must  say  a  word  concerning  his  family.     He 


OCT.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  379 

had  four  brothers,  Joseph,  Lucien,  Louis,  and  Jerome,  The  two 
latter  we  shall  notice  in  due  time.  Joseph  and  Lucien  only 
were  then  of  any  importance.  Joseph,  the  eldest  of  all,  had 
married  the  daughter  of  a  wealthy  and  respectable  merchant  of 
Marseilles.  He  was  mild,  tolerably  acute,  agreeable  in  person, 
and  caused  his  brother  less  vexation  than  any  of  the  others. 
It  was  for  him  that  the  First  Consul  reserved  the  honour  of 
negotiating  the  peace  of  the  Eepublic  with  the  States  of  the 
Old  and  the  New  World.  He  had  charged  him  to  conclude  the 
treaty  which  had  been  signed  with  America,  and  had  just  ap- 
pointed him  plenipotentiary  to  Luneville,  thus  seeking  to  assign 
to  him  a  part  which  should  be  popular  in  France.  Lucien,  at 
present  minister  of  the  interior,  was  a  clever  man,  but  of  an 
unequal  mind,  restless,  ungovernable,  and,  though  possessing 
talent,  not  having  sufficient  to  make  amends  for  what  he 
wanted  in  point  of  good  sense.  Both  flattered  the  propensity 
of  the  First  Consul  to  raise  himself  to  the  supreme  power ;  and 
this  was  but  natural.  The  genius  of  the  First  Consul,  like 
his  glory,  were  things  personal  to  himself ;  one  quality  only 
could  be  transmissible  to  his  family,  that  was  the  princely 
quality,  if  he  should  one  day  assume  it,  in  preference  to  that 
of  first  magistrate  of  the  Eepublic.  His  brothers  were  among 
those  who  asserted,  with  least  reserve,  that  the  present  form 
of  government  was  but  one  of  transition,  devised  to  lull  revo- 
lutionary prejudices;  but  that  he  ought  to  make  up  his  mind, 
and  that,  if  he  wished  to  found  something  truly  stable,  it  was 
indispensably  necessary  to  introduce  greater  concentration, 
unity,  and  durability.  The  drift  of  all  this  was  very  evident. 
The  First  Consul,  as  every  one  knows,  had  no  children,  which 
greatly  embarrassed  those  who  already  dreamt  of  the  transfor- 
mation of  the  Eepublic  into  a  monarchy.  It  was,  in  fact,  an 
inconsistency  to  pretend  to  be  desirous  of  ensuring  the  regular 
and  natural  transmission  of  the  supreme  power  in  the  family 
of  a  man  who  had  no  heirs.  Thus  though,  hereafter,  this  default 
of  heirs  might  be  a  personal  advantage  for  the  brothers  of  the 
First  Consul,  it  was  now  an  argument  against  their  projects,  and 
they  frequently  reproached  Madame  Bonaparte  for  a  misfortune, 
of  which,  they  said,  she  was  the  cause.  Having  quarrelled  with 
her,  from  sheer  jealousy  of  her  influence,  they  had  not  spared 
her  in  conversation  with  her  husband,  and  persecuted  her  with 
their  remarks,  incessantly  and  loudly  repeating  that  it  was 
absolutely  neces.sary  for  the  First  Consul  to  have  a  wife  who 
should  bring  him  children,  that  this  was  not  a  private  but  a 
public  consideration,  and  that  a  resolution  on  this  point  was 
indispensable,  in  order  to  ensure  the  future  welfare  of  France. 
They  caused  these  cruel  sentiments,  pregnant  with  the  most 
sinister  consequences  for  her,  to  be  repeated  by  all  lips.     The 


38o  HISTORY  OF  THE  oct.  1800 

wife  of  the  First  Consul,  apparently  so  fortunate,  was,  therefore, 
at  this  moment  very  far  from  happy. 

Josephine  Bonaparte,  who  had  been  married  first  to  the  Count 
de  Beauharnais,  then  to  the  young  general  who  had  saved  the 
Convention  on  the  13th  Vendemiaire,  and  now  shared  with  him 
a  place  which  began  to  resemble  a  throne,  was  a  Creole  by  birth, 
and  had  all  the  graces,  all  the  defects,  usual  in  women  who  are 
so  born.  Kind-hearted,  profuse,  and  frivolous,  not  a  beauty, 
but  perfectly  elegant,  and  endowed  with  infinite  fascination,  she 
could  please  much  more  than  women  who  were  superior  to  her 
in  understanding  and  personal  charms.  The  levity  of  her  con- 
duct, depicted  to  her  husband  in  the  most  unfavourable  colours 
when  he  returned  from  Egypt,  filled  him  with  anger.  He  had 
thoughts  of  separating  himself  from  a  wife  whom,  right  or 
wrong,  he  believed  to  be  culpable.  She  wept  a  long  time  at  his 
feet ;  her  two  children,  Hortense  and  Eugene  Beauharnais,  both 
very  dear  to  General  Bonaparte,  wept  too ;  he  was  overcome, 
and  yielded  to  a  conjugal  tenderness,  which,  for  many  years, 
was  with  him  paramount  to  policy.  He  forgot  the  real  or 
alleged  faults  of  Josephine ;  he  loved  her  still,  but  not  as  in  the 
early  period  of  their  union.  The  unbounded  extravagance,  the 
vexatious  imprudences,  in  which  she  daily  indulged,  frequently 
excited  in  her  husband  gusts  of  impatience  which  he  could  not 
repress ;  but  he  forgave  her  with  the  kindness  which  prosperity 
inspires,  and  could  not  long  be  angry  with  a  woman,  who  had 
shared  the  first  moments  of  his  nascent  greatness,  and  who, 
from  the  day  of  their  union,  seemed  to  have  brought  fortune 
along  with  her. 

Madame  Bonaparte  was  altogether  a  woman  of  the  ancien 
regime,  devout,  superstitious,  nay,  a  royalist,  detesting  what  she 
called  the  Jacobins,  who  hated  her  in  return ;  seeking  only  the 
society  of  the  ancient  nobility,  who,  retvirning  in  throngs,  as  we 
have  said,  used  to  visit  her  in  the  morning.  They  had  known 
lier  the  wife  of  an  honourable  man,  pretty  high  in  rank  and  in 
military  standing,  the  unfortunate  Beauharnais,  who  died  on 
the  revolutionary  scaffold ;  they  found  her  the  wife  of  a  parvenu, 
but  of  a  parvenu  more  powerful  than  any  prince  in  Europe ; 
they  did  not  hesitate  to  go  and  solicit  favours,  while  affecting 
to  look  down  upon  her.  She  was  eager  to  make  them  partakers 
of  her  power,  and  to  render  them  services.  She  even  took  pains 
to  excite  in  them  a  sort  of  illusion  which  they  were  fond  of  in- 
dulging, that,  in  reality.  General  Bonaparte  was  only  waiting 
for  a  favourable  occasion  to  recall  the  Bourbons,  and  to  restore 
the  inheritance  which  belonged  to  them.  And,  singularly  enough, 
this  illusion  which  she  delighted  to  instil  into  them,  she  would 
almost  fain  have  shared  herself;  for  she  would  rather  have 
seen  her  husband  a  subject  of  the  Bourbons,  but  a  subject  the 


OCT.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  381 

protector  of  his  kings,  surrounded  by  the  homage  of  the  ancient 
French  aristocracy,  than  crowned  monarch  by  the  hand  of  the 
nation.  She  was  a  very  faint-hearted  woman.  Though  giddy, 
she  loved  that  man  who  covered  her  with  glory,  and  loved  him 
the  more  since  she  was  less  beloved  by  him.  Not  conceiving  it 
possible  that  he  could  set  his  daring  foot  on  the  steps  of  the 
throne,  without  falling  immediately  beneath  the  dagger  of  re- 
publicans or  royalists,  she  foresaw  her  children,  her  husband, 
and  herself  overwhelmed  in  one  genei^al  ruin.  But,  supposing 
that  he  ascended  safe  and  sound  to  that  usurped  throne,  another 
fear  harrowed  her  heart — it  would  not  be  her  lot  to  share  his 
elevation.  If  General  Bonaparte  should  some  day  be  made  king 
or  emperor,  it  would  evidently  be  under  the  pretext  of  giving 
a  stable  government  to  France,  by  rendering  it  hereditary ;  and 
unfortunately  her  physicians  left  her  no  hope  of  ever  having 
more  children.  She  recollected  on  this  subject  the  extraordinary 
prediction  of  a  woman,  a  sort  of  Pythoness  then  in  vogue,* 
who  had  told  her :  "  You  will  occupy  the  first  place  in  the 
world,  but  only  for  a  short  time."  She  had  already  heard  the 
brothers  of  the  First  Consul  pronounce  the  fatal  word,  divorce. 
The  victim  of  grandeur,  whom,  to  judge  of  her  lot  from  the 
external  splendour  by  which  she  was  surrounded,  the  queens 
of  Europe  might  have  envied,  was  a  prey  to  corroding  care. 
Each  advance  of  fortune  added  apparently  to  her  happiness,  but 
really  augmented  her  distress  ;  and  if  she  did  escape  from  her 
keen  anxieties,  it  was  by  a  levity  of  character  which  saved 
her  long  and  intense  thought.  The  attachment  of  General  Bona- 
parte for  her,  his  gusts  of  passion,  when  he  gave  way  to  them, 
repaired  the  next  moment  by  demonstrations  of  the  greatest 
kindness,  served  also  to  cheer  her.  Hurried  away,  moreover, 
like  all  the  people  of  that  time,  by  a  stupefying  whirlwind, 
she  reckoned  upon  the  god  of  revolutions,  upon  chance ;  and, 
after  painful  agitations,  she  returned  to  the  enjoyment  of  her 
fortune.  She  strove,  meanwhile,  to  divert  her  husband  from 
his  ideas  of  an  exaggerated  greatness,  ventured  even  to  talk 
to  him  of  the  Bourbons,  at  the  risk  of  raising  storms  ;  and,  in 
spite  of  her  partialities,  which  ouglit  to  have  led  her  to  prefer 
M.  de  Talleyrand  to  M.  Fouche,  she  had  taken  a  liking  to  the 
latter,  because,  thorough  Jacobin  as  he  was,  she  said,  he  dared 
tell  the  truth  to  the  First  Consul ;  and  to  tell  the  truth  to 
the  First  Consul  was,  in  her  estimation,  to  advise  him  to 
uphold  the  Picpublic,  but  to  increase  at  the  same  time  his 
consular  power.     ^Messrs.  de  Talleyrand  and  Fouche',  thinking 

*  Mademoiselle  Le  Norniand,  the  celebrated  fortune-teller,  whom  .some 
readers  may  have  visited  at  her  residence,  No.  5  Hue  de  'rournon,  Paris. 
She  published,  in  1S20,  Mtinaimt  JJintoru/uts  ct  Sicrcti,-:  i/c  l' Impcratricc  Jose- 
phine, in  two  volumes,  contaiiiinf;  very  interesting  particulars  of  her  distin- 
guished patroness,  and  died  in  1S44. — Translator. 


382  HISTORY  OF  TEE  oct.  1800 

to  strengthen  themselves  by  penetrating  into  the  family  of 
the  First  Consul,  introduced  themselves  into  it  by  flattering 
each  as  each  liked  to  be  flattered.  M.  de  Talleyrand  strove 
to  please  the  brothers,  by  saying  that  it  was  necessary  to  de- 
vise for  the  First  Consul  a  different  position  from  that  which 
the  Constitution  conferred  on  him.  M.  Fouche  endeavoured 
to  please  Madame  Bonaparte  by  saying,  that  to  hurry  things 
would  be  the  height  of  imprudence,  and  endanger  the  loss  of 
all.  This  method  of  insinuating  themselves  into  his  family, 
and  exciting  disharmony  by  their  interference,  was  excessively 
displeasing  to  the  First  Consul.  This  feeling  he  often  mani- 
fested ;  and  when  he  had  any  communication  to  make  to  his 
relations,  he  employed  his  colleague  Cambacer^s,  who,  with  his 
accustomed  prudence,  listened  to  everything,  but  said  no  more 
than  he  was  directed  to  say,  and  acquitted  himself  of  this  kind 
of  commission  with  equal  delicacy  and  precision. 

A  very  strange  circumstance  occurred  to  impart  a  present  and 
positive  feature  to  all  these  internal  agitations.  The  prince,  who 
was  afterwards  Louis  XVIIL,  then  an  exile,  ventured  upon  a 
singular  and  indiscreet  step.  Many  royalists,  to  account  for 
and  excuse  their  return  towards  the  new  government,  affected 
to  believe,  or  really  did  believe,  that  General  Bonaparte  meant 
to  recall  the  Bourbons.  These  men,  who  had  not  read,  or  knew 
not  how  to  read,  the  history  of  the  English  Revolution,  and  to 
appreciate  the  terrible  lessons  with  which  it  abounds,  all  at 
once  discovered  in  it  an  analogy  which  flattered  their  hopes ; 
it  was  the  recall  of  the  Stuarts  by  General  Monck.  They  said 
nothing  about  Cromwell,  who,  however,  acted  a  part  great 
enough  not  to  be  forgotten.  The  unfounded  rumour  had  at 
length  gained  currency,  and  reached  Louis  XVIIL  This  prince, 
endowed  with  tact  and  a  good  understanding,  had  committed 
the  blunder  of  writing  to  General  Bonaparte  himself,  and  had 
transmitted  to  him  several  letters  which  he  thought  seasonable, 
but  which  were  not,  and  which  proved  only  one  thing — the 
ordinary  illusions  of  the  emigrants.  The  first  of  the  letters 
was  as  follows  : — 

^^  February  20,  1800. 
"  Men  such  as  you,  sir,  whatever  their  apparent  conduct  may  be, 
never  excite  uneasiness.  You  have  accepted  an  eminent  post,  and  I 
am  glad  you  have  done  so.  You  know  better  than  any  one  else  how 
much  strength  and  power  are  required  to  secure  the  happiness  of  a 
great  nation.  Save  France  from  its  own  frenzy,  and  you  Avill  have 
fulfilled  the  first  wish  of  my  heart ;  restore  her  king  to  her,  and  future 
generations  will  bless  your  memory.  Your  services  will  alway  be  found 
too  valuable  to  the  State  to  admit  of  my  discharging  in  full,  and  as 
I  could  wish,  the  debt  of  my  ancestors  and  my  own,  by  the  bestowal 
of  important  posts.  Louis." 


OCT.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  383 

The  First  Consul  was  extremely  surprised  on  receiving  this 
letter,  and  was  for  some  time  undecided  whether  he  ought  to 
reply.  It  had  been  transmitted  to  him  by  the  Consul  Lebrun, 
who  had  received  it  himself  from  the  Abbe  Montesquiou. 
The  First  Consul,  engrossed  by  a  multiplicity  of  business,  on 
entering  upon  the  government,  had  sufl'ered  some  time  to 
elapse  without  answ^ering  it.  The  prince,  impatient  as  an 
emigrant,  wrote  a  second  letter,  stamped  still  more  with 
the  credulity  of  his  party,  still  more  derogatory  to  his  dignity. 
It  was  in  these  terms  : — 

"  You  must  long  have  been  aware,  general,  of  the  esteem  in  wliich 
I  hold  you.  If  you  doubt  Avhetlier  I  am  susceptible  of  gratitude, 
mark  your  own  place;  fix  that  of  your  friends.  As  for  my  prin- 
ciples, they  are  those  of  the  French  character.  I  am  clement  by 
disposition,     I  shall  be  so  from  reason  also. 

''No,  the  victor  of  Lodi,  of  Castiglione,  and  of  Areola,  the  con- 
queror of  Italy  and  of  Egypt,  can  never  prefer  a  vain  celebrity  to 
true  glory.  You  are,  nevertlieless,  losing  valuable  time :  we  can 
ensure  the  repose  of  France ;  I  say  ice,  because  I  need  Bonaparte  for 
this  purpose,  and  he  could  not  accomplish  it  without  me. 

"General,  Europe  observes  you,  glory  awaits  you,  and  I  am  im- 
patient to  restore  peace  to  my  people.  Louis." 

This  time  the  First  Consul  thought  that  he  could  not  help 
answering.  At  bottom  he  had  never  had  any  doubt  as  to  the 
course  which  he  ought  to  pursue  towards  the  deposed  princes. 
Ambition  apart,  he  considered  the  recall  of  the  Bourbons  as 
impracticable  and  fatal.  It  was  from  conviction  that  he  re- 
pelled them,  earnestly  as  he  might  otherwise  desire  to  be  master 
of  France.  His  wife  had  been  made  acquainted  with  the 
incident,  so  had  his  secretary ;  and,  though  he  did  them  not 
the  honour  to  admit  them  to  such  deliberations,  he  gave  them 
his  motives.  His  wife  had  thrown  herself  at  his  feet  to  im- 
plore him  to  leave  at  least  some  hope  for  the  Bourbons  ;  he 
repulsed  her  angrily,  and  addressing  his  secretary,  "  You  do 
not  know  those  people,"  said  he ;  "  if  I  were  to  give  them 
back  their  throne,  they  would  fancy  that  they  had  recovered 
it  by  the  grace  of  God.  They  would  soon  be  surrounded  and 
hurried  away  by  the  emigrants  ;  they  would  overturn,  in  pre- 
tending to  remodel,  everything,  even  what  cannot  be  remodelled. 
What  would  become  of  the  numerous  interests  created  since 
'89  ?  What  would  become  of  the  purchasers  of  national  domains 
and  of  the  leaders  of  the  army,  and  of  all  those  who  have  em- 
barked their  lives  and  fortunes  in  the  IJevolution  ?  After 
men,  what  would  become  of  things?  What  would  become  of 
the  principles  for  which  we  have  fought  so  hard  ?  All  this 
would  })erish,  but  not  perish  without  a  struggle  ;  the  contlict 
would  be  tremendous  ;   thousands  of  men  would  perish.     Xo, 


384  HISTORY  OF  THE  oct.  1800 

never  will  I  take  so  fatal  a  resolution."  He  was  right.  Setting 
aside  all  personal  interest,  he  acted  judiciously.  His  dictator- 
ship, which  retarded  the  establishment  of  public  liberty  in 
France,  a  liberty,  however,  extremely  difficult  to  establish  at 
that  time,  his  dictatorship  completed  the  triumph  of  the 
French  Eevolution,  which  Waterloo  itself,  after  a  lapse  of 
fifteen  years,  could  no  longer  destroy. 

As  might  be  expected,  his  answer  was  in  unison  with  his  sen- 
timents, and  did  not  hold  out  more  hopes  than  he  meant  to 
give.  It  is  only  from  the  very  words  of  the  letter  that  one  can 
judge  of  the  grandeur  of  expression  with  which  he  replied  to  the 
imprudent  overture  of  the  exiled  prince  :— 

"  Paris,  the  20th  Frudidor,  year  VIII.  (Sept.  7,  1800). 

"  I  have  received  your  letter,  sir,  and  thank  you  for  the  obliging 
expressions  which  it  contains  regarding  myself. 

"  You  should  renounce  all  hope  of  returning  to  France,  you  could 
not  do  so  but  over  the  corses  of  half  a  million  Frenchmen. 

"  Sacrifice  your  individual  interest  to  the  repose  and  happiness  of 
France ;  history  will  give  you  credit  for  it. 

"  I  am  not  insensible  to  the  misfortunes  of  your  family  ;  I  will 
contribute  with  pleasure  to  the  ease  and  the  tranquillity  of  your 
retirement.  Bonaparte." 

Some  portion  of  this  got  abroad,  and  the  personal  designs  of 
the  First  Consul  became,  in  consequence,  the  more  evident. 

It  is  fall  often  the  attempts  of  parties  to  stifle  an  infant 
power  that  accelerate  its  growth,  and  encourage  it  to  dare  all 
that  it  meditates.  An  attempt  more  ridiculous  than  criminal 
of  the  republicans  against  the  First  Consul  hastened  a  demon- 
stration quite  as  ridiculous  on  the  part  of  the  men  who  purposed 
to  hurry  forward  his  elevation :  both  came  to  nothing. 

The  patriot  declaimers,  more  noisy  and  far  less  formidable 
than  the  agents  of  the  Bourbons,  met  frequently  at  the  house 
of  a  man  formerly  employed  by  the  Committee  of  Public 
Welfare,  now  out  of  office.  His  name  was  Demerville ;  he 
talked  a  great  deal,  hawked  about  the  pamphlets  against  the 
government,  and  was  scarcely  capable  of  doing  more.  His 
house  was  the  resort  of  Arena,  the  Corsican,  one  of  the  members 
of  the  Five  Hundred,  who  had  escaped  by  a  window  on  the  iSth 
Brumaire ;  of  Topino  Lebrun,  a  painter  of  some  talent,  pupil  of 
David,  participating  in  the  revolutionary  extravagance  of  the 
artists  of  that  time ;  and  of  many  Italian  refugees,  who  were 
exasperated  against  General  Bonaparte,  because  he  protected 
the  Pope  and  did  not  re-establish  the  Roman  llepublic.  The 
principal  and  the  most  violent  of  these  latter  w^as  a  sculptor 
named  Ceracchi.  These  hot-brained  men  used  to  meet  at 
Demerville's,  and  made  use  of  language  the  most  absurd.    It  was 


OCT.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  385 

requisite,  they  said,  to  put  a  finishing  hand  to  the  business ;  they 
had  plenty  of  people  on  their  side ;  Mass^na,  Carnot,  Lannes, 
Sieyes,  nay,  Fouche  himself.  There  was  nothing  to  do  but  to 
strike  the  tyrant,  and  all  the  genuine  republicans  would  speak 
out;  all  would  unite  to  raise  up  the  expiring  Eepublic  again. 
But  it  was  necessary  to  find  a  Brutus  to  strike  the  new  Cgesar. 
Nobody  came  forward.  A  soldier  out  of  employ,  named  Harrel, 
leading  a  life  of  idleness  and  penury  with  these  declaimers, 
indigent  and  discontented  like  them,  appeared  to  them  the  man 
of  action  whom  they  needed.  They  made  proposals  to  him 
which  alarmed  him  exceedingly.  In  his  agitation,  he  com- 
municated the  matter  to  a  commissary  of  war,  with  whom  he 
was  somewhat  intimate,  and  who  advised  him  to  report  all  he 
knew  to  the  government.  This  Harrel  went  to  M.  de  Bourrienne, 
secretary  to  the  First  Consul,  and  General  Lannes,  commandant 
of  the  consular  guard.  The  First  Consul,  apprised  by  them, 
directed  the  police  to  give  Harrel  money  and  orders  to  consent 
to  all  that  his  accomplices  should  propose  to  him.  These  miser- 
able conspirators  conceived  that  they  had  found  in  him  the  very 
man  for  executing  their  purpose ;  but  they  thought  that  one 
was  not  sufficient.  Harrel  offered  to  bring  some  others.  They 
agreed  to  it,  and  Harrel  brought  to  them  some  spies  of  M. 
Fouches.  After  they  had  fallen  into  this  snare,  they  thought 
of  procuring  daggers  to  arm  Harrel  and  his  companions.  This 
task  they  took  upon  themselves,  and  brought  daggers  purchased 
by  Topino  Lebrun.  At  length,  they  chose  the  place  for  de- 
spatching the  First  Consul,  and  this  was  the  Opera,  then  called 
the  Theatre  of  the  Arts.  They  fixed  the  moment,  and  that  was 
the  loth  of  October  (i8th  Vendemiaire,  year  IX.),  on  which 
day  the  First  Consul  was  to  attend  the  first  representation  of  a 
new  opera.  The  police,  being  forewarned,  )iad  taken  its  pre- 
cautions. The  First  Consul  went  to  the  Opera  House  followed 
by  Lannes,  who,  watching  over  liim  with  the  most  anxious 
attention,  had  doul>led  the  guard,  and  placed  the  bravest  of  his 
grenadiers  around  his  l)Ox.  The  would-lie  assassins  actually 
came  at  the  time  agreed  upon,  but  not  all,  and  not  armed. 
Topino  Lebrun  was  not  there,  neither  was  1  Jemerville :  Arena 
and  Ceracchi  alone  appeared.  Ceracclii  approached  nearer  to 
the  First  Consul's  l)()x  than  the  others,  but  he  had  no  dagger. 
The  only  bold  fellows  on  the  spot,  and  armed,  were  the  conspi- 
rators sent  by  the  police  to  the  theatre  of  crime.  Ceracchi  and 
Arena  were  apprehended,  as  were  successively  all  the  others, 
but  most  of  them  either  at  home  or  in  the  houses  where  they 
had  sought  refuge. 

This  ali'air  proihiced  a  great  sensation;  it  v.'as  not  dest-rving 
of  it.  Assuredly  the  ])olice,  which  ignorant  men,  not  conver- 
sant with  such  matters,  in  general  charge  with  fabricating  itself 

VOL.  I.  -   " 


386  HISTORY  OF  THE  oct.  1800 

such  plots  as  it  discovers,  the  police  had  not  invented  this,  but 
it  must  be  admitted,  that  it  had  taken  too  great  a  part  in  it. 
The  conspirators  wished,  without  the  least  doubt,  the  death  of 
the  First  Consul,  but  they  were  incapable  of  striking  him  with 
their  own  hands ;  and,  by  furnishing  them  with  what  was  most 
difficult  to  be  found,  pretended  perpetrators,  they  had  been  led 
further  into  the  crime  than  they  would  have  ventured  had  they 
been  left  to  themselves.  If  all  this  were  to  have  terminated  in 
a  severe  but  only  temporary  punishment,  such  as  ought  to  be 
inflicted  on  madmen,  well  and  good  !  but  to  put  them  to  death 
on  such  grounds  is  more  than  it  is  right  to  do,  even  when 
the  object  is  to  protect  a  precious  life.  But  at  that  time  of 
day  people  were  not  so  nice ;  proceedings  were  immediately 
instituted,  and  these  were  destined  to  lead  the  unhappy  wretches 
to  the  scaffold. 

This  attempt  excited  a  general  alarm.  Hitherto  there  had 
been  seen  during  the  Eevolution  only  what  were  then  called 
journdes,  or  attacks  by  armed  bands ;  but  people  now  felt 
secured  from  such  assaults  by  the  military  power  of  the  govern- 
ment. They  had  not  yet  thought  of  assassination,  or  of  the 
possibility  of  the  First  Consul  being  struck  unawares,  in  spite 
of  the  guard  of  grenadiers  which  surrounded  him.  The  attempt 
of  Ceracchi,  the  ridiculous  part  of  which  was  not  known,  was  a 
kind  of  forewarning  which  terrified  all  classes.  A  dread  of 
finding  themselves  plunged  back  into  chaos  seized  everybody, 
and  generated  a  sort  of  enthusiasm  in  favour  of  the  First  Con- 
sul. The  populace  crowded  round  the  Tuileries.  The  Tribunate, 
the  only  one  of  the  assemblies  of  the  State  assembled  at  that 
moment,  since  it  met  every  fortnight  in  the  interval  between 
the  sessions,  repaired  thither  in  a  body.  All  the  public  authori- 
ties followed  this  example.  Great  numbers  of  addresses  w^ere 
sent  to  the  First  Consul.  They  may  all  be  summed  up  in  these 
words  of  the  muncipal  body  of  Paris : — 

"  General,"  it  said,  "  we  beg  in  the  name  of  our  fellow-citi- 
zens to  express  the  deep  indignation  which  they  have  felt  at 
the  news  of  the  attempt  meditated  against  your  person.  So 
many  interests  are  involved  with  your  existence,  that  the  plots 
which  have  threatened  it  must  necessarily  be  a  subject  of  public 
grief,  as  the  vigilance  which  has  preserved  it  will  be  a  subject 
of  national  gratitude  and  joy. 

"  That  Providence,  which  in  the  year  VIII.  brought  you  back 
from  Egypt,  which  at  Marengo  seemed  to  protect  you  from  all 
dangers,  which,  lastly,  on  the  iSth  Vendomiaire,  year  IX.,  has 
just  saved  you  from  the  fury  of  assassins,  is,  permit  us  to  say 
so,  the  Providence  of  France  much  more  than  yours.  It  has 
not  willed  that  a  year  so  brilliant,  so  full  of  glorious  events, 
destined  to  occupy  so  large  a  space  in  the  recollection  of  men. 


OCT.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  387 

should  terminate  all  at  once  in  a  detestable  crime.  May  the 
enemies  of  France  cease  to  seek  your  destruction  and  ours ! 
May  they  submit  to  that  destiny,  which,  more  mighty  than  all 
plots,  will  ensure  your  preservation  and  that  of  the  liepublic ! 
.  .  .  We  say  nothing  to  you  about  the  guilty ;  justice  lays  claim 
to  them." 

These  addresses,  all  cast  in  the  same  mould,  repeated  to  the 
First  Consul  that  he  had  no  right  to  exercise  clemency,  that  his 
life  belonged  to  the  Republic,  and  ought  to  be  defended  like  the 
public  welfare,  of  which  it  was  the  pledge.  It  must  be  added 
that  these  manifestations  were  sincere.  Every  one  thought 
himself  in  danger  along  with  the  First  Consul.  Every  one  but 
the  factious  wished  for  his  preservation.  The  royalists  believed 
that,  if  he  were  to  die,  they  should  be  sent  back  to  the  scaffold 
or  into  exile ;  the  revolutionists  imagined  that  they  beheld 
counter-revolution  triumphant  through  the  arms  of  foreigners. 

The  First  Consul  took  particular  and  remarkal)le  pains  to 
diminish  the  estimate  that  was  formed  of  the  danger  to  which 
he  had  been  exposed.  He  would  not  have  it  believed  that  his 
life  depended  on  the  first  comer ;  and  he  conceived  this  to  be 
equally  necessary  for  his  safety  and  for  his  dignity.  In  con- 
versing with  the  authorities  deputed  to  congratulate  him,  he 
told  them  all  that  the  danger,  about  which  they  were  so  much 
alarmed,  had  not  been  serious :  he  explained  to  them  how, 
surrounded  by  the  officers  of  the  consular  guard  and  a  picket 
of  his  grenadiers,  he  was  completely  secure  against  the  seven 
or  eight  wretches  who  purposed  to  attack  him.  He  was  con- 
vinced much  more  than  his  words  could  lead  people  to  suppose 
of  the  danger  with  which  his  life  was  threatened ;  but  he 
thought  it  useful  to  exhibit  himself  to  all  imaginations  sur- 
rounded by  the  grenadiers  of  Marengo,  and  inaccessible  amidst 
them  to  the  weapons  of  assassins. 

]More  serious  plots  than  this,  about  which  so  much  fuss  was 
made,  and  framed  by  other  hands,  were  preparing  in  the  dark. 
Under  the  influence  of  a  vague  presentiment,  people  said  to  one 
another  that  these  attempts  would  be  repeated.  Hence  the 
partisans  of  the  First  Consul  took  occasion  to  insist  that  some- 
thing more  stable  was  requisite  than  an  ephemeral  power  resting 
on  the  head  of  a  single  man,  to  which  the  stab  of  an  assassin's 
dagger  might  at  any  time  put  an  end.  The  brothers  of  the 
First  Consul,  Messrs.  liO'derer,  Kegnault  de  St.  Jean  d'Angely, 
do  Talleyrand,  de  Fontanes,  and  many  others,  held  these  ideas, 
some  from  conviction,  others  to  please  the  master,  all,  as  it 
is  usually  the  case,  from  a  mixture  of  sincere  and  interested 
motives.  This  led  to  the  ai)])earance  of  a  very  singular,  and  very 
remarkable,  anonymous  ])ani])lilet,  said  to  have  hi-cn  written 
by  Lucien  Bonaparte,  but  which,  from  the  extraordinary  ele- 


388  HISTORY  OF  THE  oct.  1800 

gance  of  the  language,  from  the  classic  knowledge  of  history, 
ought  to  have  been  attributed  to  its  real  author,  who  was 
M.  de  Fontanes.  This  pamphlet  excited  so  strong  a  sensa- 
tion as  to  deserve  mention  here.  It  marks  one  of  the  steps 
taken  by  General  Bonaparte  in  the  career  of  supreme  power. 
Its  title  was,  "  ParalUle  entre  CSsar,  Cromivell,  Monck  et  Bona- 
'parte."  The  author  first  compared  General  Bonaparte  with 
Cromwell,  and  found  in  him  no  resemblance  to  that  leading 
personage  of  the  English  Ke volution.  Cromwell,  as  he  said, 
was  a  fanatic,  a  sanguinary  leader  of  a  faction,  the  murderer  of 
his  king,  victor  only  in  the  Civil  War,  conqueror  of  a  few  cities 
or  counties  of  England,  in  short,  a  barbarian  who  had  ravaged 
the  universities  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge,  a  clever  villain,  but 
no  hero.  The  counterpart  to  Cromwell  in  the  French  Eevolu- 
tion  would  be  Eobespierre,  if  Robespierre  had  possessed  courage, 
and  if  France,  having  nothing  to  subdue  but  La  Vendee,  he  had 
been  the  conqueror  of  it.  General  Bonaparte,  on  the  contrary, 
having  no  hand  in  the  evils  of  the  Eevolution,  had  compensated 
by  immense  glory  for  crimes  which  were  not  his.  He  had 
abolished  the  barbarous  festival  instituted  in  honour  of  regi- 
cide ;  he  was  putting  an  end  to  the  horrors  of  the  revolution- 
ary fanaticism  ;  he  honoured  the  arts  and  sciences,  established 
schools,  opened  the  temple  of  the  arts.  He  had  not  carried 
on  civil  war :  he  had  conquered  not  cities,  but  kingdoms.  As 
for  Monck,  what  had  that  unsteady  mind,  that  deserter  from 
all  parties,  who  did  not  know  whither  he  was  steering,  who 
wrecked  the  vessel  of  the  Eevolution  upon  monarchy,  as  he 
might  have  wrecked  it  on  the  Eepublic,  what  had  this  sorry 
personage  in  common  with  General  Bonaparte,  who  possessed 
a  mind  so  firm,  and  knew  so  clearly  what  he  purposed !  The 
title  of  Duke  of  Albemarle  might  be  enough  to  satisfy  the 
vulgar  vanity  of  General  Monck,  "but  is  it  to  be  supposed 
that  the  truncheon  of  marshal  or  the  sword  of  constable 
would  suffice  for  the  man  before  wliom  the  tmiverse  stands 
aghast  f  .  .  .  Does  not  every  one  know  that  there  are  certain 
destinies  which  call  to  the  loftiest  station  ?  .  .  .  And  besides, 
were  Bonaparte  ever  to  imitate  Monck,  is  it  not  evident  that 
France  would  be  again  plunged  into  the  horrors  of  a  new 
revolution  ?  The  tempests,  instead  of  being  allayed,  would 
spring  up  again  on  all  sides." 

After  rejecting  these  comparisons,  the  author  found  in  the 
whole  range  of  history  no  counterpart  to  General  Bonaparte  but 
Caesar.  He  discovers  in  him  the  same  military  greatness,  the 
same  political  greatness,  but  he  discovers  also  one  point  of  dis- 
similarity. Caesar,  at  the  head  of  the  Eoman  demagogues,  had 
oppressed  the  party  of  the  honest  citizens  and  destroyed  the 
Eepublic  ;  General  Bonaparte,  on  the  contrary,  had  raised  in 


OCT.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  389 

France  the  party  of  the  honest  citizens  and  put  down  that  of 
the  wicked. 

All  this  was  true ;  the  task  undertaken  thus  far  by  General 
Bonaparte  was  much  more  moral  than  that  of  Caesar. 

After  all  these  comparisons,  it  was  necessary  to  draw  a  con- 
clusion. Happy  the  Republic,  exclaimed  the  author,  if  Bona- 
parte were  immortal !  "  But  where,"  he  added,  "  where  are  his 
heirs  ?  where  are  the  institutions  capable  of  upholding  his  bene- 
fits and  perpetuating  his  genius  ?  The  destiny  of  30,ooo,cxx)  of 
human  beings  hangs  on  the  life  of  a  single  man !  Fellow-country- 
men, what  would  become  of  you,  if  at  this  moment  a  funeral  wail 
were  to  announce  that  this  man  had  ceased  to  live  ?  " 

The  author  next  examined  the  different  chances  that  might 
turn  up  at  the  death  of  General  Bonaparte.  Would  the  nation 
return  under  the  yoke  of  an  assembly  ?  but  the  remembrance  of 
the  Convention  was  there  to  exclude  such  a  supposition  from 
every  mind.  Would  it  throw  itself  into  the  arms  of  a  military 
government  ?  but  where  was  the  equal  of  General  Bonaparte  ? 
The  Republic,  no  doubt,  possessed  great  generals,  but  which  of 
them  so  far  eclipsed  all  the  rest  as  to  extinguish  all  rivalry,  and 
to  prevent  the  armies  from  slaughtering  one  another,  in  behalf 
of  their  particular  chief  ?  ...  In  default  of  the  government 
of  assemblies,  in  default  of  the  government  of  Pmetorians,  would 
the  country  have  recourse  to  the  legitimate  dynasty,  which  was 
on  the  frontiers,  stretching  out  its  arms  to  France  ?  .  .  .  But 
this  would  be  counter-revolution  ;  and  the  return  of  Charles  II. 
and  James  II.  to  England,  and  the  blood  which  flowed  at  their 
appearance,  were  examples  sufficient  to  enlighten  nations ;  and, 
were  more  recent  examples  needed,  the  late  return  of  the  Queen 
of  Naples  and  her  imbecile  husband  to  their  unfortunate  king- 
dom was  a  lesson  written  in  characters  of  blood.  Frenchmen, 
you  are  sleejnng  on  the  hrinlc  of  an  abyss  !  Such  were  the  con- 
cluding words  of  this  singular  composition. 

All  that  it  contained,  excepting  the  flatteries  of  language, 
was  true ;  but  those  truths  were  very  premature,  to  judge  from 
the  impression  which  they  produced.  Lucien,  minister  of  the 
interior,  employed  the  means  at  his  disposal  for  circulating  this 
pamphlet  over  all  P'rance.  He  filled  I'aris  and  the  provinces  with 
it,  taking  care  to  conceal  its  origin.  The  publication  produced 
a  great  ellect.  In  reality  it  said  only  what  everybody  thouglit, 
but  it  required  of  France  an  avowal  which  a  very  legitimate 
pride  did  not  yet  permit  her  to  make.  Eight  years  before,  the 
French  had  aljolished  a  royalty  of  fourteen  centuries,  and  were 
they  to  come  so  soon  and  confess,  at  tlie  feet  of  a  general  of  thirty, 
that  they  were  wrong,  and  Ijeseech  him  to  revive  tliat  royalty 
in  his  person  ?  They  were  willing  enough  to  invest  him  willi  a 
power  equal  to  that  of  kings,  but  it  was  necessary  at  least  to  save 


390  HISTORY  OF  TEE  CONSULATE.      oct.  1800 

appearances,  were  it  merely  for  the  sake  of  the  national  dignity. 
True,  this  young  warrior  had  already  gained  admirable  victories, 
and  already  restored,  to  some  extent,  security  throughout  the 
country,  but  he  had  scarcely  commenced  the  reconciliation  of 
parties,  the  reorganisation  of  France,  the  compilation  of  its  laws, 
and  above  all  he  had  not  yet  given  peace  to  the  world.  There 
were  then  many  titles  yet  left  for  him  to  acquire,  but  which  he 
was  sure  of  soon  concentrating  on  his  glorious  head. 

The  impression  was  general  and  painful.  The  prefects  reported 
from  all  quarters  that  the  pamphlet  produced  a  mischievous 
effect;  that  it  supplied  the  demagogue  faction  with  some  justifi- 
cation ;  that  CcEsars  called  forth  Brutuses ;  that  the  publication 
was  imprudent  and  to  be  regretted.  In  Paris  the  impression 
was  the  same.  In  the  Council  of  State  the  disapprobation  was 
not  concealed.  The  Pirst  Consul,  whether  he  had  been  con- 
cerned in  the  pamphlet,  or  whether  he  had  been  compromised 
without  his  knowledge  by  impatient  and  unskilful  friends, 
deemed  it  incumbent  on  him  to  disavow  it,  especially  in  the  eyes 
of  the  revolutionary  party.  He  sent  for  M.  rouche,and  asked  him 
publicly  how  he  could  suffer  such  publications  to  be  circulated. 
"  I  know  the  author,"  replied  the  minister.  "  If  you  know  him, 
you  ought  to  have  sent  him  toA'^incennes."  "I  could  not  send  him 
to  Vincennes,"  rejoined  M.  Fouche, "for  it  is  your  own  brother." 
At  these  words  General  Bonaparte  complained  bitterly  of  that 
brother,  who  had  already  compromised  him  oftener  than  once. 
A  feeling  of  displeasure  with  Lucien  Bonaparte  was  the  conse- 
quence. One  day,  the  latter  not  being  punctual  at  the  council 
of  the  ministers,  which  was  frequently  the  case,  and  many  com- 
plaints being  preferred  against  his  administration,  the  First 
Consul  expressed  strong  dissatisfaction,  and  seemed  disposed  to 
dismiss  him  immediately.  But  Cambaceres  advised  him  not  to 
proceed  so  harshly,  and  not  to  take  the  portfolio  of  the  interior 
from  Lucien,  without  giving  him  a  suitable  compensation.  The 
First  Consul  complied.  M.  Cambaceres  contrived  the  embassy 
to  Spain,  and  was  directed  to  offer  it  to  Lucien.  He  had  no  diffi- 
culty in  persuading  him  to  accept  it.  Lucien  set  off,  and  before 
long  the  imprudent  pamphlet  ceased  to  be  thought  of. 

Thus  a  first  attempt  at  assassination  against  the  First  Consul 
had  provoked  in  his  favour  a  first  attempt  at  elevation ;  but  the 
one  was  as  mad  as  the  other  was  awkward.  It  was  requisite 
that  General  Bonaparte  should  purchase  by  fresh  services  an 
augmentation  of  authority,  which  nobody  yet  defined  with  pre- 
cision, but  which  all  foresaw  confusedly  in  the  future,  and  to 
which  he  or  his  friends  already  aspired  in  an  open  manner.  At 
all  events  his  fortune  was  soon  to  furnish  him,  in  services 
rendered,  in  dangers  encountered,  with  immense  claims,  which 
France  would  no  longer  resist. 


BOOK  VII. 

H  0  H  E  N  L  I  N  D  E  N. 

JOSEPH  BONAPAETE  had  just  signed  at  Morfontaine,  with 
u  Messrs.  Ellsworth,  Davie,  and  Van -Murray,  the  treaty 
which  re-established  peace  between  France  and  the  United 
States.  It  was  the  first  treaty  concluded  by  the  consular  gov- 
ernment. It  was  natural  that  the  reconciliation  of  France 
with  the  different  powers  of  the  globe  should  begin  with  that 
Eepublic,  to  which  she  had,  in  a  measure,  given  birth.  The 
First  Consul  had  allowed  the  difficulties  relative  to  the  treaty 
of  alliance  of  the  6th  of  February  1778  to  be  adjourned;  but, 
on  the  other  hand,  he  had  required  the  adjournment  of  the 
claims  of  the  Americans  relative  to  captured  vessels.  He  judged, 
and  very  justly,  that,  at  the  moment,  he  ought  to  be  satisfied 
with  the  acknowledgment  of  the  riglits  of  neutrals.  This  w^as 
giving  to  France  one  ally  more,  and  to  England  one  enemy  more 
upon  the  seas;  it  was  a  new  leaven  added  to  the  maritime  quarrel, 
which  was  arising  in  the  North,  and  which  became  from  day 
to  day  more  serious.  In  consequence,  the  principal  articles  of 
the  law  of  neutrals,  such,  at  least,  as  they  are  laid  down  by 
France  and  all  the  maritime  states,  were  inserted  integrally  in 
the  new  treaty. 

These  articles  were  the  same  to  which  we  have  already 
adverted. 

1.  The  flfuj  covers  the  merchandise — consequently,  the  neutral 
can  carry  the  goods  of  any  enemy  without  being  searched. 

2.  There  is  no  exception  from  this  rule,  unless  for  contraband 
of  war,  and  that  contraband  does  not  extend  to  alimentary  sub- 
stances, or  to  naval  stores,  timber,  pitch,  hemp,  but  solely  to 
manufactured  arms  and  munilions  of  war,  such  as  "powder, 
saltpetre,  petards,  matches,  balls,  bullets,  bombs,  grenades,  car- 
casses, pikes,  halberts,  swords,  sword-belts,  or  accoutrements, 
pistols,  scabbards,  cavalry-saddles,  harness,  cannon,  mortars  with 
their  carriages,  and  generally  all  arms,  munitions  of  war,  and 
implements  for  the  use  of  troops." 

3.  Xeutral  bottoms  can  sail  from  any  port  to  any  port :  there 
is  no  exception  to  tiieir  freedom  of  navigating,  uiilfss  in  regard 
to  ports  hond  fide  blockaded;  and  only  those  jjorls  are  bond  fide 


392  HISTORY  OF  THE  oct.  1800 

blockaded  which  are  guarded  by  such  a  force  that  there  is  serious 
danger  in  attempting  to  break  the  blockade. 

4.  The  neutral  is  bound  to  submit  to  search,  for  the  purpose  of 
ascertaining  her  real  character ;  but  the  visiting  vessel  must  keep 
at  the  distance  of  cannon-shot,  and  send  only  a  boat  and  three 
men  to  board  her ;  and,  if  the  neutral  is  convoyed  by  a  vessel  of 
war,  no  search  can  take  place,  the  presence  of  the  admiralty  flag 
being  a  sufficient  guarantee  against  every  species  of  fraud. 

The  treaty  contained  other  stipulations  of  detail,  but  these 
four  principal  clauses,  which  truly  constitute  the  law  of  neutrals, 
were  an  important  victory ;  for  the  Americans,  in  adopting 
them,  were  obliged  to  insist  on  the  application  of  them  to  their 
vessels  on  the  part  of  the  English,  or  forced  to  go  to  war  with 
them. 

The  signature  of  this  treaty  was  celebrated  with  eclat  at  Mor- 
fontaine,  a  beautiful  seat,  which  Joseph,  who  was  richer  than 
his  brothers,  in  consequence  of  his  marriage,  had  some  time 
before  purchased.  The  First  Consul  went  thither,  accompanied 
by  a  numerous  and  brilliant  party.  Elegant  decorations,  set  up 
in  the  mansion  and  the  gardens,  everywhere  exhibited  France 
and  America  united.  Toasts  suited  to  the  occasion  were  drunk. 
The  First  Consul  proposed  the  following :  "  To  the  manes  of 
the  French  and  the  Americans  who  died  on  the  held  of  battle 
for  the  independence  of  the  New  World."  Lebrun  proposed, 
"  The  union  of  America  with  the  Northern  powers,  to  enforce 
respect  for  the  liberty  of  the  seas."  Cambaceres  gave  for  the 
third,  "  The  successor  of  Washington." 

The  French  government  waited  with  impatience  for  the  arrival 
of  M.  de  Cobentzel  at  Luneville,  to  learn  whether  his  court  was 
disposed  to  conclude  peace.  The  First  Consul,  if  he  was  not 
satisfied  with  the  progress  of  the  negotiations,  was  determined 
to  renew  hostilities,  let  the  season  be  ever  so  far  advanced. 
Since  he  had  crossed  the  St.  Bernard,  he  reckoned  obstacles  as 
nothing,  and  thought  that  men  could  fight  just  as  well  in  snow 
or  on  ice,  as  on  ground  covered  with  verdure  or  with  crops. 
Austria,  on  the  contrary,  wished  to  gain  time,  because  she  was 
pledged  to  England  not  to  make  any  separate  peace  before  the 
month  of  February  ensuing,  that  is,  February  1801  (Fluviose, 
year  IX.).  Extremely  apprehensive  of  the  renewal  of  hostilities, 
she  had  just  applied  for  a  third  prolongation  of  the  armistice. 
The  First  Consul  had  peremptorily  refused  it,  on  the  ground 
that  M.  de  Cobentzel  had  not  yet  arrived  at  Luneville.  He 
was  resolved  not  to  concede  this  point  till  the  Austrian  pleni- 
potentiary should  be  on  the  very  spot  fixed  for  the  negotia- 
tion. At  length,  on  the  24th  of  October  1800,  M.  de  Coben- 
tzel arrived  at  Luneville.  He  was  received  on  the  frontiers 
and  along  the  whole  route  with  salutes  of  cannon,  and  with 


OCT.  i8oo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  393 

extraordinary  demonstrations  of  respect.  General  Clarke  had 
been  appointed  governor  of  Luneville,  to  do  the  honours  of  the 
place  to  the  members  of  the  Congress ;  and,  that  he  might  be  able 
to  discharge  that  duty  in  a  suitable  manner,  a  sum  of  money  and 
some  crack  regiments  had  been  placed  at  his  disposal.  Joseph, 
on  his  part,  had  repaired  thither,  accompanied  by  M.  de  Laforet, 
for  secretary.  No  sooner  had  M.  de  Cobentzel  arrived,  than 
the  First  Consul,  anxious  to  learn  himself  the  dispositions  of 
the  Austrian  negotiator,  sent  him  an  invitation  to  come  and 
pass  a  few  days  in  I'aris.*  M.  de  Cobentzel  durst  not  refuse, 
and  proceeded  to  Paris  with  great  deference.  He  reached  it 
on  the  29th  of  October.  A  new  prolongation  of  the  armistice 
for  twenty  days  was  at  once  granted  him.  The  First  Consul 
then  conversed  with  him  on  the  peace,  and  the  conditions  upon 
which  it  might  be  concluded.  M.  de  Cobentzel's  replies  were 
not  very  satisfactory  on  the  question  of  a  separate  negotiation, 
and  as  to  the  conditions,  he  put  forward  pretensions  that  were 
totally  out  of  place.  Austria  had  views  in  regard  to  Italy  which 
it  was  impossible  to  satisfy,  and  she  expected,  if  the  indemnities 
promised  in  Italy  by  the  treaty  of  Campo  Formio  were  granted 
to  her  in  Cxermany  only,  she  expected  that  exorbitant  concessions 
of  territory  should  be  made  to  her  either  in  Bavaria,  or  in  the 
Palatinate,  or  in  Swabia.  The  First  Consul  gave  way  to  some 
sallies  of  passion.  This  he  had  done  before  in  the  negotiations 
of  Campo  Formio  with  this  same  M.  de  Cobentzel ;  but,  with 
increasing  age  and  power,  he  controlled  himself  even  less  than 
he  had  formerly  done.  M.  de  Cobentzel  complained  Ijitterly, 
saying  that  he  had  never  been  treated  in  that  manner,  either 
by  Catherine,  or  by  Frederick,  or  by  the  Emperor  Paul  himself. 
In  consequence,  he  desired  to  return  to  Luneville,  and  the  First 
Consul  suffered  him  to  depart,  imagining  that  it  would  be  better 
to  negotiate  foot  l)y  foot  with  him,  through  the  medium  of 
Joseph.  The  latter,  mild,  calm,  and  tolerably  intelligent,  was 
fitter  than  liis  brother  for  this  operation  of  patience. 

M.  de  Cobentzel  and  Josepli  Ponaparte  having  met  at  Lune- 
ville, exchanged  their  full  powers  on  the  9th  of  >s'ovember  (i8th 
Brumaire).  Joseph  had  orders  to  put  to  liim  the  three  following 
questions: — I.  Had  he  authority  to  treat?  2.  Was  he  autho- 
rised to  treat  separately  from  l-'nglandy  3.  Was  he  to  treat 
for  the  Emperor,  in  the  name  of  the  house  of  Austria  alone,  or 
in  the  name  of  the  whole  Cermanic  Euqnre  ? 

The  powers  being  exchanged,  and  found  to  be  valid,  ior  whicli 
purpose  tliey  were  most  minulely  scrutinised,  on  account  of  the 
misadventure  of  M.  de  St.  -lulien,  tliey  entered  into  e.\i)lanations 

*  Napoleon  said  at  St.  Helena  that  M.  de  Cobentzel  was  desirous  to  come 
to  Paris  in  order  to  pain  time.  His  memory  deceived  him.  The  diplomatic 
correspondence  proves  what  I  advance. 


394  HISTORY  OF  THE  nov.  1800 

concerning  the  extent  of  those  powers.  M.  de  Cobentzel  de- 
clared, without  hesitation,  that  he  could  not  treat  without  the 
presence  of  an  English  plenipotentiary  at  the  congress.  As  to 
the  question  whether  he  was  to  treat  for  the  house  of  Austria 
alone  or  for  the  whole  empire,  he  said  that  he  must  refer  to 
Vienna  for  fresh  instructions. 

These  answers  were  transmitted  to  Paris.  The  First  Consul 
immediately  directed  M.  de  Cobentzel  to  be  informed  that  hos- 
tilities should  be  renewed  at  the  expiration  of  the  armistice, 
that  is  to  say,  in  the  last  days  of  November ;  that,  nevertheless, 
the  congress  need  not  break  up ;  that  while  the  hostilities  con- 
tinued they  might  negotiate ;  but  that  the  French  armies  would 
not  stop  in  their  march  till  the  Austrian  plenipotentiary  had 
consented  to  treat  without  England. 

During  these  transactions  the  First  Consul  had  taken  a  pre- 
caution, which  had  become  indispensable,  in  regard  to  Tuscany. 
The  Austrian  general,  Sommariva,  had  remained  there  with  a 
few  hundred  men,  agreeably  to  the  convention  of  Alexandria, 
but  he  continued  to  raise  levies  en  masse  with  English  money. 
At  the  same  moment  intelligence  was  received  of  a  landing  at 
Leghorn  of  those  same  English  troops  which  had  so  long  been 
on  their  way  from  Mahon  to  Ferrol,  from  Ferrol  to  Cadiz.  The 
Neapolitans,  on  their  part,  were  advancing  towards  Eome,  and 
the  Austrians,  spreading  themselves  in  the  Legations  beyond 
the  limits  marked  out  by  the  armistice,  were  thus  endeavouring 
to  extend  a  hand  to  the  Tuscan  insurrection.  The  First  Consul, 
seeing  that,  while  the  Austrians  were  seeking  to  gain  time,  they 
were  preparing  to  place  the  French  army  between  two  fires, 
directed  General  Dupont  to  march  upon  Tuscany,  and  ]\Iurat, 
commanding  the  camp  at  Amiens,  to  proceed  immediately  to 
Italy.  He  had  several  times  warned  the  Austrians  what  he 
meant  to  do,  unless  they  suspended  the  movements  of  troops 
begun  in  Tuscany ;  and  perceiving  that  they  paid  no  attention 
to  these  intimations,  he  had  actually  given  orders  accordingly. 
General  Dupont,  with  Pino's,  Malher's,  and  Carra  St.  Cyr's 
brigades,  rapidly  crossed  the  Apennines,  and  occupied  Florence ; 
while  General  Clement  marched  from  Lucca  to  Leghorn.  No 
resistance  was  anywhere  experienced.  Aleanwhile,  the  insur- 
gents assembled  in  the  town  of  Arezzo,  which  had  already  dis- 
tinguished itself  against  the  French  at  the  time  of  Macdonald's 
retreat  in  1799.  They  were  obliged  to  take  it  by  assault  and 
to  punish  it.  This  was  done  less  severely,  perhaps,  than  it  had 
deserved  for  its  conduct  towards  our  soldiers.  All  Tuscany  was 
thenceforward  submissive.  The  Neapolitans  were  stopped  in 
their  march,  and  the  English  driven  from  the  soil  of  Italy  at 
the  very  moment  when  they  were  about  to  enter  Leghorn. 
Two  days  afterwards  they  landed  12,000  men. 


NOV.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  395 

The  armies  were  in  motion  on  all  sides,  from  the  banks  of  the 
Mayn  to  the  coast  of  the  Adriatic,  from  Frankfort  to  Bologna. 
Notice  of  hostilities  had,  moreover,  been  given.  Austria,  in 
alarm,  made  a  last  attempt,  through  the  medium  of  M.  de 
Cobentzel — an  attempt  which  proved  her  desire  to  bring  matters 
to  a  conclusion,  but  also  the  embarrassment  resulting  from  her 
unfortunate  engagements  with  England.  M.  de  Cobentzel,  there- 
fore, addressed  himself  to  Joseph  Bonaparte,  and  assuming  a 
tone  of  confidence,  asked  him  several  times  if  the  discretion  of 
the  French  government  might  be  depended  upon.  Made  easy 
on  this  point  by  Joseph,  he  showed  him  a  letter,  in  which  the 
Emperor,  expressing  the  same  fears  that  he  himself  had  just 
expressed  relative  to  the  danger  of  an  indiscretion,  but  relying 
upon  his  knowledge  of  men  and  things,  authorised  him  to  make 
the  following  overture.  Austria  consented,  at  length,  to  detach 
herself  from  England,  and  to  treat  separately,  on  two  conditions, 
on  which  she  must  insist  in  the  most  absolute  manner :  firstly, 
inviolable  secrecy  till  the  ist  of  February  1801,  the  period  at 
which  her  engagements  with  England  terminated,  with  a  formal 
promise,  if  the  negotiation  should  miscarry,  to  give  up  all  the 
papers  written  on  both  sides ;  secondly,  the  admission  of  an 
English  plenipotentiary  to  Luneville,  to  mask  the  real  negotia- 
tion by  his  presence.  On  these  two  conditions,  Austria  con- 
sented to  treat  immediately,  and  desired  a  fresh  prolongation 
of  the  armistice. 

The  proximity  of  Paris  admitted  of  an  immediate  nnswer. 
The  First  Consul  would  not,  at  any  rate,  admit  an  English 
negotiator  to  Luneville.  He  consented,  however,  to  suspend 
hostilities  again,  on  condition  of  a  peace  signed  secretly,  if  that 
suited  Austria,  but  signed  within  forty-eight  hours.  The  con- 
ditions of  this  peace  were  already  settled,  in  a  great  measure,  by 
the  discussion  on  the  preliminaries.  They  were  the  following : 
— The  Pihine  as  boundary  of  the  French  liepublic  in  Germany ; 
the  Mincio  for  the  boundary  of  Austria  in  Italy,  instead  of  the 
Adige,  which  she  had  in  1797,  but  with  the  cession  of  Mantua 
to  the  Cisalpine  ;  the  Milanese,  the  Valteline,  Parma,  and  Modena 
to  the  Cisalpine ;  Tuscany  to  the  Duke  of  Parma ;  tlie  Lega- 
tions to  the  Duke  of  Tuscany ;  lastly,  as  general  conditions, 
the  independence  of  Piedmont,  Switzerland,  and  Genoa.  These 
were  the  groundwork  of  the  St.  Julicn  preliminaries,  with  a 
single  difference,  the  relinquisliment  of  Mantua  to  the  Cisalpine, 
to  punish  Austria  for  the  refusal  of  her  ratification,  liut  the 
First  Consul  required  tliat  tlie  treaty  sliould  be  signed  in  forty- 
eight  hours,  otherwise  he  threatened  immediate  war.  and  with 
redoubled  vigour.  In  case  of  acceptance,  he  liound  himself  to 
absolute  secrecy  till  the  ist  of  February,  and  to  a  new  suspen- 
sion of  hostilities. 


396  HISTORY  OF  THE  nov.  1800 

Austria  was  not  disposed  either  to  proceed  so  expeditiously 
or  to  assent  to  such  sacrifices  in  Italy.  Deceiving  herself 
respecting  the  conditions  which  she  was  able  to  obtain,  she 
rejected  the  French  proposal.  Hostilities  were,  therefore,  re- 
newed immediately.  M.  de  Cobentzel  and  Joseph  remained  at 
Luneville,  waiting,  before  they  made  new  communications  to 
one  another,  for  the  events  that  were  about  to  take  place  at 
once  on  the  Danube,  on  the  Inn,  on  the  High  Alps,  and  on 
the  Adige. 

The  renewal  of  hostilities  had  been  announced  for  the  28th 
of  November  (7th  Frimaire,  year  IX.).  Everything  was  ready 
for  this  winter  campaign,  one  of  the  most  celebrated,  and  one 
of  the  most  decisive  in  our  annals. 

The  First  Consul  had  disposed  five  armies  on  the  vast  theatre 
of  this  war.  His  intention  was  to  direct  them  from  Paris,  with- 
out putting  himself  personally  at  their  head.  Still  he  had  not 
renounced  the  idea  of  going  to  Germany  or  Italy,  and  assuming 
the  direct  command  of  one  of  them,  if  an  unforeseen  reverse, 
or  any  other  cause,  should  render  his  presence  necessary.  His 
equipages  were  at  Dijon,  quite  ready  to  start  for  the  point  to 
which  he  might  be  obliged  to  repair. 

These  five  armies  were  those  of  Augereau  on  the  Mayn,  of 
Moreau  on  the  Inn,  of  Macdonald  in  the  Grisons,  of  Brune  on 
the  Mincio,  and  of  Murat  on  march  for  Italy,  with  the  grenadiers 
of  Amiens.  Augereau  had  under  his  command  8000  Dutch, 
12,000  French,  in  all  20,000  men;  Moreau  130,000,  of  whom 
1 10,000  belonged  to  the  active  army.  The  army  of  this  latter 
had  been  raised  to  this  considerable  force  by  recruiting,  by 
the  return  of  sick  and  wounded,  and  by  the  junction  of  St. 
Suzanne's  corps.  The  delivery  of  Philipsburg,  Ulm,  and  Ingol- 
stadt  had,  moreover,  permitted  Moreau  to  concentrate  all  his 
troops  between  the  Isar  and  the  Inn.  Macdonald  had  at  his 
disposal  15,000  men  in  the  Grisons.  Brune  in  Italy  was  at  the 
head  of  125,000  soldiers,  80,000  of  whom  were  on  the  Mincio, 
12,000  in  Lombardy,  Piedmont,  and  Lignria ;  8000  in  Tuscany  ; 
and  25,000  in  the  hospitals.  Murat's  corps  formed  a  force  of 
10,000  grenadiers.  This  constituted  a  total  of  300,000  com- 
batants. If  we  add  to  this  number  40,000  men  in  Egypt  and 
in  the  colonies,  60,000  in  the  interior  and  on  the  coasts,  we 
shall  find  that,  since  the  administration  of  the  First  Consul,  the 
Republic  numbered  nearly  400,000  soldiers  under  arms.  The 
300,000  posted  on  the  theatre  of  war,  250,000  of  whom  were 
effective,  and  capable  of  acting  immediately,  were  provided  with 
everything,  thanks  to  the  united  resources  of  the  Treasury  and 
the  contributions  levied  in  the  countries  occupied.  The  cavalry 
was  well  mounted,  especially  that  in  Germany.  The  parks 
of  artillery  were  large  and  in  admirable  condition.     Moreau 


NOV.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  397 

possessed  200  pieces  of  cannon,  Bruue  180.  We  were,  there- 
fore, much  better  prepared  than  in  spring,  and  our  armies  had 
unbounded  confidence  in  themselves. 

Enlightened  but  rigid  judges  have  asked  why  the  First 
Consul,  instead  of  dividing  the  whole  of  his  active  forces  into 
five  corps,  had  not,  according  to  his  own  principle,  formed  two 
great  masses,  one  of  170,000  men  under  ^loreau,  marching  for 
Vienna  through  Bavaria;  the  other  of  130,000  under  Brune, 
crossing  the  Mincio,  the  Adige,  and  the  Alps,  and  threatening 
Vienna  by  the  Friule  ?  This  was,  indeed,  the  plan  which  he 
adopted  in  1805,  but  the  exposition  of  facts  will  enable  the 
reader  to  comprehend  his  motives,  and  prove  with  what  a 
profound  knowledge  of  men  and  things  he  understood  how  to 
vary  the  application  of  the  great  principles  of  war  according 
to  circumstances. 

Our  two  principal  armies,  that  of  Moreau  and  that  of  Brune, 
were  posted  on  the  two  sides  of  the  Alps,  nearly  on  the  same 
meridian,  the  first  along  the  Inn,  the  second  along  the  Mincio. 
Moreau  was  to  force  the  line  of  the  Inn,  Brune  that  of  the 
Mincio.  These  two  armies  were  at  least  equal  in  numerical 
force,  immensely  superior  in  moral  force,  to  those  which  were 
opposed  to  them.  Between  the  two  lay  the  chain  of  the  Alps, 
forming  in  this  part  what  is  called  the  Tyrol.  The  Austrians 
had  the  corps  of  General  Iller  in  German  Tyrol,  and  that  of 
General  Davidovich  in  Italian  Tyrol.  General  Macdonald,  with 
the  15,000  men  placed  under  his  command,  and  designated  the 
second  army  of  reserve,  was  to  occupy  those  two  corps,  and  to 
attract  all  their  attention,  by  leaving  them  uncertain  respecting 
the  point  of  attack  which  he  should  choose ;  for,  placed  in  the 
Grisons,  he  had  the  option  of  throwing  himself  directly  into 
German  Tyrol,  or  by  the  Splugen  into  Italian  Tyrol.  The 
title  borne  by  his  army,  and  the  doubts  circulated  respecting  its 
force,  could  not  but  excite  apprehensions  of  some  other  extra- 
ordinary stroke,  and  it  was  there  to  profit  by  the  dread  which 
the  passage  of  the  St.  Bernard  had  produced.  People  had  not 
given  sufficient  credit  to  the  first  army  of  reserve ;  they  were 
ready  to  give  too  much  to  the  second.  Moreau  and  Brune, 
thenceforth  relieved  from  all  uneasiness  about  tlie  side  next  to 
the  Alps,  could,  without  being  alarmed  for  their  Hanks,  push 
forward  with  the  whole  of  their  forces. 

Augereau's  little  army  was  destined  to  watch  tlie  levies  en 
masse  of  Franconia  and  Swabia,  supported  by  the  Austrian 
corps  of  Siml)schen.  It  covered,  therefore,  the  left  and  tlie 
rear  of  Moreau.  Lastly,  ]\Iural,  with  10,000  grenadiers  and  a 
powerful  artillery,  was  to  perform  precisely  the  same  part  in 
regard  U)  l>rune  as  Augereau  was  about  to  })erforni  in  regard 
to  Moreau.     He  was  to  cover  thi'  rii^dit  and  the  reai-  of   l>ninc 


398  HISTORY  OF  THE  no  v.  1800 

against  the  insurgents  of  Central  Italy,  the  Neapolitans,  and 
the  English,  &c. 

These  prudential  precautions  are  such  as  it  is  right  to  take 
when  you  are  confined  within  the  conditions  of  ordinary  war- 
fare. Now,  the  First  Consul  was  necessarily  confined  within 
them  when  he  had  for  executors  of  his  plans  two  such  generals 
as  Brune  and  Moreau.  Moreau,  the  best  of  the  two,  and  one 
of  the  best  in  Europe,  was,  nevertheless,  not  the  man  to  do 
what  the  First  Consul,  after  he  became  emperor,  himself  did 
in  1805,  when,  collecting  a  considerable  force  on  the  Danube, 
and  leaving  a  smaller  force  in  Italy,  he  swept  onwards  like  a 
torrent  upon  Vienna,  regardless  either  about  his  flanks  or  his 
rear,  and  placing  his  safety  in  the  overwhelming  vigour  of  the 
strokes  which  he  dealt  to  the  principal  enemy.  But  Moreau,  but 
Brune,  were  not  men  to  act  thus.  It  was  therefore  necessary 
that,  in  directing  them,  he  should  keep  within  the  conditions  of 
methodical  warfare ;  it  was  necessary  to  guard  their  flanks  and 
their  rear,  to  secure  them  against  whatever  might  happen  around 
them ;  for  neither  was  capable  of  controlling  accidents  by  the 
grandeur  and  vigour  of  his  resolutions.  For  this  reason  it  was 
that  Macdonald  was  placed  in  the  Tyrol,  Augereau  in  Franconia, 
Murat  in  Central  Italy. 

These  dispositions  did  not  admit  of  improvement,  unless  the 
state  of  affairs  at  home  had  allowed  the  First  Consul  to  assume 
in  person  the  command  of  one  of  the  armies ;  but  everybody 
agreed  that  at  this  moment  he  ouo;ht  not  to  leave  the  centre  of 
the  government.  His  absence  during  the  short  campaign  of 
Marengo  had  been  attended  with  inconveniences  serious  enough 
to  prevent  him  from  incurring  them  again  without  absolute 
necessity. 

The  dispositions  of  the  Austrians  were,  in  all  respects,  inferior 
to  ours.  Their  armies,  nearly  equal  in  number  to  the  French 
forces,  were  not  a  match  for  them  in  any  other  respect.  They 
had  not  yet  recovered  from  their  recent  defeats.  The  Archduke 
John  commanded  in  Germany,  Marshal  Bellegarde  in  Italy. 
Simbschen's  corps,  destined  to  form  the  nucleus  of  the  levies  in 
Swabia  and  Franconia,  appuyed  itself  on  General  Klenau.  The 
latter  commanded  an  intermediate  corps,  placed  d  cheval  on  the 
Danube,  connecting  itself,  on  the  right,  with  Simbschen's  corps, 
on  the  left  with  the  principal  army  of  the  Archduke.  Generals 
Simbschen  and  Klenau  had,  between  them,  24,000  men,  ex- 
clusively of  the  partisan  troops  raised  in  Germany.  General 
Klenau  was  destined  to  follow  the  movements  of  General  St. 
Suzanne,  to  approach  the  Archduke  if  St.  Suzanne  approached 
Moreau,  to  join  Simbschen's  corps  if  St.  Suzanne  should  join 
the  little  army  of  Augereau. 

The  Archduke  John  had  with  him  80,000  men,  of  whom 


NOV.  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  399 

60,000  were  Austrians,  in  advance  of  the  Inn,  and  20,000 
Wurtembergers  or  Bavarians  behind  the  entrenchments  of 
that  river.  General  Iller  commanded  20,000  men  in  the  Tyrol, 
besides  10,000  Tyrolese.  Marshal  Bellegarde,  in  Italy,  was  at 
the  head  of  80,000  soldiers,  well  established  behind  the  Mincio. 
Lastly,  10,000  Austrians,  detached  towards  Ancona  and  La 
Eomagna,  were  to  second  the  Neapolitans  and  the  English  in 
case  these  latter  should  make  an  attempt  upon  Central  or 
Southern  Italy.  They  formed,  therefore,  a  principal  force  of 
224,000  men,  which,  with  the  ]\Iayencers,  the  Tyrolese,  the 
Neapolitans,  the  Tuscans,  and  the  English,  might  amount  to 
about  300,000.  The  First  Consul,  in  causing  the  Tuscans  to 
be  disarmed,  in  closing  Leghorn  against  the  Englisli,  in  repress- 
ing the  Neapolitans,  had  taken  very  useful  and  proper  precau- 
tions for  preventing  the  augmentation  of  tlie  hostile  forces. 

By  a  sort  of  mutual  resolution,  both  the  belligerent  parties 
prepared  to  settle  the  quarrel  in  Germany  between  the  Isar  and 
the  Inn.  The  operations  commenced  on  the  28th  of  November 
(7th  Frimaire),  in  severe  weather,  produced  by  a  very  cold 
rain  in  Swabia,  and  intense  frost  in  the  Alps.  While  Augereau, 
advancing  by  Frankfort,  Aschaftenburg,  Wurtzburg,  and  Nurem- 
berg, fought  a  brilliant  action  at  Burg-Eberach,  separated  the 
Mayence  levies  from  Simbschen's  corps,  and  crippled  the  latter 
for  the  rest  of  the  campaign ;  while  Macdonald,  after  occupy- 
ing the  Austrians  for  a  considerable  time  towards  the  sources 
of  the  Inn,  was  preparing,  in  spite  of  the  season,  to  cross  the 
great  chain  of  the  Alps,  with  the  intention  of  boldly  tlirowing 
himself  into  Italian  Tyrol,  and  facilitating  for  Brune  the  attack 
of  the  line  of  the  Mincio;  Moreau,  with  the  principal  mass  of 
his  forces,  advanced  between  the  Isar  and  the  Inn  to  a  field  of 
battle  which  he  had  long  studied,  seeking  a  decisive  engage- 
ment with  the  great  Austrian  army. 

It  is  necessary  to  give  an  accurate  idea  of  the  ground  on 
which  the  French  and  the  Austrians  were  about  to  meet  upon 
one  of  the  most  important  occasions  of  our  long  wars.  We 
have  elsewhere  described  the  basin  of  the  Danube,  watered  by 
that  great  river  and  a  series  of  tributaries,  wliich,  descending 
rapidly  from  the  Alps,  come  in  succession  to  swell  the  mass  of 
its  waters.  These  tributaries,  we  observed,  are  lines  wliicli  an 
Austrian  army,  intending  to  cover  Vienna,  ouglit  to  defend, 
and  which  a  French  army,  purposing  to  march  on  that  capital, 
must  force.  In  the  summer  campaign,  Moreau,  as  it  will  be 
recollected,  after  ])euetrating  from  tlie  valley  of  the  Khine  into 
that  of  the  Danuhr.  and  crossing  thv  Iller,  the  Lech,  the  Isar, 
had  halted  between  the  Isiir  and  the  Inn.  He  was  master  of 
the  course  of  the  Isar,  all  the  prineii)al  ])oints  of  which  he 
occupied;  first  ^Munich,  then  Freising,  .Moosburg,  Landshut,  i!i:c. 


400  HISTORY  OF  THE  nov.  1800 

He  had  advanced  beyond  that  river,  and  was  facing  the  Inn, 
occupied  in  force  by  the  Austrians. 

The  Isar  and  the  Inn,  both  issuing  from  the  Alps,  run 
together  towards  the  Danube,  separated  by  an  almost  invari- 
able distance  of  between  ten  and  twelve  leagues.  Proceeding 
at  first  in  a  northward  direction,  the  Isar  to  Munich,  the  Inn 
to  Wasserburg,  they  both  turn  off  towards  the  east,  till  they 
fall  into  the  Danube ;  the  Isar  at  Deggendorf,  the  Inn  at 
Passau.  We  were  masters  of  the  Isar,  and  it  was  requisite 
that  we  should  force  the  Inn ;  but  the  Inn,  broad,  deep,  de- 
fended at  its  outlet  from  the  mountains  by  the  fort  of  Kuf stein, 
and  in  the  lower  part  of  its  course  by  the  fortress  of  Braunau, 
covered  between  these  two  points  by  a  vast  number  of  intrench- 
ments,  the  Inn  was  a  difficult  barrier  to  pass.  If  Moreau 
attempted  to  force  it  in  the  upper  part  of  its  course,  between 
Kufstein,  Eosenheim,  and  Wasserburg,  he  would  meet  with 
almost  insurmountable  local  difficulties ;  he  would,  moreover, 
have  the  army  of  Tyrol  on  his  right  flank.  If  he  determined 
on  forcing  it  in  the  lower  part  of  its  course,  between  Braunau 
and  Passau,  near  the  point  where  it  falls  into  the  Danube,  he 
would  have  to  run  the  risk  of  a  lengthened  march  upon  the 
left,  through  a  difficult,  wooded,  marshy  country,  exposing  his 
flank  to  the  Austrian  army,  which,  advancing  by  Miihldorf 
and  Braunau,  might  throw  itself  upon  the  right  wing  of  the 
French  army.  These  two  inconveniences  were  judged  extremely 
serious.  If  the  Austrians,  taking  care  to  guard  themselves 
properly,  and  to  observe  with  vigilance  all  the  passes  of  the 
Inn,  conflned  themselves  to  the  defensive,  Moreau  might  en- 
counter almost  invincible  obstacles.  But  such  was  not  their 
design.  The  offensive  was  resolved  upon  in  the  Austrian  staff. 
The  young  Archduke  John,  with  his  head  full  of  new  theories 
invented  by  the  Germans,  and  emulous  also  to  imitate  some- 
thing of  the  great  movements  of  General  Bonaparte,  devised 
a  very  extensive  plan,  which  was  not  badly  conceived  either, 
in  the  opinion  of  competent  judges.  Unluckily  this  plan  was 
inapplicable,  because  it  was  not  based  on  the  accurate  apprecia- 
tion of  present  circumstances.  As  far  as  it  has  come  to  our 
knowledge,  it  was  as  follows  : — 

Moreau  was  established  on  the  ground  which  separates  the 
Isar  from  the  Inn.  Between  Munich  and  Wasserburg  this 
ground  forms  an  elevated  plain,  covered  with  a  thick  forest, 
subsides  as  it  approaches  the  Danube,  and,  as  it  sinks,  is  rent 
into  numerous  ravines,  continues  wooded  in  some  parts,  becomes 
swampy  in  others,  and,  in  short,  is  very  difficult  of  access  on 
every  side.  Moreau  was  in  possession  of  this  plateau,  of  the 
forest  which  covers  it,  and  of  the  roads  that  intersect  it.  From 
Munich,  where  he  had  his  headquarters,  two  roads  lead  to  the 


NOV.  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  401 

Inn  ;  the  one  running  direct  through  Ebersburg  to  Wasserburg, 
the  other  in  an  oblique  direction  to  the  left,  and  passing  through 
Hohenlinden,  Haag,  Ampfing,  and  ]\Ilihldorf.  Both  crossed  the 
gloomy  forest  of  pines  which  covers  that  elevated  tract.  It 
was  in  this  formidable  retreat,  formed  by  a  hilly  and  wooded 
country,  approachable  by  two  roads,  both  of  which  were  held 
by  Moreau,  that  an  assailing  force  must  needs  encounter  him. 
The  other  roads  consisted  of  only  very  narrow  paths,  destined 
solely  for  the  conveyance  of  timber,  and  impassable  for  the 
heavy  waggon-train  of  an  army. 

The  young  Archduke  projected  a  great  manoeuvre.  He  pur- 
posed not  to  attack  Moreau's  position  in  front,  but  to  turn 
it,  in  debouching  by  the  bridges  of  Miihldorf,  Neu-Oetting, 
and  Braunau.  Leaving  about  20,000  men,  Bavarians,  Wurtem- 
bergers,  and  Conde's  emigrants,  to  dispute  the  Inn,  he  intended 
to  assume  the  offensive  with  60,000  Austrians,  and  to  march 
on  the  left  of  Moreau,  through  that  half  woody,  half  swampy 
country,  which  extends  between  the  Inn  and  the  Isar,  near 
the  points  where  they  fall  into  the  Danube.  If  the  young 
Archduke  proceeded  rapidly  through  the  difficult  country  by 
Eggenfelden,  Neumarkt,  and  Wilsburg,  and  arrived  in  time  at 
Landshut  on  the  Isar,  he  would  be  able  to  ascend  the  Isar  on 
our  rear  to  Freising,  cross  it  at  that  place,  and  thence  continue 
his  march  upon  a  chain  of  heights  which  Vjegins  at  Dachau, 
and  commands  the  plain  of  Munich.  Occupying  this  point, 
he  would  dangerously  threaten  Moreau's  line  of  retreat,  and 
oblige  him  to  evacuate  the  country  between  the  Inn  and  the 
Isar,  and  to  pass  through  Munich  with  the  utmost  haste,  in 
order  to  take  a  retrograde  position  on  the  Lech.  But,  to  ensure 
the  success  of  such  a  manoeuvre,  one  must  have  correctly 
calculated  all  the  means  of  execution,  and,  after  engaging  in 
it,  great  firmness  was  requisite  for  encountering  its  perilous 
chances;  for  there  was  an  almost  impassable  country  to  traverse, 
in  horrible  weather,  and  at  the  same  time  incessantly  skirting 
an  enemy,  who  was  not  prompt  and  daring,  it  is  true,  but 
intelligent,  firm,  and  not  easily  disconcerted. 

The  troops  of  both  nations  were  in  motion  on  the  26th  and 
27th  of  November  (5th  and  6th  Frimaire),  to  connncnee  lios- 
tilities  on  the  28tli  (7th  Frimaire).  Tlie  Austrian  Ueneral 
Klenau,  stationed  on  the  Danul)e  to  support  Simbschen  against 
the  little  army  of  Augereau,  had  attracted  the  attention  of 
General  St.  Suzanne,  commanding  ]\I(jreau's  fourth  cc»ri)s.  Being 
thus  both  of  them  removed  to  a  consideraljle  disiance  fi'«im 
the  principal  theatre  of  events,  they  were  on  the  hanuhe; 
General  St.  Suzanne  towards  lng(jlstadt,  (General  Klenau  towards 
liatisbon. 

^loreau  had  moved  his  left  winu,  26,000  strong,  and  under 


402  HISTORY  OF  THE  nov.  1800 

the  command  of  General  Grenier,  along  the  highroad  from 
Munich  to  Miihldorf,  by  Hohenlinden,  Haag,  and  Ampfing,  thus 
making  it  occupy  the  slopes  of  that  species  of  plateau  which 
extends  between  the  two  rivers.  His  centre,  which  he  com- 
manded in  person,  and  which  amounted  to  about  34,cmdo  men,* 
occupied  the  direct  road  from  Munich  to  Wasserburg  by  Ebers- 
berg.  The  right  wing  under  Lecourbe,  of  about  26,000  men, 
was  posted  along  the  Upper  Inn,  in  the  environs  of  Kosenheim : 
a  division  of  it  observed  the  Tyrol.  Moreau  had  consequently 
at  hand  only  his  left  and  his  centre,  nearly  60,000  men.  He 
had  set  his  army  in  motion  to  make  a  strong  reconnoissance 
from  Eosenheim  to  Miihldorf,  and  to  force  the  enemy  to  dis- 
close his  intentions.  Moreau,  unable  to  anticipate,  like  Gene- 
ral Bonaparte,  the  designs  of  his  adversary,  still  less  to  dictate 
them,  as  the  latter  did,  by  taking  the  initiative  with  a  high  hand 
— Moreau  was  obliged  to  grope  about  to  discover  what  he  could 
neither  divine  nor  preinduce.  But  he  advanced  prudently,  and 
if  he  was  surprised,  he  repaired  expeditiously  and  with  great 
calmness  the  mischief  of  the  surprise. 

The  29th  and  30th  of  November  (8th  and  9th  Frimaire)  were 
spent  by  the  French  army  in  reconnoitring  the  line  of  the  Inn ; 
by  the  Austrian  army,  in  crossing  that  line  and  traversing  the 
low  tract  between  the  Inn,  the  Danube,  and  the  Isar.  Moreau 
forced  the  Austrian  advanced  posts  to  fall  back,  moved  his 
right  under  Lecourbe  to  Eosenheim,  his  centre,  under  his  own 
immediate  command,  to  Wasserburg,  his  left,  under  Grenier, 
to  the  heights  of  Ampfing.  These  heights  command,  but  at  a 
great  distance,  the  banks  of  the  Inn.  The  left  of  the  French 
army  was  in  some  danger ;  for,  following  the  course  of  the  Inn 
to  Miihldorf,  it  was  fifteen  leagues  from  Munich,  while  the  rest 
of  the  army  was  only  ten.  Moreau  had,  in  consequence,  taken 
care  that  it  should  be  supported  by  a  division  of  the  centre, 
that  which  General  Grandjean  commanded.  But  it  was  a  fault 
to  advance  in  this  manner  in  three  corps,  so  far  separated  from 
one  another,  in  place  of  marching  on  the  Inn  en  masse,  and  pre- 
senting himself  before  a  single  debouch^,  while  he  made  false 
demonstrations  at  several  points.  This  fault  had  well-nigh  been 
productive  of  serious  consequences. 

The  Austrian  army  had  passed  at  Braunau,  jSTeu- Getting, 
Miihldorf,  and  crossed  the  low  tract  which  has  been  already 
mentioned.  Part  of  the  Archduke's  troops,  recently  arrived, 
had  scarcely  had  time  to  rest  themselves.  They  were  march- 
ing laboriously  in  that  region,  sometimes  wooded,  sometimes 
intersected  by  small  rivers,  the  "Wils,  the  Eott,  the  Isen,  which 

*  The  centre  consisted  of  30,000  men  ;  but  the  Polish  division  of  Knia- 
cewitz,  which  had  rejoined  General  Decaen,  and  the  artillery  reserve,  must 
have  augmented  it  to  about  34,000  or  35,000  men. 


DEC.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  403 

descend  from  the  plateau  occupied  by  the  French  army.  The 
narrow  paths,  which  it  was  necessary  to  follow,  were  broken 
up ;  and  it  was  with  the  utmost  difficulty  that  the  heavy  park 
of  waggons  could  move  along  them.  The  young  Archduke 
and  his  advisers,  who  had  not  foreseen  any  of  these  circum- 
stances, were  alarmed  at  the  undertaking,  now  that  it  was  beaun. 
Our  left  wing,  advanced  nearly  to  Ampfing  and  Miihldorf,  gave 
them  uneasiness,  and  made  them  apprehensive  lest  they  should 
be  cut  off  from  the  Inn.  They  designed  to  turn  Moreau,  and 
now  they  were  fearful  that  they  should  themselves  be  turned 
instead.  This  danger  should  have  been  foreseen,  and  a  new 
base  of  operations  prepared  on  the  Danul^e,  between  Eatisbon 
and  Passau,  in  case  they  should  lie  separated  from  the  Inn.  But 
nothing  of  this  kind  was  done.  In  every  liold  operation  it  is 
necessary  to  provide,  in  the  first  place,  for  difficulties  of  execu- 
tion, and,  in  the  next,  after  commencing  the  execution,  to  per- 
severe with  firmness  in  what  one  has  planned,  for  it  is  very 
rarely  the  case  that  we  do  not  incur  ourselves  the  dangers  in 
which  we  would  involve  our  adversary.  The  Austrian  staff, 
from  the  very  outset,  was  astonished,  terrified,  at  what  it  had 
projected,  and  suddenly  changed  its  plan.  Instead  of  persisting 
in  gaining  the  Isar,  for  the  purpose  of  ascending  on  our  rear, 
it  stopped  short,  and  resolved  to  turn  down  upon  our  left,  and 
to  give  battle  immediately.  This  was  meeting  the  difficulty  in 
front  and  undiminished ;  for  it  became  necessary,  in  ascending 
the  bed  of  the  rivers,  to  climb  the  elevated  ground  which  we 
occupied,  and  then  penetrate  into  the  forest,  in  which  we  had 
been  for  a  long  time  established.  The  enemy  might  at  first 
have  an  advantage  over  our  left  wing,  which  was  somewhat 
endangered,  but  this  success  obtained,  he  would  find  our  army 
concentrated  in  an  absolute  labyrinth,  all  the  outlets  of  which 
it  knew  and  occupied. 

Accordingly,  on  the  ist  of  December  (loth  Frimaire,  year 
IX.),  the  Archduke  John  moved  tlie  greater  part  of  his  army 
upon  our  left  by  three  roads  at  once  ;  the  valley  of  the  Isen, 
the  highroad  from  Miilddorf  to  Ampfing,  lastly,  the  bridge  of 
Kraiburg  on  the  Inn.  The  valley  of  the  Isen,  commencing  on 
the  flanks  of  the  woody  plateau  already  described,  permitted 
the  greatly  lengthened  position  of  our  left  to  be  turned.  A 
corps  of  15,000  men  ascended  it.  Another  corjxs  marched 
direct  for  the  highroad  from  Miilddorf,  wliicli,  after  ascend- 
ing the  lioights  of  Am])ting,  leads  througli  the  forest  to  Hohen- 
linden  and  Munieli.  Lastly,  a  detachment,  crossing  the  Inn  at 
Kraiburg,  and  passing  through  Aschau,  took  in  tlank  our  left 
wing,  which  had  uiduckily  ventured  as  far  as  Anipting.  Forty 
thousand  men  were  going  in  a  moment  to  fall  upon  26,000. 

These  26,000  men,  connnanded  In'  (General  (irenier,  had  to 


404  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1800 

sustain  a  severe  and  unequal  contest.  Ney,  who  defended  the 
heights  of  Ampfing,  displayed  that  incomparable  energy  which 
distinguished  him  in  war.  He  performed  prodigies  of  valour, 
and  contrived  to  retire  without  serious  loss.  Threatened  by 
the  corps  which  had  passed  the  Inn  at  Kraiburg  and  pene- 
trated into  the  defile  of  Aschau,  he  was  fortunately  extricated 
by  Grandjean's  division,  which  Moreau,  as  we  have  said,  had 
detached  from  his  centre  to  support  his  left.  Legrand's  divi- 
sion, which  was  in  the  valley  of  the  Isen,  ascended  that  valley 
in  retrograding  upon  Dorfen.  Moreau,  seeing  the  superiority 
of  the  Austrians,  had  the  good  sense  not  to  persist,  and  effected 
his  retreat  in  the  best  order. 

It  is  obvious  from  these  first  movements  that  Moreau  had 
not  been  able  to  penetrate  the  designs  of  the  enemy,  and  that, 
in  advancing  upon  all  the  dehoucMs  of  the  Inn  at  once,  instead 
of  making  an  attack  upon  a  single  point,  he  had  compromised 
his  left.  The  extraordinary  valour  of  his  troops  and  the 
vigour  of  his  lieutenants,  who  in  execution  were  accomplished 
generals,  had  made  amends  for  all. 

But  this  was  only  an  insignificant  beginning.  Moreau  had 
abandoned  the  outskirts  of  his  position,  and  retired  to  the 
centre  of  the  extensive  forest  of  Hohenlinden.  It  would  be 
requisite  to  force  him  in  this  formidable  retreat.  His  coolness 
and  vigour  were  here  about  to  be  pitted  against  the  inex- 
perience of  the  Archduke,  flushed  by  a  first  success. 

We  have  already  said  that  two  roads  ran  through  the  forest : 
one  on  the  right,  descending  directly  to  the  Inn,  by  Ebersberg 
and  Wasserburg ;  the  other,  on  the  left,  which  passes  through 
Hohenlinden,  Mattenboett,  Haag,  Ampfing,  and  joins  the  Inn 
at  Miihldorf,  is  rather  longer.  It  was  along  this  latter  road 
that  the  Austrians  were  proceeding  en  masse,  some  following 
the  defile  which  it  forms  through  the  forest,  others  laboriously 
ascending  the  beds  of  the  small  rivers  which  gave  access  to 
the  flank  of  our  position.  Moreau  immediately  formed  a  judg- 
ment, and  a  sound  one,  of  this  situation,  and  conceived  an 
idea  from  which  he  derived  great  results  :  it  was  to  allow  the 
Austrians,  already  engaged  with  his  left,  to  penetrate  into  the 
forest,  and  then,  when  they  should  be  pretty  far  advanced  in 
it,  to  transfer  his  centre  from  the  Ebersberg  road  to  the  Hohen- 
linden road,  to  surprise  them  in  that  dangerous  place,  and  to 
destroy  them  there.     He  made  his  dispositions  accordingly. 

The  road  on  the  left,  or  the  Hohenlinden  road,  adopted  by 
the  Austrians,  after  leaving  the  banks  of  the  Inn  and  ascend- 
ing the  heights  of  Ampfing,  passed  over  hills,  alternately 
wooded  and  naked,  as  far  as  Mattenboett,  then  through  a 
thick  wood  from  Mattenboett  to  Hohenlinden,  forming  there  a 
long  defile  bordered  by  lofty  pine-trees.     At  Hohenlinden  itself 


DEC.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  405 

the  forest  suddenly  ceased.  A  small  plain,  free  from  wood, 
studded  with  several  hamlets,  extended  to  the  right  and  left 
of  the  road ;  in  the  middle  were  the  village  of  Hohenlinden 
and  the  post-house.  Not  only  the  principal  column  of  the 
Austrian  army,  marching  in  the  defile  of  the  forest,  but  also 
the  detachments  ascending  the  river  Isen,  for  the  purpose 
of  debouching  by  different  outlets  on  the  left  of  our  position, 
would  necessarily  have  to  pass  tliis  spot. 

In  this  little  plain  of  Hohenlinden,  Moreau  deployed  his 
left  wing  under  Grenier,  Grandjean's  division  having  been 
previously  detached  from  the  centre,  with  all  the  reserves  of 
artillery  and  cavalry. 

On  the  right  of  the  road  and  village  of  Hohenlinden  he 
posted  Grandjean's  division,  commanded  on  this  day  by  General 
Grouchy ;  on  the  left,  Xey's  division  ;  still  farther  to  the  left, 
on  the  skirt  of  the  wood,  and  at  the  head  of  the  roads  by  which 
the  Austrian  columns  ascending  the  valley  of  the  Isen  would 
arrive,  Legrand's  and  Bastoul's  divisions,  both  drawn  up  in 
advance  of  the  villages  of  Preisendorf  and  Harthofen.  The 
reserves  of  cavalry  and  artillery  were  in  rear  of  these  four 
divisions  of  infantry,  deployed  in  the  middle  of  the  plain. 
The  centre,  reduced  to  Eichepanse's  and  Decaen's  two  divisions, 
was  at  some  leagues'  distance,  on  the  right-hand  road,  in  the 
environs  of  Ebersberg.  Moreau  sent  to  those  two  divisions 
an  order,  somewhat  vaguely  expressed,  but  positive,  to  throw 
themselves  from  the  right-hand  into  the  left-hand  road,  to  get 
into  the  latter  in  the  environs  of  Mattenboett,  and  there  sur- 
prise the  Austrian  army  entangled  in  the  forest.  This  order 
was  neither  precise,  nor  clear,  nor  circumstantial,  as  well  con- 
ceived and  well  expressed  orders  ought  to  be,  and  those  of 
General  Bonaparte,  for  instance,  invariably  were.  He  neither 
indicated  the  route  to  be  pursued,  nor  provided  against  any 
accidents  which  might  occur  ;  he  left  everything  that  was  to 
be  done  to  the  intelligence  of  Generals  Deeaen  and  Ifichepanse. 
They,  however,  might  well  be  trusted  to  make  u])  for  all  that 
the  commander-in-chief  omitted  to  say.  Moreau,  moreovei-, 
directed  Lecourbc,  who  farmed  his  right  towards  the  Tyrol, 
and  General  St.  Suzanne,  who  foinied  liis  left  towards  the 
Danube,  to  draw  near  in  haste  to  the  spot  on  whicli  the  deci- 
sive event  of  the  campaign  was  aljout  to  take  place.  lUit  one 
was  fifteen  leagues  off,  at  least,  the  other  twenty-live,  and  they 
were  consequently  out  of  icach.  It  was  not  thus  that  (ieneral 
Bonaparte  acted  on  the  eve;  of  great  battles:  on  these  occasions 
he  did  not  leave  half  his  forces  at  such  distances.  But  to 
bring  up  all  the  ])arts  of  which  a  numerous  army  is  com])osed 
in  time  to  the  point  wlierc  tlu;  fortunes  of  war  are  decided, 
there  is  recpiired  a  superior  foresight,  which   llie  greatest  men 


4o6  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1800 

alone  possess,  and  without  which  it  is  still  possible  to  be  an 
excellent  general.  Moreau  was  about  to  fight  nearly  70,000 
Austrians  with  fewer  than  60,000  French  ;  this  number  was 
more  than  sufficient,  with  the  soldiers  of  whom  our  legions 
were  then  composed. 

The  Archduke  John,  ignorant  of  all  this,  was  intoxicated  with 
his  success  on  the  ist  of  December  (loth  Frimaire).  He  was 
young,  and  he  had  seen  that  formidable  army  of  the  Ehine, 
which  for  many  years  the  Austrian  generals  had  not  possessed 
the  skill  to  stop,  falling  back  before  him.  He  rested  on  the 
2nd  of  December,  which  gave  Moreau  time  to  make  the  dis- 
positions which  we  have  just  detailed  ;  and  he  prepared  every- 
thing for  passing  through  the  extensive  forest  of  Hohenlinden 
on  the  3rd  of  December  (12th  Frimaire).  This  general,  rather 
raw  in  his  profession,  imagined  that  the  French  army  could  not 
make  the  least  resistance  to  him  in  the  route  which  he  was 
about  to  pursue.  He  conceived  at  most  that  he  should  fall  in 
with  it  in  advance  of  Munich. 

He  divided  his  army  into  four  corps.  The  principal,  that  of 
the  centre,  composed  of  the  reserve,  the  Hungarian  grenadiers, 
Bavarians,  the  greater  part  of  the  cavalry,  the  baggage,  and  a 
hundred  pieces  of  cannon,  was  to  follow  the  highroad  from 
Miihldorf  to  Hohenlinden,  to  traverse  the  defile  which  it  forms 
through  the  forest,  and  then  debouch  on  the  little  plain  of 
Hohenlinden.  General  Riesch,  who  had  crossed  the  Inn  at  Krai- 
burg  on  the  ist  of  December  with  about  twelve  thousand  men, 
was  to  flank  the  centre,  and  to  debouch  in  the  open  ground  at 
Hohenlinden,  on  the  left  of  the  Austrians,  on  the  right  of -the 
French.  At  the  other  extremity  of  this  field  of  battle,  the  corps 
of  Baillet-Latour  and  Kienmayer,  which  had  entered  the  valley 
of  the  Isen,  were  to  continue  to  ascend  it,  and  to  debouch  at 
some  distance  from  one  another,  the  first  by  Isen  upon  Kron- 
acker  and  Preisendorf,  the  second  by  Lendorf  upon  Harthofen, 
both  in  the  unwooded  plain  of  Hohenlinden.  They  had  orders 
not  to  lose  time,  to  leave  even  their  artillery  behind,  the  corps 
of  the  centre  taking  a  great  quantity  along  with  it  by  the  prin- 
cipal road,  and  to  carry  with  them  no  more  baggage  than  was 
necessary  for  making  soup  for  the  soldiers. 

Thus  these  four  corps  of  the  Austrian  army,  marching  at  a 
considerable  distance  from  each  other  in  that  thick  forest,  one 
only,  that  of  the  centre,  on  a  highroad,  with  causeway,  the  three 
others  by  paths  exclusively  destined  for  the  carriage  of  timber, 
were  to  meet  in  the  open  space  extending  between  Hohenlinden 
and  Harthofen,  exposed  to  the  risk  of  not  arriving  together,  and 
of  encountering  by  the  way  many  unforeseen  adventures.  The 
Bavarians  having  rejoined  the  Austrians,  the  Archduke's  army 
amounted  at  this  moment  to  70,000  men. 


DEC.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  407 

On  the  morning  of  the  3rd  of  December,  the  French  were 
deployed  between  Hohenlinden  and  Harthofen.  Moreau,  on 
horseback  before  daybreak,  was  at  the  head  of  his  staff,  and,  a 
little  farther  off,  Richepanse  and  iJecaen  were  executing  the 
movement  which  they  were  directed  to  make  from  the  Ebers- 
berg  road  to  that  of  Hohenlinden. 

The  four  Austrian  corps,  on  their  part,  advanced  simultane 
ously,  each  as  fast  as  it  could,  sensible  of  the  value  of  time  in  a 
season  w^hen  there  is  so  little  daylight  either  for  marching  or  for 
fighting.  A  thick  fall  of  snow  darkened  the  air,  and  rendered 
the  nearest  objects  indistinguishable.  The  Archduke  John,  at 
the  head  of  the  centre,  had  penetrated  into  the  defile  of  the 
forest  from  Mattenboett  to  Hohenlinden,  and  had  almost  cleared 
it  long  before  General  Eiesch  on  his  left,  and  Generals  Baillet- 
Latour  and  Kienmayer  on  his  right,  could  reach  the  field  of 
battle,  embarrassed  as  they  were  in  those  horrible  roads.  The 
young  prince  at  length  appeared  on  the  margin  of  the  wood 
facing  Grandjean's  and  Ney's  divisions,  both  drawn  up  in  order 
of  battle,  in  advance  of  the  village  of  Hohenlinden.  The  io8th 
demi-brigade  of  Grandjean's  division  was  deployed,  having  on 
its  wings  the  46th  and  the  57th,  formed  in  close  column.  The 
4th  hussars  and  the  6th  of  the  line  supported  it  in  the  rear. 
A  very  brisk  cannonade  was  opened  on  both  sides.  The  Aus- 
trians  attacked  the  108th,  which  made  a  firm  resistance.  Eight 
battalions  of  Hungarian  grenadiers  were  ordered  to  file  through 
the  wood,  in  order  to  turn  it  on  its  right.  On  seeing  this. 
Generals  Grandjean  and  Grouchy  hastened  with  the  46th  to 
the  assistance  of  the  loSth,  which  was  shaken,  and  l)egan  to 
lose  ground.  They  penetrated  into  the  wood,  and  commenced 
among  the  pine-trees  a  desperate  struggle,  almost  man  to  man, 
with  the  Hungarian  grenadiers.  A  battalion  of  the  57th,  push- 
ing still  deeper  into  it,  turned  the  Hungarians,  and  obliged  them 
to  seek  refuge  in  the  recesses  of  the  forest.  Thus  (Irandjean's 
division  remained  victorious,  and  prevented  the  Austrian  column 
from  deploying  in  the  plain  of  Ifolienlindcn. 

After  a  few  moments'  rest,  the  Archduke  John  made  a  new 
attack  on  Hohenlinden  and  on  Grandjean's  division.  This  second 
attack  was  repulsed  like  the  first.  At  this  moment,  the  Aus- 
trian troops  of  Baillct-Lalour  began  to  be  perct'ivcd  towards 
Kronacker,  making  their  a])]iearance  on  our  left,  at  the  margin 
of  the  wood,  ready  to  (Icboiich  into  the  ])lain  of  Hohenlinden. 
The  snow  having  ceased  falling;  for  a  few  minutes,  allowed  them 
to  lie  easily  discerned.  I  Jut  they  were  not  yet  in  a  state  to  act, 
and  besides,  Uastours  and  Lcirrand's  divisions  wrre  )u'e])aring 
to  receive  them.  .Ml  at  once,  a  kind  of  auilation.  a  wa\ering, 
was  ])erceptil)l('  in  tlie  Austrian  troops  of  tlic  fcntrc,  which 
had   not    vet   been    alilc   to  uet    out    of  tlie  (k'tile  of  tlie  forest. 


4o8  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1800 

Something  extraordinary  seemed  to  be  taking  place  in  their  rear. 
Moreau,  with  a  sagacity  which  does  honour  to  his  military 
intuition,  remarked  this  circumstance,  and  said  to  ISTey,  "  Now 
is  the  moment  to  charge ;  Eichepanse  and  Decaen  must  be 
upon  the  rear  of  the  Austrians."  He  immediately  ordered 
Ney's  and  Grandj can's  divisions,  which  were  on  the  right 
and  left  of  Hohenlinden,  to  form  into  columns  of  attack, 
to  charge  the  Austrians  drawn  up  on  the  margin  of  the 
forest,  and  to  drive  them  back  into  that  long  defile  in  which 
they  had  till  then  been  shut  up.  Ney  charged  them  in 
front ;  Grouchy,  with  Grandjean's  division,  took  them  in  flank, 
and  both  drove  them  impetuously  into  that  gorge,  where  they 
were  crowded  together  pell-mell,  along  with  their  artillery  and 
cavalry. 

At  this  very  instant,  the  events  which  Moreau  had  foreseen 
and  prepared  were  taking  place  at  the  other  extremity  of  the 
defile,  at  Mattenboett,  Richepanse  and  Decaen,  in  obedience 
to  the  orders  which  they  had  received  from  him,  had  struck  off 
from  the  Ebersberg  road  into  that  of  Hohenlinden.  Eiche- 
panse, who  was  the  nearest  to  Mattenboett,  had  started  without 
waiting  for  Decaen,  and  daringly  penetrated  into  that  tract  of 
thickets  and  ravines  which  separates  the  two  roads,  marching 
while  the  fight  was  going  on  at  Hohenlinden,  and  making  in- 
credible efforts  to  drag  with  him,  over  that  inundated  ground, 
six  pieces  of  small  calibre.  He  had  already  passed,  without 
accident,  the  village  of  St.  Christoph,  when  the  corps  of  General 
Eiesch,  destined  to  flank  the  centre  of  the  Austrians,  arrived 
there ;  but  he  had  proceeded  onward  from  St.  Christoph  with 
a  single  brigade,  leaving  the  second,  Drouet's,  engaged  with 
the  enemy.  Eichepanse,  reckoning  upon  Decaen  to  extricate 
Drouet's  brioade,  had  marched,  without  losins^  a  moment,  for 
Mattenboett ;  for  his  military  instinct  told  him  that  there  was 
the  decisive  point.  Though  he  had  left  but  two  demi-brigades 
of  infantry,  the  8th  and  the  48th,  a  single  regiment  of  cavalry, 
the  ist  chasseurs,  and  six  pieces  of  cannon,  with  about  6000 
men,  he  had  continued  his  march,  dragging  his  artillery  by 
hand,  almost  always  through  the  quagmire.  On  reaching  Mat- 
tenboett, at  the  other  extremity  of  the  defile  of  the  forest,  the 
head  of  which  we  have  just  said  that  Ney  was  attacking,  he  fell 
in  with  a  body  of  Austrian  cuirassiers,  dismounted,  with  their 
horses'  bridles  over  their  arms ;  he  fell  upon  them,  and  made 
them  prisoners.  Then  deploying  on  the  small  open  spot  which 
surrounds  Mattenboett,  he  placed  the  8th  on  the  right,  the  48th 
on  the  left,  and  pushed  the  ist  chasseurs  on  eight  squadrons 
of  cavalry,  which,  on  seeinti"  him,  had  formed  to  charge  him. 
The  ist  chasseurs,  after  a  vigorous  charge,  was  repulsed,  and 
fell  back  behind  the   8th  demi-brigade.     The  latter,  crossing 


DEC.  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  409 

bayonets,  stopped  the  career  of  the  Austrian  cavalry.  At  this 
moment,  Eichepanse's  position  became  critical.  Having  left 
behind  his  second  brigade  to  make  head  against  Riesch's  corps, 
surrounded  himself  on  all  sides,  he  thought  that  he  ought  not 
to  give  the  Austrians  time  to  perceive  his  weakness.  Commit- 
ting to  General  Walther,  with  the  8th  demi-brigade  and  the  ist 
chasseurs,  the  duty  of  keeping  in  check  the  enemy's  rear-guard, 
which  was  preparing  to  fight,  he  himself,  with  the  48th  alone, 
fell  to  the  left,  and  took  the  bold  resolution  to  fall  upon  the 
Austrian  rear  in  the  defile  of  the  forest.  Hazardous  as  was  this 
resolution,  it  was  not  less  sensible  than  vigorous  ;  for  the  Arch- 
duke's column,  entangled  in  this  defile,  must  have  before  it  the 
main  body  of  the  French  army,  and,  by  dashing  furiously  upon 
its  rear,  it  was  probable  that  he  should  produce  great  disorder 
in  it,  and  obtain  important  results,  liichepanse  immediately 
formed  the  48th  into  columns,  and  marching  sword  in  hand 
amidst  his  grenadiers,  penetrated  into  the  forest,  sustained 
without  flinching  a  violent  discharge  of  grape-shot,  then  fell 
in  with  two  Hungarian  battalions,  which  hastened  up  to  bar 
his  passage,  liichepanse  would  have  inspirited  his  brave  soldiers 
with  words  and  gestures,  but  they  had  no  need  of  them.  "  Those 
fellows  are  our  prisoners,"  cried  they,  "  let  us  charge  ! "  They 
charged  accordingly,  and  completely  routed  the  Hungarian 
battalions.  Presently,  they  came  to  masses  of  baggage,  artillery, 
infantry,  accumulated  pell-mell  at  this  spot.  liichepanse  struck 
inexpressible  terror  into  this  multitude,  and  threw  it  into  fright- 
ful disorder.  At  the  same  moment,  he  heard  confused  shouts 
at  the  other  extremity  of  this  defile.  On  advancing,  these  shouts, 
becoming  more  distinct,  revealed  the  presence  of  our  troops. 
It  was  Ney,  who,  marching  from  Hohenlinden,  had  penetrated 
by  the  head  of  the  defile,  and  pushed  before  him  the  Aus- 
trian column,  which  liichepanse  was  driving  the  oilier  way,  by 
attacking  it  in  rear. 

Ney  and  liichepanse  met,  recognised  one  another,  and  em- 
braced, intoxicated  with  joy  on  seeing  so  glorious  a  result. 
Their  troops  rushed,  on  all  sides,  upon  tiie  Austrians,  who 
sought  shelter  by  flight  in  the  woods,  or  begged  quarter  of  ihe 
conqueror.  They  took  tliousands  of  })risoners,  the  wliole  of 
the  artillery,  and  the  Itaggage.  iiielu'panse,  leaving  Xey  to 
secure  these  trophies,  returnetl  Lo  ]\lallenboett,  wliere  (ieiieral 
Walther  liad  remained  with  a  (Iciui-brigade  and  a  single  regi- 
ment of  cavalry.  He  found  I  his  l)ra\e  gcneial,  slniek  ly  a 
ball,  Ijorne  away  in  the  ai'nis  of  his  soldiei's.  but  liis  counlen- 
ance  beaming  with  joy,  and  eonqtcnsated  for  liis  sun'erings  by 
the  satisfaction  of  having  contributed  to  a  dccisivt;  niano'uvre. 
liichepanse  extricated  his  troo])s,  and  returned  to  Si.  ('hiisto])h, 
where  he  had  left  Drouet's  brigade  alone  engaged  with  Ilie>ch's 


4IO  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1800 

corps.  But  all  his  anticipations  were  verified  on  that  auspicious 
day.  General  Decaen  had  arrived  in  time,  extricated  Drouet's 
brigade,  and  repulsed  Eiesch's  corps,  after  taking  from  it  a  great 
number  of  prisoners. 

It  was  by  this  time  mid-day.  The  centre  of  the  Austrian 
army  had  been  enveloped  and  entirely  routed.  The  left,  under 
General  Eiesch,  arriving  too  late  to  stop  Eichepanse,  attacked 
and  driven  towards  the  Inn  by  Decaen,  was  in  full  retreat,  after 
sustaining  considerable  losses.  With  such  results  at  the  centre 
and  on  the  left  of  the  Austrians,  the  issue  of  the  battle  could 
no  longer  be  doubtful. 

During  these  events,  Bastoul's  and  Legrand's  divisions,  posted 
on  the  left  of  the  clear  ground  about  Hohenlinden,  had  had 
upon  their  hands  the  infantry  of  Generals  Baillet-Latour  and 
Kienmayer.  These  divisions  had  been  hard  pressed,  for  they 
were  inferior  by  one-half  to  the  enemy ;  they  had,  moreover, 
the  disadvantage  of  ground  ;  for  the  head  of  the  wooded  ravines, 
by  which  the  Austrians  debouched  into  the  little  plain  of  Hohen- 
linden, being  rather  higher  than  that  open  plain,  enabled  them 
to  pour  a  downward  fire  upon  it.  But  Generals  Bastoul  and 
Legrand,  under  the  command  of  General  Grenier,  seconded  by 
the  courage  of  their  brave  soldiers,  made  a  vigorous  stand. 
Luckily,  too,  d'Hautpoul's  cavalry  was  there  to  support  them, 
as  well  as  Ney's  second  brigade,  the  latter  general  having  entered 
the  defile  with  one  only. 

The  two  French  divisions,  at  first  overwhelmed  by  numbers, 
had  lost  a  little  ground.  Quitting  the  margin  of  the  wood,  they 
had  fallen  back  into  the  plain,  but  with  extraordinary  steadiness 
and  displaying  to  the  enemy  an  heroic  firmness.  Two  demi- 
brigades  of  Legrand's  division,  the  51st  and  the  42nd,  thrown 
back  towards  Harthofen,  had  to  oppose  Kienmayer's  infantry, 
besides  a  division  of  cavalry  attached  to  that  corps.  Sometimes 
keeping  up  a  well-sustained  fire  upon  the  infantry,  at  others 
crossing  bayonets  against  the  cavalry,  they  opposed  an  invincible 
resistance  to  all  attacks.  But  at  this  moment,  Grenier,  being 
apprised  of  the  success  obtained  at  the  centre,  formed  Legrand's 
division  into  columns,  caused  it  to  be  supported  by  charges  of 
d'Hautpoul's  cavalry,  and  drove  back  Kienmayer's  corps  to  the 
skirt  of  the  wood.  General  Bonnet,  on  his  side,  with  a  brigade 
of  Bastoul's  division,  charged  the  Austrians,  and  overthrew 
them  in  the  valley  from  which  they  had  endeavoured  to  issue. 
Meanwhile,  the  grenadiers  of  lola's  brigade,  Ney's  second, 
rushed  upon  Baillet-Latour  and  repulsed  him.  The  impulsion 
of  victory  comnmnicated  to  these  brave  troops,  redoubled  their 
ardour  and  their  strength.  They  finally  drove  back  the  two 
corps  of  Baillet-Latour  and  Kienmayer,  the  one  towards  the 
Isen,  the  other  towards  Lendorf,  in  that  low  and  difficult  tract 


DEC.  i8oo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  411 

from  which  they  had  in  vain  attempted  to  debouch,  in  order  to 
gain  possession  of  the  plateau  of  HohenUnden. 

Moreau  returned  at  this  moment  from  the  heart  of  the  forest 
with  a  detachment  of  Grandjean's  division,  to  bring  relief  to  his 
left,  which  was  so  briskly  attacked.  But  there,  as  at  all  the 
other  points,  he  found  his  soldiers  victorious,  transported  with 
joy,  congratulating  their  general  on  such  a  glorious  triumph. 
That  triumph  was  indeed  glorious.  The  Austrian  army  had 
greater  difficulty  to  get  out  of  those  thickets  than  it  had  to 
penetrate  into  them.  There  were  seen  everywhere  straggling 
corps,  which,  not  knowing  whither  to  liee,  fell  into  the  hands 
of  our  victorious  troops  and  laid  down  their  arms.  It  was  five 
o'clock,  and  darkness  shrouded  the  field  of  battle.  The  French 
had  killed  or  wounded  7000  or  8000  of  the  enemy,  made  12,000 
prisoners,  taken  300  waggons,  and  eighty-seven  pieces  of  cannon, 
results  very  uncommon  in  war.  Thus  in  one  day  the  Austrian 
army  had  lost  nearly  20,000  soldiers,  almost  all  its  artillery, 
its  baggage,  and,  what  was  of  still  greater  importance,  its  whole 
moral  courage. 

This  battle  is  the  most  brilliant  of  all  that  Moreau  ever  fought, 
and  certainly  one  of  the  greatest  in  the  present  century,  which 
has  beheld  such  extraordinary  conflicts.  It  has  been  wrong- 
fully asserted  that  there  was  another  conqueror  of  Marengo 
than  General  Bonaparte,  and  that  this  was  General  Kellermann. 
"With  much  greater  reason  it  might  be  alleged  that  there  was 
another  conqueror  of  Hohenlinden  than  General  Moreau,  namely, 
General  Bichepanse,  for  he  executed,  upon  a  rather  vague  order, 
a  most  brilliant  mancjeuvre.  But  though  less  unjust,  this  asser- 
tion would  still  be  unjust.  Let  us  leave  to  every  man  the  merit 
of  his  deeds,  and  not  imitate  those  paltry  efibrts  of  envy,  which 
is  on  all  occasions  bent  on  discovering  a  different  conqueror 
from  the  real  one. 

Moreau,  in  advancing  along  the  Inn  from  Kufstein  to  Miihl- 
dorf,  without  having  chosen  a  precise  point  of  attack,  without 
having  concentrated  all  his  forces  upon  that  point,  to  make 
nothing  Init  mere  demonstrations — ^Moreau  liad  in  this  manner 
exposed  his  left  in  the  battle  of  the  i.st  of  December.  Still  this 
could  prove  but  a  momentary  advantage  to  the  i-ncuiy ;  and  in 
retiring  into  tlie  recesses  of  the  lal)yrinth  of  Hohenlindi-'n,  m 
drawing  the  Austrians  thither,  in  briniiiug  d(jwn  o]>p()rtuni'ly 
his  centre  upon  his  left,  from  Ebersberg  to  ]\lattenbeieit,  he  had 
executed  one  of  the  most  successful  manceuvres  known  in  the 
history  of  modern  warfaie.  It  has  lieen  alleged  that  lliehe- 
panse  marched  witliout  ordeis  :  *  that  is  ineorreet  :  an  order  was 
<nven  to  him.  as  we  ha\c  related,  but   it  was  ton  ._:rneial.  not 

o 

*  So  Napc/leoii  erroneously  ;i>MTte(l  at  St.  Tleleiiii.  I'lie  written  orders 
exist,  and  have  been  printed  in  the  Memorial  of  the  war. 


412  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1800 

sufficiently  detailed.  None  of  the  circumstances  that  might 
have  happened  had  been  provided  against.  Moreau  had  merely 
directed  Eichepanse  and  Decaen  to  strike  off  from  Ebersberg 
for  St.  Christoph,  without  specifying  the  route,  without  provid- 
ing against  either  the  presence  of  liiesch's  corps,  or  any  of  the 
possible  and  even  probable  accidents,  amidst  that  forest  full  of 
enemies ;  and,  with  an  officer  less  vigorous  than  Eichepanse, 
he  might  have  reaped  a  disaster  instead  of  a  triumph.  But 
fortune  always  has  some  share  in  military  successes.  All  that 
can  be  said  is,  that  in  this  case  it  was  very  great,  nay,  greater 
than  usual. 

Moreau  has  been  censured  because,  while  fighting  with  six 
divisions  out  of  twelve,  he  left  three  under  General  St.  Suzanne 
on  the  Danube,  three  under  GJeneral  Lecourbe  on  the  Upper 
Inn,  and  thus  exposed  his  left,  under  General  Grenier,  to  the 
hazard  of  fighting  in  the  proportion  of  one  against  two.  This 
reproach  is  certainly  more  weighty  and  more  deserved ;  but  let 
us  not  tarnish  so  glorious  a  triumph,  and  let  us  add,  in  order  to 
be  just,  that  there  are  fiaws  in  the  finest  works  of  men,  that 
in  the  most  splendid  victories  there  are  faults — faults  which 
fortune  repairs,  and  which  must  be  admitted  as  an  ordinary 
accompaniment  of  great  military  exploits. 

After  this  important  victory,  the  conqueror  would  have  done 
well  to  pursue  the  Austrian  army  briskly,  to  march  for  Vienna, 
to  demolish,  by  pushing  forward,  the  defences  of  the  Tyrol,  to 
necessitate  in  this  manner  a  retrograde  movement  in  the  whole 
line  of  the  Austrians  from  Bavaria  to  Italy ;  for  the  retreat  of 
the  troops  from  the  Inn  would  occasion  that  of  the  troops  from 
the  Tyrol,  and  the  retreat  of  these  latter  would  render  the 
abandonment  of  the  Mincio  inevitable.  But  to  obtain  all  these 
results  it  would  have  been  necessary  to  have  forced  the  Inn, 
then  the  Salza,  which  falls  into  the  Inn,  and  forms  a  second  line 
to  cross  after  the  first.  At  the  moment,  all  this  might  have 
been  accomplished  from  the  impulsion  given  to  our  army  by 
the  victory  of  Hohenlinden. 

Moreau,  as  soon  as  he  had  allowed  some  rest  to  liis  troops, 
moved  his  left  and  part  of  his  centre  into  the  Mlihldorf  road, 
threatening  at  once  the  bridges  of  Kraiburg,  ^Mlihldorf,  and 
Braunau,  to  persuade  the  enemy  that  he  intended  to  cross  the 
Inn  in  its  lower  course.  But  meanwhile,  Lecourbe,  who  a  few 
months  before  had  so  gloriously  passed  the  Danube  at  the  battle 
of  Hochstett,  was  directed  to  cross  the  Inn,  with  the  right, 
near  Eosenheim.  This  general  had  discovered  a  spot  called 
Neubeurn,  where  the  right  bank,  which  we  occupied,  com- 
manded the  left  bank,  occupied  by  the  enemy,  and  where  the 
artillery  might  be  advantageously  employed  to  protect  the 
passage.     This  point  was  therefore  chosen.     Several  days  were 


DEC.  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  413 

unfortunately  lost  in  collecting  the  necessary  maUriel,  and  it 
was  not  till  the  morning  of  the  9th  of  December,  six  days 
after  the  great  battle  of  Hohenlinden,  that  Lecourbe  was 
enabled  to  act. 

Moreau  had  suddenly  resumed  his  position  on  the  Upper  Inn. 
The  three  divisions  of  the  centre  had  been  despatched  from 
Wasserburg  to  Aibling,  at  a  little  distance  from  Kosenheim, 
ready  to  assist  Lecourbe.  The  left  had  succeeded  them  in 
their  positions,  and  General  Collaud,  with  two  divisions  of  St. 
Suzanne's  corps,  had  been  pushed  forward  from  the  Isar  to 
Erding. 

On  the  morning  of  the  9th  of  December  (i8th  Frimaire) 
Lecourbe  commenced  the  operations  for  the  passage  before 
Neubeurn.  ]\Iontrichard's  division  was  to  cross  the  Inn  first. 
General  Lemaire  placed  on  the  heights  of  the  right  bank  a 
battery  of  twenty-eight  pieces  of  cannon,  and  swept  off  every- 
thing that  appeared  on  the  left  bank.  On  this  part  of  the 
Inn  there  was  nothing  but  Conde's  corps,  and  this  was  too  weak 
to  oppose  any  serious  resistance.  While  all  the  enemy's  de- 
tachments were  kept  at  a  respectable  distance  by  a  continued 
fire  of  artillery,  the  pontonniers  threw  themselves  into  boats, 
accompanied  by  some  battalions  of  ditc,  destined  to  protect 
their  operations.  In  two  hours  and  a  half  a  bridge  was  com- 
pleted, and  Montrichard's  division  could  begin  to  debouch.  It 
advanced  upon  tlie  Austrians,  who  retreated,  and  descended 
the  right  bank  of  the  Inn  till  they  were  opposite  to  llosenheim. 
They  took  a  strong  position  at  Stephans  Kirchen.  During  this 
movement  the  divisions  of  the  centre,  stationed  l)efore  Kosen- 
heim  itself,  exerted  themselves  to  prevent  tlie  Austrians  from 
destroying  completely  the  bridge  of  that  town.  Having  l)een 
unsuccessful,  they  ascended  the  Tnn  and  crossed  at  Xeubeurn, 
for  the  purpose  of  seconding  Lecourbe.  Conde's  corps,  rein- 
forced by  some  succours,  appuyed  itself,  on  the  one  hand,  upon 
the  destroyed  bridge  of  Rosenheim,  on  the  other  upon  the  small 
lake  of  Chiemsee.  Lecourl)e  sent  a  detachment  to  turn  this  lake, 
which  obliged  the  enemy  to  retire,  after  a  resistance  that  was 
not  very  bloody.  The  Inn  was  tlius  crossed,  and  tliat  for- 
midable obstacle,  wliich  it  was  allefjed  could  not  fail  to  stop  the 
French  army,  was  sin-mountcd.  Thus  Lecourbe  had  gathered 
a  fresli  laurel  in  the  winter  campaign.  Tlie  march  was  not 
slackened.  Next  day,  a  bridge  was  thrown  l)ef()ro  IJoseidicim 
for  the  passage  of  the  rest  of  the  centre.  Grenier,  with  the  left, 
crossed  the  Inn  over  the  bridges  of  Wasserbuig  and  Muhldorf, 
wliich  the  enemy  had  alnindoned  without  destroying  them. 

It  was  cx])edient  to  lose  no  time  in  driving  tlie  Austrians  to 
the  banks  of  the  Salza,  which  I'uns  behind  the  inn  and  falls 
into  that  river,  a  little  above   ISraunau.     The  Salza  is  like  a 


414  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1800 

second  arm  of  the  Inn  itself.  If  you  would  cross  the  Inn  near 
the  mountains,  you  are  obliged  to  cross  it  twice,  as  it  were ; 
whereas,  in  passing  it  in  the  environs  of  Braunau,  after  its 
junction  with  the  Salza,  there  is  but  one  passage  to  perform. 
But  then  the  volume  of  its  waters  is  doubled,  and  the  difficulty 
of  crossing  by  main  force  is  proportionably  increased.  This 
reason,  and  a  desire  to  surprise  the  enemy,  who  did  not  expect 
to  see  the  French  attempt  the  passage  above  Eosenheim,  had 
decided  the  choice  of  Moreau. 

Lecourbe,  supported  by  the  divisions  of  the  centre,  advanced 
rapidly,  in  spite  of  all  the  difficulties  presented  by  that  hilly 
country,  interspersed  with  woods,  rivers,  and  lakes, — a  country 
difficult  in  any  season,  but  still  more  so  in  the  middle  of 
December.  The  Austrian  army,  though  shaken  by  so  many 
reverses,  still  kept  the  field.  The  sentiment  of  honour,  awak- 
ened by  the  danger  of  the  capital,  caused  it  still  to  make  noble 
efforts  to  stop  us.  The  Austrian  cavalry  covered  the  retreat, 
and  vigorously  charged  the  French  corps,  which  advanced  too 
rashly.  The  enemy  crossed  the  Alz,  which  conveys  the  water 
of  the  Chiemsee  to  the  Inn;  they  passed  Fraunstein,  and  at 
length  arrived  near  the  Salza,  not  far  from  Salzburg. 

There,  before  Salzburg  itself,  was  still  left  a  strong  position 
to  occupy.  The  Archduke  John  thought  that  he  might  there 
concentrate  his  troops,  hoping  to  procure  for  them  some  success 
which  would  raise  their  courage  and  somewhat  slacken  the 
daring  pursuit  of  the  French.  Accordingly,  he  did  concentrate 
them  there  on  the  13th  of  December  (22nd  Frimaire). 

The  town  of  Salzburg  is  seated  on  the  Salza.  In  advance  of 
that  river  runs  another  small  stream,  the  Saal,  which  descends 
from  the  neighbouring  mountains,  and  falls  into  the  Salza  below 
Salzburg.  The  ground  between  the  two  is  level,  marshy,  covered 
with  clumps  of  trees,  everywhere  difficult  of  access.  Here  the 
Archduke  John  took  a  position,  with  his  right  to  the  Salza,  his 
left  to  the  mountains,  his  front  covered  by  the  Saal.  His  artil- 
lery swept  this  level  tract.  His  cavalry,  drawn  up  on  the  naked 
and  solid  parts  of  the  ground,  was  ready  to  charge  the  French 
corps  which  should  dare  to  take  the  offensive.  His  infantry 
was  solidly  appuyed  upon  the  town  of  Salzburg. 

On  the  morning  of  the  14th,  Lecourbe,  impelled  by  his 
ardour,  forded  the  Saal,  sustained  several  charges  of  cavalry  on 
the  strand  bordering  the  river,  and  bore  them  bravely ;  but 
presently,  the  thick  fog  which  covered  the  plain  clearing  off,  he 
perceived,  in  advance  of  Salzburg,  a  forniidal^le  line  of  cavalry, 
artillery,  and  infantry.  It  was  the  whole  Austrian  army.  In 
presence  of  this  danger  he  behaved  with  great  steadiness,  but 
suffered  some  loss. 

Fortunately  Decaen's  division   at   this  moment  crossed  the 


DEC.  i8oo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  415 

Salza  towards  Laufen,  in  an  almost  miraculous  manner.  On 
the  preceding  day,  the  advanced  guard  of  this  division,  finding 
the  bridge  of  Laufen  destroyed,  had  explored  the  banks  of  the 
Salza,  everywhere  covered  by  the  enemy's  tirailleurs,  in  search 
of  a  passage.  It  had  perceived  a  boat  lying  on  the  opposite 
shore.  At  this  sight,  three  chasseurs  of  the  14th  swam  across 
to  the  other  side,  in  spite  of  the  most  intense  cold,  and  a 
current  still  more  rapid  than  that  of  the  Inn.  After  fighting 
hand  to  hand  with  several  Austrian  tirailleurs,  they  had  taken 
and  brought  across  the  boat.  Some  hundred  Fiench  availed 
themselves  of  it  for  crossing  successively  to  the  opposite  bank, 
occupied  a  village  quite  close  to  the  destroyed  bridge  of  Liiufen, 
and  barricaded  themselves  there  in  such  a  manner  that  a  small 
number  of  them  sufficed  to  defend  it.  The  others  had  rushed 
upon  the  Austrian  artillery,  taken  it,  seized  all  the  craft  on  the 
right  bank  of  the  Salza,  and  thus  furnished  the  division  re- 
maining on  the  left  bank  with  the  means  of  crossing.  On  the 
morning  of  the  following  day,  the  14th,  Decaen's  whole  division 
having  crossed,  and  ascending  to  Salzburg,  came  up  at  the  very 
moment  when  Lecourbe  was  engaged  single-handed  with  the 
whole  Austrian  army.  It  could  not  have  arrived  more  oppor- 
tunely. The  Archduke,  apprised  of  the  passage  of  the  French 
and  of  their  march  upon  Salzburg,  hastily  decamped,  and  thus 
Lecourbe  was  extricated  from  the  serious  danger  to  which 
chance  and  his  ardour  had  exposed  him. 

All  the  defences  of  the  Inn  and  the  Salza  were  thus  overcome. 
From  that  moment  there  was  no  obstacle  to  cover  the  Austrian 
army,  or  to  give  it  courage  to  resist  the  French  army.  In 
Tyrol,  it  is  true,  there  were  left  25,000  men,  who  might  have 
annoyed  our  rear,  but  it  is  not  when  you  are  vicloinous,  and 
demoralisation  has  seized  your  enemy,  that  you  need  fear  bold 
attempts.  Moreau,  having  left  St.  Suzanne's  corps  behind,  to 
invest  Braunau,  and  to  occupy  the  tract  of  country  between 
the  Inn,  and  the  Isar, — Moreau,  emboldened  by  the  success 
attending  every  step  he  took,  maiched  towards  tlie  Traun  and 
the  Ens,  which  were  now  incapable  of  stopping  him.  I'iche- 
panse  formed  the  advanced  guard,  supported  Ity  Groucliy  and 
Decaen.  The  retreat  of  the  Austrians  was  eflfected  in  disorder. 
The  French  picked  up  every  moment  men,  carriages,  or  cannon, 
llichepanse  fought  brilliant  actions  at  Frankenniarkt,  at  A'«)k- 
labriick,  and  at  Schwanstadt.  Incessantly  engageil  with  tlie 
Austrian  cavalry,  he  took  so  many  as  1 200  horse  at  a  tiiuc. 
On  the  20th  of  December  (29lh  j-'riinaire)  the  l-"reneh  liad 
crossed  the  Traun,  and  wen'  niarchiiiu'  for  Steyer,  with  ihe 
intention  of  crossing  the  Kus  at  that  ])lace. 

The  yoTuig  Archduke  dohn,  whom  such  a  series  of  disasters 
had  ('(jinpletely  dislieartened,  had  just  been  >upei'seded  by  the 


4i6  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1800 

Archduke  Charles,  who  was  at  length  recalled  from  disgrace,  to 
have  a  task  assigned  to  him,  now  impossible  to  be  performed — 
that  of  saving  the  Austrian  army.  He  beheld  with  grief  on  his 
arrival  the  spectacle  exhibited  by  those  soldiers  of  the  empire, 
who,  after  they  had  nobly  resisted  the  French,  desired  that  they 
might  no  longer  be  sacrificed  to  a  fatal  and  universally  repro- 
bated policy,  He  sent  M.  de  Meerfeld  to  Moreau,  to  propose 
an  armistice.  Moreau  agreed  to  grant  forty-eight  hours,  on 
condition  that  within  this  time  he  would  return  from  Vienna 
furnished  with  the  Emperor's  powers  ;  but  he  stipulated,  at  the 
same  time,  that  the  French  army  should  meanwhile  have  the 
faculty  of  advancing  to  the  Ens. 

On  the  2ist,  he  crossed  the  Ens  at  Steyer.  His  advanced 
posts  appeared  on  the  Ips  and  the  Erlaf.  He  was  at  the  gates 
of  Vienna ;  he  might  feel  tempted  to  enter  it,  and  to  appropriate 
to  himself  the  glory  which  no  French  general  had  yet  had,  of 
penetrating  into  the  capital  of  the  empire.  But  the  moderate 
spirit  of  Moreau  was  not  fond  of  pushing  fortune  to  extremities. 
The  Archduke  Charles  gave  him  his  word  that  if  hostilities  were 
suspended,  Austria  would  treat  immediately  for  peace,  on  the 
conditions  which  France  had  always  insisted  upon,  especially 
that  of  a  separate  negotiation.  Moreau,  full  of  a  just  esteem 
for  that  prince,  showed  a  disposition  to  believe  him. 

Several  of  his  lieutenants  urged  him  to  march  to  Vienna. 
"  It  will  be  better,"  he  replied,  "  to  secure  peace.  ...  I  hear 
nothing  of  Macdonald  and  Brune ;  I  know  not  whether  the 
one  has  succeeded  in  penetrating  into  the  Tyrol,  whether  the 
other  has  been  able  to  cross  the  Mincio.  Augereau  is  at  a  great 
distance  from  me,  in  a  critical  situation.  I  might  perhaps 
drive  the  Austrians  to  despair,  were  I  to  persist  in  humbling 
them.  We  had  better  halt  and  be  content  with  peace,  for  it  is 
for  that  alone  that  we  are  fighting." 

These  were  wise  and  praiseworthy  sentiments.  On  the  25th 
of  December  (4th  Nivose,  year  IX.),  he  consented,  therefore, 
to  sign,  at  Steyer,  a  new  suspension  of  arms,  the  conditions  of 
which  were  the  following : — There  was  to  be  a  cessation  of 
hostilities  in  Germany  between  the  Austrian  armies  and  the 
French  armies  commanded  by  Moreau  and  Augereau.  Generals 
Brune  and  Macdonald  were  to  be  invited  to  sign  a  similar  armi- 
stice for  the  armies  of  the  Grisons  and  of  Italy.  The  whole 
valley  of  the  Danube,  including  the  Tyrol,  was  given  up  to  the 
French,  besides  the  fortresses  of  Braunau  and  Wurtzburg,  the 
forts  of  Scharnitz,  Kufstein,  &c.  The  Austrian  magazines  were 
placed  at  our  disposal.  No  detachment  of  troops  could  be  sent 
to  Italy,  in  case  a  suspension  of  arms  should  not  be  agreed  to 
by  the  generals  commanding  in  that  country.  This  stipulation 
was  obligatory  on  both  armies. 


DEC.  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  417 

Moreau  was  satisfied  with  these  conditions,  calculating,  with 
reason,  upon  peace,  and  preferring  it  to  more  signal,  but  more 
hazardous  triumphs.  A  brilliant  glory  surrounded  his  name, 
for  his  winter  campaign  surpassed  that  of  the  spring.  After 
crossing  the  Ehine  in  that  first  spring  campaign,  and  driving 
the  Austrians  to  the  Danube,  while  the  First  Consul  was  cross- 
ing the  Alps;  after  having  then  dislodged  them  from  their 
camp  at  Ulm  by  the  battle  of  Hochstett,  and  puslied  them 
back  to  the  Inn,  he  had  taken  breath  during  the  sunnner,  and, 
resuming  his  march  in  winter,  during  the  most  intense  cold,  he 
had  overwhelmed  them  at  Hohenlinden,  driven  them  from  the 
Inn  to  the  Salza,  from  the  Salza  to  the  Traun  and  the  Ens, 
pushing  them,  in  disorder,  to  the  very  gates  of  Vienna.  At  last, 
halting  a  few  leagues  from  the  capital,  he  granted  them  time 
for  signing  peace.  In  his  conduct  there  hatl  been  irresolution, 
dilatoriness,  in  short,  faults  which  severe  judges  have  since 
keenly  censured,  as  if  to  revenge,  on  the  memory  of  Moreau,  the 
injustices  committed  upon  the  memory  of  Napoleon  ;  but  there 
was  an  unbroken  series  of  successes,  oljtained  by  prudence  and 
firmness.  We  ought  to  respect  all  glories,  and  not  destroy  one 
to  avenge  another.  Moreau  had  proved  himself  capable  of 
commanding  100,000  men  with  prudence  and  vigour;  no  man, 
excepting  Napoleon,  has  manoeuvred  such  a  force  so  well,  in 
the  present  century ;  and,  although  the  place  of  the  conqueror 
of  Hohenlinden  be  at  an  immense  distance  from  that  of  tlie 
conqueror  of  Eivoli,  of  Marengo,  and  of  Austerlitz,  tluit  place 
is,  nevertheless,  glorious,  and  would  have  remained  glorious, 
if  criminal  misconduct,  the  fatal  eft'ects  of  jealousy,  had  not 
subsequently  sullied  a  life  till  then  nolde  and  pure. 

The  armistice  in  Germany  happened  seasonably  for  extricat- 
ing the  Gallo-Batavian  army,  commanded  ))y  Augereau.  from 
its  hazardous  position.  The  Austrian  general,  Klenau,  who  bad 
always  remained  at  a  great  distance  from  the  Archduke  John, 
liad  suddenly  formed  a  junction  with  Simbschen,  and,  l;)y  this 
union  of  forces,  had  brought  Augereau  into  danger.  Pjut  the 
latter  had  bravely  defended  the  licchiitz,  and  maintained  liis 
ground  till  the  conclusion  of  hostilities.  The  retreat  of  the 
Austrians  into  Bohemia  relieved  liini  from  embarrassment,  and 
the  armistice  covered  him  from  the  dangers  of  a  position  too 
destitute  of  support,  since  Moreau  was  at  the  gates  of  \'ienna. 

During  these  events  in  Germany,  liostilities  continued  in 
the  Alps  and  in  Italy.  The  First  (,'onsul,  seeing,  trom  ihe 
commencement  of  the  canqjaign,  that  Moreau  could  dispense 
with  the  assistance  of  the  army  in  the  (Irisons.  hml  orderi'd 
Macdonald  to  cross  the  S])higen,  to  ihi'ow  liiniscit  from  tiie 
great  chain  of  the  Alps  into  the  N'aheline,  and  from  ilic  N'ahelint' 
into  Italian  Tyrol,  then  to  proceed  to  Trent,  and  thus  turn  the 

VOL.    I.  2    I) 


41 8  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1800 

line  of  the  Mincio,  and,  by  this  manoeuvre,  put  an  end  to  the 
resistance  of  the  Austrians  in  the  plains  of  Italy.  No  objection, 
founded  on  the  height  of  the  Splugen  or  the  inclemency  of 
the  season,  could  shake  the  First  Consul.  He  had  invariably 
replied  that,  wherever  two  men  could  set  their  feet,  an  army 
had  the  means  of  passing,  and  that  the  Alps  were  easier  to 
cross  in  frost  than  when  the  snow  was  melting,  the  season  in 
which  he  had  himself  crossed  the  St.  Bernard.  This  was  the 
argument  of  an  absolute  spirit,  which  is  determined  to  attain 
its  end  at  any  rate  whatever.  The  event  proved  that,  in  the 
mountains,  winter  is  attended  with  dangers  at  least  equal  to 
those  of  spring,  and  that,  moreover,  it  dooms  men  to  the  most 
frightful  hardships. 

General  Macdonald  prepared  to  obey,  and  he  did  it  with  all 
the  energy  of  his  character.  After  leaving  Morlot's  division 
in  the  Grisons,  to  guard  the  d^houclids  which  communicate 
between  the  Grisons  and  the  Engadine  (the  upper  valley  of 
the  Inn),  he  approached  the  Splugen.  For  some  time  past, 
the  division  of  Baraguay  d'Hilliers  was  in  the  Upper  Valteline, 
threatening  the  Engadine  from  the  Italian  side ;  while  Morlot 
threatened  it  from  the  side  next  to  the  Grisons.  With  the 
bulk  of  his  army,  about  12,000  men,  Macdonald  commenced 
his  movement,  and  climbed  the  first  acclivities  of  the  Splugen. 
The  passage  of  that  lofty  mountain,  narrow  and  winding  during 
an  ascent  of  several  leagues,  was  attended  with  the  greatest 
dangers,  especially  at  that  season,  wdien  frequent  tempests 
covered  the  roads  with  enormous  drifts  of  snow  and  ice.  The 
artillery  and  ammunition  had  been  placed  on  sledges,  and  the 
soldiers  were  laden  with  biscuit  and  cartridges.  The  first 
column,  composed  of  cavalry  and  artillery,  began  the  passage 
in  fine  weather,  but  it  was  all  at  once  assailed  by  a  tre- 
mendous tempest.  An  avalanche  precipitated  one-half  of  a 
squadron  of  dragoons  into  the  abyss,  and  struck  terror  into 
the  soldiers.  They,  nevertheless,  kept  up  their  courage.  In 
three  days,  the  storm  having-  ceased,  a  fresh  attempt  was  made 
to  cross  this  formidable  mountain.  It  was  encumbered  with 
snow.  Oxen  were  driven  before  the  troops,  to  trample  the 
snow,  into  which  they  sank  up  to  the  belly ;  then  labourers 
beat  it  down  hard :  the  infantry,  in  passing,  rendered  it  quite 
solid ;  lastly,  sappers  widened  the  passes,  when  too  narrow,  by 
cutting  the  ice  with  hatchets.  These  exertions  were  requisite 
to  render  the  road  passable  for  cavalry  and  artillery.  The  first 
days  of  December  were  thus  spent  in  effecting  the  passage  of 
the  first  three  columns.  The  soldiers  endured  these  horrible 
sufferings  with  admirable  fortitude,  living  upon  biscuit  and  a 
small  quantity  of  brandy.  The  fourth  and  last  column  had  at 
last  nearly  reached  the  summit  of  the  mountain,  wdien  a  fresh 


DEC.  i8oo      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  419 

storm  once  more  closed  the  passage,  entirely  dispersed  the  104th 
demi-brigade,  and  buried  about  100  men.  General  Maedonald 
was  there.  He  rallied  his  soldiers,  cheered  them  under  dangers 
and  hardships,  caused  the  road,  barred  by  blocks  of  frozen  snow, 
to  be  again  opened,  and  at  length  debouched  with  all  the  rest 
of  his  corps  into  the  Valteline. 

This  truly  extraordinary  enterprise  had  carried  the  greater 
part  of  the  array  of  the  Grisons  across  the  great  chain,  and  to 
the  very  threshold  of  the  Italian  Tyrol.  General  Maedonald, 
as  he  had  been  ordered,  sought,  as  soon  as  he  had  passed  the 
Splugen,  to  concert  with  Brune  before  proceeding  to  the  sources 
of  the  Mincio  and  the  Adige,  and  thus  demolishing  the  whole 
defensive  line  of  the  Austrians,  which  extended  from  the  Alps 
to  the  Adriatic. 

Brune  would  not  deprive  himself  of  a  whole  division  to  assist 
Maedonald,  but  he  consented  to  detach  Lecchi's  Italian  division, 
which  was  to  ascend  from  the  valley  of  the  Chiesa  to  the 
Kocca  d'Anfo.  Maedonald,  therefore,  resolved  to  ascend  the 
Valteline,  and  to  attack  Mont  Tonal,  which  commands  the  pass 
into  the  Tyrol  and  the  valley  of  the  Adige.  But  here,  though 
the  height  was  inferior  to  that  of  the  Splugen,  the  ice  was  as 
deeply  drifted ;  and  besides,  General  Wukassowich  had  covered 
the  principal  approaches  to  Mont  Tonal  with  entrenchments. 
On  the  22nd  and  23rd  of  December,  General  Yandamme  made 
an  attack  at  the  head  of  a  corps  of  grenadiers,  and  renewed  it 
several  times  with  heroic  courage.  Those  brave  fellows  made 
incredible  but  useless  efforts.  Several  times,  marching  upon 
the  ice,  and  exposed  to  a  most  destructive  tire,  they  advanced 
to  the  very  palisades  of  the  entrenchment,  and  endeavoured  to 
pull  them  up,  but,  the  ground  being  frozen,  they  were  foiled  in 
the  attempt.  It  was  useless  to  persist  further ;  it  was,  there- 
tore,  resolved  to  pass  into  the  valley  of  the  Oglio,  to  descend  it 
to  Pisogno,  and  then  proceed  into  tlic  valley  of  the  Chiesa. 
The  intention  in  this  was  to  cross  the  ninuntains  in  a  less 
elevated  region,  and  by  passes  not  so  well  defended.  !Mac- 
donald,  having  descended  to  Pisogno,  crossed  the  cols  which 
separated  him  from  the  valley  of  the  Chiesa,  formed  his  jiniction 
with  Lecchi's  brigade  towards  the  L'occa  d'Anfo.  and  found  him- 
self beyond  the  obstacles  which  parted  him  from  the  Italian 
Tyrol  and  the  Adige.  He  was  enabled  to  reach  Trent  l)eforo 
General  Wukassowicli  luul  efrected  liis  retreat  from  the  heights 
of  Mont  Tonal,  and  to  take  a  jM.sition  between  the  Austrians 
who  defended  tlie  sources  of  the  i'i\-ers  amidst  the  Alp-  and 
the  Austrians  wlio  defended  the  lower  part  of  their  eoui'ses  in 
the  plains  of  Italy. 

Brune,  before  he  attempted  to  force  the.  ]\Iineio,  had  waiteil 
till  Maedonald  had  made  sullieient  ])rogress  for  the  attacks  to 


420  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1800 

be  nearly  simultaneous  in  the  mountains  and  in  the  plain. 
Out  of  125,000  spread  over  Italy,  he  had,  as  we  have  observed, 
100,000  effective  men,  tried  soldiers,  and  recruited  after  their 
privations,  an  artillery  admirably  organised  by  General  Mar- 
mont,  and  an  excellent  cavalry.  Nearly  20,000  men  guarded 
Lombardy,  Piedmont,  Liguria,  and  Tuscany.  A  weak  brigade, 
commanded  by  General  Petitot,  observed  the  Austrian  troops, 
which,  setting  out  from  Ferrara,  threatened  Bologna.  The 
national  guard  of  the  latter  city  was  ready,  besides,  to  defend 
itself  against  the  Austrians.  The  Neapolitans  were  again  pass- 
ing through  the  Eoman  States  on  their  march  to  Tuscany ;  but 
Murat,  with  the  10,000  men  from  the  camp  of  Amiens,  was 
gone  to  meet  them.  Prune,  after  providing  for  the  guard  of 
the  different  parts  of  Italy,  had  about  70,000  men  to  direct 
upon  the  Mincio.  General  Bonaparte,  who  was  perfectly 
acquainted  with  this  theatre  of  operations,  had  recommended 
to  him  carefully  to  concentrate  his  troops  as  much  as  possible 
in  Upper  Italy ;  to  take  no  heed  what  the  Austrians  might 
attempt  towards  the  banks  of  the  Po,  in  the  Legations,  or  even 
in  Tuscany ;  to  remain  steadily,  as  he  had  himself  formerly  done, 
at  the  debouches  of  the  Alps ;  and  he  was  incessantly  repeating 
that,  when  the  Austrians  should  be  beaten  between  the  Mincio 
and  the  Adige,  that  is  to  say,  on  the  line  by  which  they  enter 
Italy,  all  those  who  had  passed  the  Po  and  penetrated  into 
Central  Italy  would  be  in  so  much  the  greater  danger. 

The  Austrians  did  actually  seem  disposed  to  come  out  of 
Ferrara  and  to  threaten  Bologna ;  but  General  Petitot  found 
means  to  repress  them,  and  the  national  guard  of  Bologna  dis- 
played on  its  part  the  firmest  attitude. 

Brune,  straightways  conforming  to  the  instructions  which  he 
had  received,  advanced  to  the  Mincio,  between  the  20th  and 
24th  of  December  (29tli  Frimaire  to  3rd  Nivose),  took  the 
positions  which  the  Austrians  had  occupied  in  advance  of  that 
river,  and  made  his  dispositions  for  passing  it  on  the  morning 
of  the  25  th.  General  Delmas  commanded  his  advanced  guard, 
General  Moncey  his  left,  General  Dupont  his  right,  and  General 
Michaud  his  reserve.  Besides  the  cavalry  and  artillery  distri- 
buted in  the  divisions,  he  had  a  considerable  reserve  of  both. 

In  recording  the  first  campaigns  of  General  Bonaparte,*  we 
have  already  described  this  theatre  as  the  scene  of  so  many 
memorable  events ;  we  must,  nevertheless,  portray  in  a  few 
words  the  configuration  of  the  country.  The  mass  of  the  waters 
of  the  Tyrol  is  discharged  by  the  Adige  into  the  Adriatic ; 
hence  the  Adige  forms  a  line  of  great  strength.  But,  before 
you  reach  the  line  of  the  Adige,  you  come  to  one  of  minor 
importance,  namely,  that  of  the  Mincio.     The  waters  of  several 

*  In  the  History  of  the  French  Revolution. 


DEC.  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  421 

valleys  lateral  to  that  of  the  Tyrol,  at  first  accumulated  in  the 
Lake  of  Garda,  afterwards  pour  themselves  into  the  Mincio, 
tarry  some  time  at  Mantua,  around  which  they  form  an  inunda- 
tion, and  at  last  fall  into  the  Po.  There  was,  consequently,  a 
double  line  to  cross,  first  that  of  the  Mincio,  then  that  of  the 
Adige,  the  latter  being  far  the  more  considerable  and  the 
stronger  of  the  two.  It  was  requisite  to  cross  both,  and  if 
this  were  done  promptly  enough  to  give  a  hand  to  Macdonald, 
who  was  marching  by  the  liocca  d'Anfo  and  Trent  to  the 
Upper  Adige,  it  would  be  possible  to  separate  the  Austrian 
army  defending  the  Tyrol  from  the  Austrian  army  defending 
the  Mincio,  and  to  take  the  former. 

The  line  of  the  Mincio,  seven  or  eight  leagues  long  at  most, 
appuying  on  the  Lake  of  Garda  on  the  one  hand  and  Mantua 
on  the  other,  bristling  with  artillery,  and  defended  by  70,000 
Austrians,  under  the  command  of  the  Count  de  Bellegarde,  was 
not  easy  to  force.  The  enemy  had  at  Borghetto  and  Vallegio  a 
well  entrenched  bridge,  which  enabled  him  to  act  on  both  banks. 
The  river  was  not  fordable  at  this  season ;  and  the  mass  of  its 
waters  had  been  further  increased  by  closing  all  the  canals 
which  are  supplied  by  it. 

Brune,  after  collecting  his  columns,  conceived  the  singular 
idea  of  crossing  the  Mincio  at  two  points  at  once,  at  Pozzolo 
and  at  Mozzembano.  Between  these  two  points  the  river 
formed  a  bend,  the  convexity  of  which  was  turned  towards 
our  troops ;  moreover,  the  right  bank,  which  we  occupied,  com- 
manded the  left  bank  occupied  by  the  Austrians,  so  that  at 
Mozzembano,  as  well  as  at  Pozzolo,  we  could  open  a  converging 
fire  from  higher  batteries  upon  the  enemy's  bank,  and  thus 
cover  the  operation  of  a  passage.  But  at  both  points  the 
Austrians  were  found  firmly  seated  behind  the  Mincio,  covered 
with  solid  entrenchments,  appuyed  either  on  Mantua  or  on 
Peschiera.  The  advantages  and  tlic  inconveniences  of  the  pas- 
sage were  therefore  nearly  alike  at  Pozzolo  and  at  ^lozzembano. 
But  what  ought  to  have  decided  Brune  to  prefer  one  of  the 
two  points,  no  matter  which,  while  he  might  have  made  a  false 
demonstration  on  the  other,  was  that  between  these  two  points 
there  was  a  tetc  de  pont,  then  occupied  by  tlie  enemy.  Tlie 
Austrians,  therefore,  could  deboucli  by  this  tele  de  punt,  and 
throw  themselves  on  one  of  the  two  operations  with  a  view 
to  interrupt  it.  It  follows  that  only  one  should  have  been 
attempted,  and  that  with  the  whole  uf  the  forces. 

Brune,  nevertheless,  persisted  in  his  double  )»lan.  a])])arently 
to  divide  the  enemy's  attention,  and  on  the  251I1  uf  Oeeeniber 
made  all  necessary  tlispositions  for  a  doulde  i)assage.  But 
ditliculties  which  supei'vened  in  regard  to  carriage,  diHiculties 
extremely    great    at    this   season,    prevented    everything    from 


422  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1800 

being  ready  at  Mozzembano,  the  point  at  which  Brune  himself 
was  with  the  greater  part  of  his  troops,  and  the  operation  was 
deferred  till  the  next  day.  It  would  seem  that,  in  this  case, 
the  second  passage  ought  to  have  been  countermanded ;  but 
Brune,  having  always  considered  the  attempt  near  Pozzolo  as 
a  mere  diversion,  thought  that  the  diversion  would  produce  its 
effect  with  the  greater  certainty,  if  it  preceded  the  principal 
operation  by  twenty-four  hours. 

Dupont,  who  commanded  at  Pozzolo,  was  an  officer  full  of 
ardour:  he  advanced,  on  the  morning  of  the  25th,  to  the  bank 
of  the  Mincio,  crowned  with  artillery  the  heights  of  Molino 
della  Volta,  which  commanded  the  opposite  bank,  threw  a 
bridge  in  a  very  short  time,  and,  favoured  by  a  thick  fog, 
succeeded  in  passing  Wattrin's  division  to  the  right  bank. 
Meanwhile,  Brune  continued  motionless  with  the  left  and  the 
reserves  at  Mozzembano.  General  Suchet,  placed  between  the 
two  with  the  centre,  masked  the  Austrian  bridge  of  Borghetto. 
General  Dupont,  then,  was  on  the  left  bank  with  a  single 
corps,  in  presence  of  the  whole  Austrian  army.  It  was  easy 
to  foresee  the  result.  The  Count  de  Bellegarde,  without  loss 
of  time,  directed  the  mass  of  his  forces  upon  Pozzolo.  General 
Dupont  sent  to  apprise  his  neighbour.  Suchet,  and  the  com- 
mander-in-chief, of  the  success  of  the  passage,  and  of  the 
danger  to  which  that  success  exposed  him.  General  Suchet, 
like  a  brave  and  faithful  comrade,  hastened  to  the  assistance 
of  Dupont's  division ;  but,  on  quitting  Borghetto,  he  sent  to 
beg  Brune  to  provide  for  the  guard  of  that  deJjoiicM,  which 
he  left  uncovered  by  his  movement  towards  Pozzolo.  Brune, 
instead  of  hurrying  with  all  his  forces  to  the  point  where  a 
lucky  accident  had  opened  the  passage  of  the  Mincio  to  his 
army,  Brune,  still  engrossed  by  his  operation  of  the  following 
day  upon  Mozzembano,  never  quitted  his  position.  He  approved 
the  movement  of  General  Suchet,  at  the  same  time  recom- 
mending to  him  not  to  compromise  himself  on  the  other  side 
of  the  river,  and  merely  sent  Boudet's  division  to  mask  the 
bridge  of  Borghetto. 

But  General  Dupont,  eager  to  follow  up  his  success,  was  ab- 
solutely engaged.  He  had  crossed  the  Mincio,  taken  Pozzolo, 
which  is  situated  on  the  left  bank,  and  carried  successively 
Wattrin's  and  Monnier's  divisions  across  the  river.  One  of  his 
wings  was  appuyed  on  Pozzolo,  the  other  on  the  Mincio,  under 
the  protection  of  the  elevated  batteries  of  the  right  bank. 

The  Austrians  marched  with  all  their  reinforcements  upon 
that  position.  They  were  preceded  by  a  great  number  of  pieces 
of  cannon.  Fortunately,  our  artillery,  placed  at  Molino  della 
Volta,  and  firing  from  one  bank  to  the  other,  protected  our  sol- 
diers by  the  superiority  of  its  fire.    The  Austrians  fell  furiously 


DEC.  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  423 

upon  Wattrin's  and  Monnier's  divisions.  The  6th  light,  the 
28th,  and  the  40th  of  the  line  were  well-nigh  overwhelmed,  but 
they  resisted,  with  admirable  intrepidity,  all  the  joint  assaults 
of  the  Austrian  infantry  and  cavalry.  Monnier's  division,  how- 
ever, surprised  in  Pozzolo  by  a  column  of  grenadiers,  was  dis- 
lodged. At  this  moment,  Dupont's  corps,  se])arated  from  its 
principal  pont  d'appui,  was  on  the  point  of  being  thrown  into 
the  Mincio.  But  General  Suchet,  arriving  on  the  other  bank 
with  Gazan's  division,  and  perceiving  from  the  heights  of  Molino 
della  Volta  the  serious  danger  of  his  brother  commander,  en- 
gaged with  10,000  men  against  30,000,  hastened  to  send  him 
reinforcements.  Eestrained,  at  the  same  time,  by  the  orders  of 
Brune,  he  durst  not  send  him  the  whole  of  Gazan's  division,  and 
threw  Clauzel's  brigade  only  to  the  other  side  of  tlie  river.  This 
brigade  was  insufficient ;  and  Dnpont  must  have  succumbed 
notwithstanding  these  succours,  when  the  rest  of  Gazan's 
division,  crowning  the  opposite  bank,  from  which  the  Aus- 
trians  could  be  reached  with  grape-shot  and  even  by  musketry 
poured  on  them  a  murderous  fire,  and  thus  stopped  them  short. 
Dupont's  troops,  being  supported,  resumed  tlie  offensive,  and 
made  the  Austrians  fall  back.  General  Suchet,  seeing  that  the 
danger  increased  every  moment,  resolved  to  send  Gazan's  whole 
division  to  the  other  bank.  The  important  point  of  Pozzolo 
was  thenceforward  most  fiercely  disputed.  That  village  was 
six  times  taken  and  retaken.  At  nine  o'clock  at  night,  the 
combatants  were  still  fighting  by  moonlight  and  in  a  severe 
frost.  The  French  fmall}'  remained  masters  of  the  left  bank, 
but  they  had  lost  the  elife  of  four  divisions.  Tht>  Austrians  had 
left  6000  dead  or  wounded  on  the  field  of  battle,  the  French 
nearly  as  many.  But  for  the  arrival  of  (leneral  Suchet,  our 
left  wing  would  have  been  destroyed  ;  and.  as  it  was,  he  durst 
not  engage  completely,  liis  hands  being  tied  by  the  orders  of 
the  commander-in-chief.  If  ]\l.  de  Bellegarde  had  directed  his 
whole  forces  upon  that  ]:)oint,  or  if  he  had  debouched  from  the 
brido-e  of  Borchetto.  while  f^rune  wasimnioval)leat  ^lozzembano, 
he  might  have  inflicted  a  disaster  on  the  centre  and  on  the  right 
of  the  French  army. 

Fortunately,  he  did  nothing  of  tht>  kind.  The  ^liiuMo  was 
thus  crossed  at  one  point.  IJrune  persisted  in  his  ])]an  of  ])ass- 
inc  the  next  day.  the  26th  of  Deccnilici'.  towards  ^Mozzeinbano, 
thus  exposing  himself  anew  to  tlie  risks  of  an  (•])eration  In- 
main  force.  H(^  covere(l  the  heights  of  ^lozzenibnno  with  forty 
pieces  of  cannon,  and.  fa\<)ure(i  l)y  the  fogs  of  the  seaxm.  suc- 
ceeded in  throwing  a  l)ri(lg''.  'i"he  Austrian-,  fatigurd  with  the 
preceding  day,  doubting  the  intention  of  a  second  passage.  nia(h> 
less  resistance  than  tlie  day  liefure.  and  suiTei-ed  the  neighlxmring 
jKisitions  of  Sallionzo  and   X'allegio  to  \n-  taken  fi-mn  th-'iu. 


424  HISTORY  OF  THE  jan.  1800 

The  whole  army  debouched  in  this  manner  beyond  the  Mincio, 
and  was  enabled  to  march,  with  all  its  divisions  united,  for  the 
second  line,  that  of  the  Adige.  The  Ute  de  pont  of  Borghetto 
must  have  fallen,  as  a  matter  of  course,  from  the  oftensive 
movement  of  our  columns.  A  fresh  blunder  was  committed  in 
sacrificing  several  hundred  of  our  brave  soldiers  for  the  conquest 
of  a  poiut  which  was  not  tenable.  Twelve  hundred  Austrians 
were  made  prisoners  there. 

The  French  were  victorious,  but  at  the  cost  of  valuable  blood, 
which  Generals  Bonaparte  and  Moreau  would  not  have  failed  to 
spare  the  army.  Lecourbe  passed  the  rivers  of  Germany  in  a 
different  manner.  Brune,  having  forced  the  Mincio,  advanced 
towards  the  Adige,  which  he  ought  to  have  crossed  imme- 
diately. He  was  not  ready  to  effect  the  passage  till  the  31st 
of  December  (loth  Nivose).  On  the  ist  of  January,  General 
Delmas,  with  the  advanced  guard,  crossed  the  river  without  acci- 
dent at  Bussolengo,  above  Verona.  General  Moncey,  with  the 
left,  was  to  ascend  to  Trent,  while  the  rest  of  the  army  descended 
again  to  envelop  Verona. 

Count  de  Bellegarde  was  at  this  moment  in  imminent  danger. 
Part  of  the  troops  of  the  Tyrol,  under  General  Laudon,  had 
retired  before  Macdonald,  and  fallen  back  upon  Trent.  General 
Moncey,  with  his  corps,  was  marching  thither  also,  in  reascend- 
ing  the  Adige.  General  Laudon,  hemmed  in  between  Mac- 
donald's  corps  and  Moncey's,  must  succumb,  unless  he  had  time 
to  esca]3e  into  the  valley  of  the  Brenta,  which,  running  beyond 
the  Adige,  terminates,  after  numerous  windings,  at  Bassano. 
Brune,  if  he  suddenly  crossed  the  Adige,  and  vigorously  pushed 
Count  de  Bellegarde  beyond  Verona,  to  Bassano  itself,  might 
anticipate  at  this  latter  point  the  corps  of  the  Tyrol,  and  take  it 
entire  by  closing  the  dSoucM  of  the  Brenta. 

An  act  not  the  most  honourable  of  General  Laudon's,  and 
the  tardiness  of  General  Brune,  extenuated,  it  is  true,  by  the 
season,  extricated  the  Tyrol  corps  from  all  these  perils. 

Macdonald  had  actually  reached  Trent,  while  Moncey's  corps 
was  proceeding  thither,  on  its  side.  General  Laudon,  hemmed 
in  between  these  two  corps,  had  recourse  to  a  falsehood.  He 
assured  General  Moncey  that  an  armistice  had  just  been  signed 
in  Germany,  and  that  this  armistice  extended  to  both  armies, 
which  was  false ;  for  the  convention  signed  at  Steyer  by 
Moreau  applied  only  to  the  armies  operating  upon  the  Danube. 
General  Moncey,  from  a  nice  sense  of  honour,  credited  the 
statement  of  General  Laudon,  and  opened  to  him  the  passes 
leading  to  the  Brenta  ;  so  that  he  was  enabled  to  rejoin  the 
Count  de  Bellegarde  in  the  environs  of  Bassano. 

But  the  disasters  in  Germany  were  known.  The  Austrian 
arm}',  beaten  in  Itah',  pressed  by  an  army  of  90,000  men,  since 


JAN.  1 80 1       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  425 

the  junction  of  Macdonald's  and  Brune's  troops,  could  hold  out 
no  longer.  An  armistice  was  proposed  to  Brune,  who  hastened 
to  accept  it,  and  signed  it  on  the  i6th  of  January  at  Treviso. 
Brune,  impatient  to  settle  matters,  demanded  no  more  than  the 
line  of  the  Adige,  with  the  fortresses  of  Ferrara,  Peschiera,  and 
Portolegnago.  He  never  thought  of  requiring  the  cession  of 
Mantua.  Yet  he  had  received  specific  orders  not  to  halt  till 
he  had  entered  Isonzo,  and  made  himself  master  of  Mantua. 
That  place  was  the  only  one  which  was  worth  the  trouble  ;  for 
all  the  others  must  have  fallen  as  a  matter  of  course.  It  was 
of  especial  importance  to  occupy  it,  that  there  might  be  a 
ground  for  demanding,  at  the  congress  of  Luneville,  its  cession 
to  the  Cisalpine  Republic. 

While  these  events  were  occurring  in  Upper  Italy,  the 
Neapolitans  penetrated  into  Tuscany.  The  Count  de  Damas, 
who  commanded  a  corps  of  16,000  men,  8000  of  whom  were 
Neapolitans,  had  advanced  to  Sienna.  General  Miollis,  obliged 
to  guard  all  the  posts  of  Tuscany,  had  not  more  than  3500  dis- 
posable men,  mostly  Italians.  He  marched,  nevertheless,  to 
meet  the  Neapolitans.  The  brave  soldiers  of  Pino's  division 
rushed  upon  the  advanced  guard  of  the  Count  de  Damas, 
overthrew  it,  forced  an  entrance  into  Sienna,  and  put  to  the 
sword  a  considerable  number  of  the  insurgents.  The  Count 
de  Damas  was  obliged  to  fall  back.  Besides,  Murat  was  ad- 
vancing with  his  grenadiers,  to  wring  from  him  the  signature 
of  a  third  armistice. 

Thus  the  campaign  was  finished  everywhere,  and  peace  en- 
sured. In  every  quarter  our  operations  had  been  successful. 
Moreau's  army,  flanked  by  that  of  Augereau,  had  penetrated  to 
the  very  gates  of  Vienna  ;  Brune's.  seconded  by  that  of  Mac- 
donald,  had  passed  the  Mincio  and  the  AJige,  and  advanced 
to  Treviso.  Though  it  had  not  entirely  thrown  the  Austrians 
to  the  other  side  of  the  Alps,  it  had  dispossessed  them  of  suf- 
ficient territory  to  furnish  the  French  negotiator  at  Luneville 
with  powerful  arguments  against  the  pretensions  of  Austria 
in  Italy.  Murat  was  about  to  complete  the  submission  of  the 
court  of  Naples. 

On  receiving  intelligence  ot"  the  liattle  of  Hohenlinch'u.  the 
First  Consul,  who  was  said  to  be  jealous  of  IMoreau.  was  lilltnl 
with  sincere  joy.*  This  \ictory  lost  none  of  its  value  in  his 
estimation  because  it  was  achieved  by  a  rival,  lie  deemed 
himself  so  supei-iei'  to  all  his  com])aiiinns  in  arms  in  niili- 
tarv  glorv  and  in  ]ioli(ical  inlliience,  that  lie  felt  iic  ji'alensy  et" 
any  fit"    them.      AN'lidlly  dexofed   \n  the  task    (<^   ]);i(Mtyiiig  and 

*  M.  (Ic  ndiirrieniic  s;i_vs  that  "  ln'  Imped  for  joy  :  '"  ai:il  tliis  M.  ifraiilicr  is 
not,  to  1)(!  suspected,  for.  tlinuLdi  In'  owrd  event liiii'j-  to  NapoliMin  lir  seems 
not  to  ha\e  reeollected  tliis  in  his  .Menioiis. 


426  HISTORY  OF  THE  jan.  i8oi 

reorganising  France,  he  derived  warm  satisfaction  from  every 
event  which  contributed  to  facilitate  his  task,  even  when  such 
events  added  to  the  fame  of  those  men,  who  were  destined 
afterwards  to  be  set  up  for  rivals  to  him. 

What  displeased  him  in  this  campaign  was  the  useless  effu- 
sion of  French  blood  at  Pozzolo,  and  especially  the  grievous 
fault  of  not  demanding  Mantua.  He  refused  to  ratify  the  con- 
vention of  Treviso,  and  declared  that  he  would  give  orders  for 
the  renewal  of  hostilities,  if  the  fortress  of  Mantua  were  not 
immediately  delivered  to  the  French  army. 

All  the  while,  Joseph  Bonaparte  and  M.  de  Cobentzel  were 
at  Luneville,  awaiting  the  events  occurrino:  on  the  Danube 
and  the  Adige.  It  is  a  singular  situation,  that  of  two  nego- 
tiators, treating  while  hostilities  are  going  on,  witnesses,  as  it 
were,  of  the  duel  between  two  great  nations,  expecting  every 
instant  the  news  not  of  the  death,  but  of  the  exhaustion  of  the 
one  or  the  other.  On  this  occasion,  M.  de  Cobentzel  displayed 
an  energy  of  character,  which  may  be  held  up  as  an  example  to 
men  who  are  called  to  save  their  country  in  disastrous  circum- 
stances. He  did  not  suffer  himself  to  be  disconcerted  by  the 
defeat  of  the  Austrians  at  Hohenlinden,  or  by  the  passage  of 
the  Inn,  the  Salza,  the  Traun,  &c.  To  all  these  events  he  re- 
plied, with  imperturbable  composure,  that  all  this  was  certainly 
unfortunate,  but  that  the  Archduke  Charles  had  recovered  from 
his  mortifications  ;  that  he  had  arrived  at  the  head  of  the  extra- 
ordinary levies  of  Bohemia  and  Hungary  ;  that  he  had  brought 
to  the  assistance  of  the  capital  25,000  Bohemians  and  75,000 
Hungarians ;  that,  in  advancing  farther,  the  French  would 
meet  with  a  resistance  which  they  did  not  expect.  At  the 
same  time,  he  persisted  in  all  the  pretensions  of  Austria,  par- 
ticularly in  that  of  not  treating  without  an  English  pleni- 
potentiary, who  would  at  least  mask  by  his  presence  the  real 
negotiations  which  might  take  place  between  the  two  legations. 
Sometimes  he  went  so  far  as  to  say,  that  he  would  retire  to 
Frankfort,  and  thus  put  an  end  to  the  hopes  of  peace,  which 
the  First  Consul  needed  for  lulling  people's  minds.  At  this 
threat,  the  First  Consul,  who  never  shuffled  when  any  one  tried 
to  intimidate  him,  sent  word  to  M.  de  Cobentzel,  that  if  he  left 
Luneville,  all  chance  of  an  accommodation  would  be  totally  lost, 
and  that  the  war  should  be  pushed  to  the  utmost  extremity, 
even  to  the  entire  destruction  of  the  Austrian  monarchy. 

Amidst  this  diplomatic  struggle,  M.  de  Cobentzel  received 
intelligence  of  the  armistice  of  Steyer,  the  emperor's  order  to 
treat  on  any  terms,  and,  in  particular,  urgent  injunctions  to 
obtain  an  extension  to  Italy  of  the  armistice  already  agreed 
on  for  Germany  ;  for  there  would  be  nothing  gained,  if,  after 
stopping  one  of  the  two  French  armies  which  were  marching 


JAN.  1 80 1       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  427 

for  Vienna,  the  other  should  be  suffered  to  reach  that  capital 
by  the  Friule  and  Carinthia.  In  consequence,  M.  de  Cobentzel 
declared,  on  the  31st  of  December,  that  he  was  ready  to  treat 
without  the  concurrence  of  England,  that  he  consented  to  sign 
preliminaries  of  peace,  or  a  definitive  treaty,  whichever  the 
French  government  pleased ;  but  that,  before  he  definitively 
committed  himself  by  separating  from  England,  he  desired  that 
an  armistice  common  to  Italy  and  Germany  should  be  signed, 
and  that  some  explanation  respecting  the  conditions  of  peace 
should  be  entered  into,  at  least  in  a  general  manner.  For  his 
part,  he  proposed  these  conditions :  the  Oglio,  for  the  boundary 
of  Austria  in  Italy,  together  with  the  Legations ;  and  at  the 
same  time,  the  reinstatement  of  the  Dukes  of  ■\rodena  and 
Tuscany  in  their  former  dominions. 

These  conditions  were  unreasonable.  The  First  Consul  would 
not  have  admitted  them  even  before  the  successes  of  the  winter 
campaign,  and  still  less  after  them. 

The  reader  has  not  forgotten  the  preliminaries  signed  by  the 
Count  de  St.  Julien.  The  treaty  of  Campo  Formio  was  there 
adopted  for  basis,  with  this  difference,  that  certain  indemnities 
promised  to  Austria  for  various  petty  territories  should  be 
granted  in  Italy,  instead  of  Germany.  We  have  already  men- 
tioned the  drift  of  this  alteration  ;  the  treaty  of  Campo  Formio 
assigned  the  Adige  for  the  boundary  between  the  Cisalpine 
Republic  and  Austria ;  by  promising  Austria  indemnities  in 
Italy,  she  was  led  to  hope  for  the  Mincio.  for  example,  instead 
of  the  Adige,  as  a  boundary,  but  the  Mincio  at  most,  and  never 
the  territory  of  the  Legations,  which  the  First  Consul  intended 
to  dispose  of  otherwise. 

The  ideas  of  the  First  Consul  were  thenceforth  fixed.  He 
determined  that  Austria  should  pay  the  ex])enses  of  the  winter 
campaign  ;  he  determined  that  she  should  liave  the  Adige,  and 
nothing  more,  and  that  she  should  receive  no  indemnity,  either 
in  Germany  or  Italy,  for  the  small  territories  ceded  on  the  left 
bank  of  the  Rhine.  As  for  the  Legations,  he  meant  to  reserve 
them,  and  to  make  them  subservient  to  various  combinations. 
Hitherto  they  had  belonged  to  the  Cisalpine  Republic.  J  lis 
design  was  either  to  leave  them  to  it.  or  to  devote  them  to  tlie 
aggrandisement  of  the  house  of  I'arnia.  ]:)romised,  by  treaty,  to 
the  court  of  Spain.  In  this  latter  case,  he  should  give  Parma 
to  the  Cisalpine.  Tuscany  to  the  house  of  Parma,  wliich  would 
be  a  considerable  aggrandisement,  and  the  Legations  to  tlie 
Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany.  As  foi'  the  Duke  of  Modeiia.  .Austria 
had  promised,  by  the  treaty  of  Campo  Formio,  to  indfinnifv  him 
for  the  loss  of  his  duchy  by  means  of  the  l')i'isgau.  It  was.  there- 
fore, for  her  to  fulfil  her  engagements  towards  that  ]>rince. 

The     First    Consul    wished     for     soniethinir     else,    that    was 


428  HISTORY  OF  THE  jan.  t8oi 

thoroughly  understood  but  very  difficult  to  make  Austria  agree 
to.  He  wished  not  to  be  obliged,  as  after  the  peace  of  Campo 
Formio,  to  hold  a  congress  with  the  princes  of  the  empire,  to 
obtain  from  each  individually  the  formal  cession  of  the  right 
bank  of  the  Rhine  to  France.  He  recollected  the  congress  of 
Rastadt,  which  terminated  in  the  murder  of  our  plenipoten- 
tiaries ;  he  recollected  the  trouble  it  had  been  to  treat  with 
each  prince  separately,  and  to  agree  with  all  those  who  had  lost 
territories  upon  a  system  of  indemnities  that  would  satisfy  them. 
In  consequence,  he  required  that  the  emperor  should  sign,  as 
head  of  the  house  of  Austria,  for  what  related  to  his  house,  and, 
as  emperor,  for  what  related  to  the  empire.  In  short,  he  wanted 
to  have,  in  a  single  stroke,  an  acknowledgment  of  our  con- 
quests, both  on  the  part  of  Austria  and  on  the  part  of  the 
Germanic  confederation. 

He,  therefore,  ordered  his  brother  Joseph  to  notify  to  M.  de 
Cobentzel  the  following  conditions,  as  definitively  fixed : — The 
left  bank  of  the  Rhine  to  France ;  the  boundary  of  the  Adige 
for  Austria  and  the  Cisalpine,  without  relinquishing  the  Lega- 
tions ;  the  Legations  to  the  Duke  of  Tuscany ;  Tuscany  to  the 
Duke  of  Parma ;  Parma  to  the  Cisalpine  ;  the  Brisgau  to  the 
Duke  of  Modena ;  lastly,  peace  to  be  signed  by  the  emperor, 
both  for  himself  and  for  the  empire.  As  for  the  armistice  in 
Italy,  he  was  willing  to  grant  it,  on  condition  of  the  immediate 
delivery  of  the  fortress  of  Mantua  to  the  French  army. 

As  the  First  Consul  was  acquainted  with  the  Austrian  manner 
of  negotiating,  and  particularly  that  of  M.  de  Cobentzel,  he 
wished  to  cut  short  a  great  many  difficulties,  a  great  many 
oppositions,  a  great  many  threats  of  a  feigned  desperation  ;  and 
he  devised  a  new  way  of  signifying  his  ultimatum.  The  Legis- 
lative Body  had  just  assembled ;  it  was  proposed  to  it  on  the 
2nd  of  January  (i2th  Nivose),  to  declare  that  the  four  armies 
commanded  by  Generals  Moreau,  Brune,  Macdonald,  and  Auge- 
reau,  were  entitled  to  their  country's  thanks.  A  message,  added 
to  this  proposal,  announced  tliat  M.  de  Cobentzel  had  at  length 
engaged  to  treat  without  the  concurrence  of  England,  and  that 
the  definitive  condition  of  peace  was  the  Rhine  for  France,  and 
the  Adige  for  the  Cisalpine  Republic.  The  message  added  that, 
in  case  these  conditions  were  not  accepted,  the  French  would 
march  on  Prague,  on  Vienna,  and  on  Venice,  and  there  enforce 
them. 

This  communication  was  liailed  with  transport  in  Paris,  but 
excited  a  strong  emotion  at  Luneville.  M.  de  Cobentzel  raised 
great  outcries  against  the  hardness  of  these  conditions,  and 
particularly  against  their  form.  He  complained  bitterly  that 
France  seemed  to  be  making  the  treaty  by  herself,  without 
having  to  negotiate  with  any})od3\     He,  nevertheless,  continued 


JAN.  1 80 1       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  429 

firm,  and  declared  that  Austria  could  not  give  way  on  all  the 
points,  that  she  would  rather  fall  with  arms  in  her  hand  than 
accede  to  such  conditions.  M.  de  Cobentzel  consented,  however, 
to  fall  back  from  the  Oglio  to  the  Chiesa,  which  runs  between 
the  Oglio  and  the  Mincio,  on  condition  of  having  Peschiera, 
Mantua,  and  Ferrara,  without  obligation  to  demolish  those  for- 
tresses. He  consented  to  indemnify  the  Duke  of  IModena  with 
the  Brisgan  ;  but  he  insisted  on  the  restitution  of  the  dominions 
of  the  Duke  of  Tuscany.  He  spoke  of  formal  guarantees  to  be 
given  for  the  independence  of  Piedmon^,  Switzerland,  the  Holy 
See,  Naples,  &c.  As  for  peace  with  the  empire,  he  declared 
that  the  emperor  was  about  to  demand  powers  of  the  Germanic 
Diet,  but  that  this  sovereign  would  never  take  it  upon  him  to 
treat  for  it  without  being  authorised.  He  insisted  further  on 
the  signature  of  an  armistice  in  Italy,  declaring  that,  as  for 
Mantua,  if  Austria  were  to  deliver  that  fortress  to  the  Frencli 
army,  she  would  put  all  Italy  at  once  into  the  hands  of  the 
French,  and  deprive  herself  of  all  means  of  resistance,  if  hos- 
tilities should  be  renewed.  Adding  caresses  to  firmness,  M.  de 
Cobentzel  endeavoured  to  touch  Joseph,  by  talking  to  him  of 
the  favourable  dispositions  of  the  emperor  towards  France,  and 
particularly  towards  the  First  Consul,  insinuating  even  that 
Austria  might  probably  ally  herself  with  the  French  IJepublic, 
and  that  such  an  alliance  would  be  very  serviceable  against  the 
secret  but  real  ill-will  of  the  northern  courts. 

Joseph,  who  was  extremely  mild,  could  not  help  being  affected, 
to  a  certain  degree,  by  the  complaints,  the  threats,  and  the 
caresses  of  M.  de  Cobentzel.  The  First  Consul  roused  his  energy 
by  numerous  despatches.  "  You  are  forbidden,"  he  wrote  to 
him,  "to  admit  of  any  discussion  on  the  principle  laid  down  in 
the  ultimatum :  the  Rhine  and  the  Adigr.  Stick  to  those  two 
conditions  as  irrevocable.  Hostilities  shall  not  cease  in  Italy 
till  Mantua  is  given  up.  If  they  begin  again,  the  thalv:cjj  of 
the  Adige  shall  be  carried  back  to  the  Julian  Alps,  and  Austria 
shall  be  excluded  from  Italy.  If  Austria,"  added  the  First 
Consul,  "  should  talk  of  her  friendship  and  her  alliance,  re]i]y 
that  those  who  have  just  shown  themselves  so  attached  to  the 
English  alliance  cannot  care  about  ours.  Assume,  in  negotiat- 
ing, the  attitude  of  General  Moreau,  and  force  M.  de  Col)entzel 
to  play  the  part  of  the  Archduke  John." 

At  leno-th,  after  a  further  resistance  of  several  davs.  intelli- 
gence  more  and  more  alai'iiiing  every  moment  arrnmg  Irom 
the  banks  of  the  ^iincio — it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  hos- 
tilities continued  in  Loml)ardy  longer  than  in  (iennany — M. 
de  Cobentzel  consented,  on  tlie  I5lh  of  January  I  So  I  (25th 
Nivose),  that  the  Adige  should  be  adopted  foi-  the  boundary 
of  the  possessions  of  .\ustria  in  Italy.      He  ceased   to  nitMition 


430  HISTORY  OF  THE  jan.  i8oi 

the  Duke  of  Modena,  but  renewed  the  formal  demand  of  the 
reinstatement  of  the  Duke  of  Tuscany  in  his  dominions.  He 
consented  further  to  declare  that  the  peace  of  the  empire  should 
be  signed  at  Luneville,  but  after  the  emperor  should  have  ob- 
tained powers  from  the  Germanic  Diet.  In  the  same  protocol, 
this  plenipotentiary  again  claimed  an  armistice  for  Italy,  but 
without  assenting  to  the  condition  which  France  attached  to  it — 
the  immediate  delivery  of  Mantua  to  our  troops.  His  fear  was, 
that  after  giving  up  this  2Joint  d'appui,  France  would  impose 
harder  conditions ;  and,  alarming  as  the  resumption  of  hostilities 
appeared  to  him,  he  would  not  yet  part  with  this  pledge. 

This  persevering  firmness  in  defending  his  country  in  so 
difficult  a  situation  was  natural  and  honourable,  but  at  last  it 
became  imprudent,  and  led  to  consequences  which  M.  de 
Cobentzel  had  not  foreseen. 

The  occurrences  in  the  North  contributed  as  much  as  the 
victories  of  our  armies  to  augment  the  pretensions  of  the  First 
Consul.  He  had  hitherto  sought  anxiously  for  peace  with 
Austria,  in  the  first  place,  to  have  peace,  and,  in  the  next,  to 
secure  himself  against  one  of  those  changes  of  humour  so  fre- 
quent in  the  Emperor  Paul.  For  some  months  past,  it  is  true, 
that  prince  had  shown  a  keen  resentment  against  Austria  and 
England ;  but  a  manoeuvre  of  the  Austrian  or  English  cabinet 
might  bring  back  the  Czar  to  the  coalition,  and  then  France 
would  again  have  all  Europe  upon  her  hands.  It  was  this 
apprehension  which  had  induced  the  First  Consul  to  brave  the 
inconveniences  of  a  winter  campaign,  in  order  to  crush  Austria 
while  she  was  deprived  of  the  support  of  the  forces  of  the 
Continent.  The  turn  which  events  had  recently  taken  in  the 
North  having  relieved  him  from  all  fear  on  this  head,  he  had 
become  at  once  more  patient  and  more  exacting.  Paul,  in  fact, 
had  formally  broken  with  his  late  allies,  and  thrown  himself 
completely  into  the  arms  of  France,  with  that  warmth  which 
he  showed  in  all  his  actions.  Strongly  disposed  to  this  line  of 
conduct  by  the  effect  produced  upon  his  mind  by  the  victory 
of  Marengo,  by  the  restitution  of  the  Russian  prisoners,  by  the 
offer  of  the  island  of  Malta,  lastly,  by  the  adroit  and  delicate 
flatteries  of  the  First  Consul,  he  had  been  definitively  decided 
by  a  recent  event.  It  will  be  recollected  that  the  First  Consul, 
despairing  of  saving  Malta,  strictly  blockaded  by  the  English, 
had  conceived  the  happy  idea  of  offering  that  island  to  Paul  I. ; 
that  this  prince  had  received  that  offer  with  transport ;  that  he 
had  commissioned  M.  de  Sprengporten  to  go  to  Paris,  to  thank 
the  head  of  the  French  government,  to  receive  the  Russian 
prisoners,  and  to  conduct  them  to  Malta,  to  form  its  garrison. 
But,  in  the  meantime,  General  Vaubois,  reduced  to  the  last 
extremity,  had  been  compelled  to  surrender  the  island  to  the 


JAN.  1 80 1       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  431 

English.  This  event,  which,  under  any  other  circumstances, 
must  have  mortified  the  First  Consul,  grieved  him  but  little. 
"  I  have  lost  Malta,"  said  he,  "  but  I  have  put  an  apple  of  dis- 
cord into  the  hands  of  my  enemies."  Paul  hastened  to  claim 
from  England  the  seat  of  the  Order  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem ; 
but  the  British  cabinet,  instead  of  giving  it  up,  replied  by  a 
flat  refusal.  Paul  was  enraged  beyond  measure.  He  laid  an 
embargo  on  the  English  shipping,  caused  so  many  as  three 
hundred  of  their  vessels  at  once  to  be  seized  in  the  ports  of 
Russia,  and  even  ordered  such  as  endeavoured  to  escape  to  be 
sunk.  This  circumstance,  added  to  the  quarrel  of  the  neutrals 
noticed  above,  could  not  fail  to  produce  a  war.  The  Czar  put 
himself  at  the  head  of  this  quarrel,  calling  to  his  aid  Sweden, 
Denmark,  and  even  Prussia,  and  proposing  to  them  to  renew 
the  league  of  maritime  neutrality  of  1780.  He  invited  the 
King  of  Sweden  to  repair  to  St.  Petersburg,  to  confer  with  him 
on  this  important  subject.  Gustavus  went  thither,  and  was 
magnificently  entertained.  Paul,  full  of  the  mania  with  which 
he  was  possessed,  held  at  St.  Petersburg  a  grand  chapter  of 
Malta,  admitted  as  knights  the  King  of  Sweden  and  all  the  per- 
sonages who  accompanied  him,  and  conferred  most  lavishly  the 
honours  of  the  Order.  But  he  did  something  more  serious — 
he  immediately  renewed  the  league  of  1780.  On  the  26th  of 
December,  a  declaration  was  signed  by  the  ministers  of  Russia, 
Sweden,  and  Denmark,  by  which  those  three  maritime  powers 
engaged  to  maintain,  even  by  arms,  the  principles  of  the  law  of 
neutrals.  They  specified  all  these  principles  in  their  declaration, 
without  omitting  one  of  those  which  we  have  mentioned,  and 
which  France  had  just  induced  America  to  recognise.  They 
bound  themselves,  moreover,  to  unite  their  forces,  and  to  direct 
them  in  common  against  any  power  whatever  that  should  violate 
the  rights  which  they  alleged  to  belong  to  tbem.  Denmark, 
though  extremelv  zealous  for  the  interests  of  the  neutrals,  would 
have  been  glad  not  to  proceed  so  fast ;  but  the  ice  defended  her 
for  three  months,  and  she  hoped  that,  before  lier  waters  were 
navigable,  England  would  have  given  way,  or  at  least  that  the 
preparations  of  the  neutrals  of  the  Baltic  would  be  sufficient 
to  prevent  the  British  fieet  from  ajipearing  before  the  Souiul, 
as  it  had  done  in  tlu^  month  of  August  last.  I'russia  too. 
which  would  rather  have  negotiated  than  proce(Mh'd  with  such 
promptness,  was  huri-i(>d  alung  like  Sw(>den  and  l)fiiiiiai-k.  and 
gave  her  adhesion  two  days  afterwards  to  the  declaration  of 
St.  Petersburg. 

These  were  important  events,  and  (Misiircd  \n  I'l-anct^  the 
alliance  of  the  wliole  Xorili  of  Furope  against  I'liigland  :  l)ut 
these  were  not  all  tlie  (li])lomatic  successes  of  the  l'"irst  ConsuL 
The   Em])('ror    Paul    had    ]u-oposed   to    Prussia   to   concur  with 


432  HISTORY  OF  THE  jan.  i8oi 

France  in  what  was  passing  at  Luneville,  and  to  agree  to  three 
of  the  bases  of  the  general  peace.  Now,  the  tenor  of  the  com- 
munications *  of  these  two  powers  to  our  government  entirely 
coincided  with  those  principles  on  which  France  had  most 
insisted  at  Luneville. 

Prussia  and  Russia  conceded  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine, 
without  dispute,  to  the  French  Republic;  but  they  demanded 
an  indemnity  for  the  princes  who  lost  portions  of  territory,  but 
solely  for  the  hereditary  princes,  and  by  means  of  the  secu- 
larisation of  the  Ecclesiastical  States.  This  was  precisely  the 
principle  which  Austria  repudiated,  and  which  France  proposed. 
Russia  and  Prussia  demanded  the  independence  of  Holland,  of 
Switzerland,  of  Piedmont,  and  of  Naples,  which,  at  the  moment, 
was  in  no  way  contrary  to  the  designs  of  the  First  Consul. 
The  Emperor  Paul  interfered  in  behalf  of  Naples  and  Piedmont, 
solely  on  account  of  the  treaty  of  alliance  concluded  with  those 
States  in  1798,  when  it  had  been  necessary  to  involve  them  in 
the  second  coalition  war ;  but  he  meant  to  protect  Naples  only 
on  condition  that  this  court  should  break  with  England.  As 
for  Piedmont,  he  claimed  but  a  slight  indemnity  for  the  cession 
of  Savoy  to  France.  He  thought  it  right,  and  Prussia  with 
him,  that  France  should  curb  the  ambition  of  Austria  in  Italy, 
and  confine  her  within  the  boundary  of  the  Adige.  Paul 
became  at  last  so  ardent,  that  he  proposed  to  the  First  Consul 
to  form  a  close  alliance  with  him  against  England,  and  to 
engage  not  to  make  peace  with  her  until  the  restitution  of 
Malta  to  the  Order  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem.  This  was  more 
than  was  desired  by  the  First  Consul,  who  was  shy  of  such 
absolute  engagements.  Paul,  wishing  appearances  to  corre- 
spond with  the  real  state  of  things,  opened,  instead  of  the 
clandestine  communications  between  M.  de  Krudener  and 
General  Beurnonville  in  Berlin,  a  public  negotiation  in  Paris 
itself.  He  accordingly  appointed  M.  de  Kalitscheff  as  pleni- 
potentiarj^  to  treat  ostensibly  with  the  French  cabinet.  M.  de 
KalitschefE  received  orders  to  repair  immediately  to  France. 
This  negotiator  was  the  bearer  of  a  letter  addressed  to  the  First 
Consul,  and,  moreover,  written  by  the  Emperor  Paul  with  his 
own  hand.  We  already  had  M.  de  Sprengporten  in  Paris  ;  we 
were  now  about  to  have  M.  de  Kalitscheff:  it  was  not  possible 
to  desire  a  more  signal  reconciliation  of  Russia  with  France. 

Thus  the  face  of  things  was  changed  in  Europe,  in  the  North 
as  well  as  in  the  South.  In  the  North,  the  maritime  powers,  at 
open  war  with  England,  sought  to  join  with  us  against  her,  by 
absolute  engagements.  In  the  South,  Spain  was  bound  to  us 
by  the  closest  ties :  she  threatened  Portugal,  to  compel  her  to 

*  Letter  of  the  King  of  Prussia  of  the  14th  of  January,  communicated  by 
M.  de  Luccliesini. 


JAN.  1 80 1       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  433 

break  with  Great  Britain.  Lastly,  Austria,  worsted  in  Germany 
and  Italy,  left  by  all  the  powers  at  our  mercy,  had  nothing 
but  the  daring  obstinacy  of  her  negotiator  at  Luneville  to 
defend  her. 

These  events,  the  fruits  of  the  ability  of  the  First  Consul, 
followed  each  other  in  rapid  succession  in  the  first  days  of 
January.  Prussia  and  Russia,  in  fact,  manifested  their  desire 
for  the  peace  of  the  Continent ;  and  Paul,  with  his  own  hand, 
apprised  the  First  Consul  of  the  mission  of  M.  de  Kalitschefif, 
at  the  very  moment  when  M.  de  Cobentzel,  giving  way  as  to  the 
boundary  of  the  Adige,  but  obstinately  standing  out  in  regard 
to  all  the  rest,  refused  the  delivery  of  ]\Iantua,  as  the  price  of 
an  armistice  in  Italy. 

The  First  Consul  immediately  wished  to  retard  the  progress 
of  the  negotiation  at  Luneville.  He  directed  instructions  to  be 
given  to  Joseph,  and  wrote  to  him,*  prescribing  a  new  line  of 
conduct  to  our  legation.  In  a  state  of  crisis,  such  as  Europe 
was  in  at  that  time,  he  thought  it  inexpedient  to  be  in  a  hurry. 
It  was  possible,  in  fact,  that  too  much  might  have  been  ceded, 
or  something  stipulated,  which  might  have  run  counter  to  the 
views  of  the  northern  courts.  Anticipating  besides,  that  M.  de 
Kalitscheff  would  arrive  in  a  few  days,  he  wished  to  see  him, 
before  he  concluded  definitively.  Instructions  were  therefore 
transmitted  to  Joseph,  to  temporise  for  at  least  ten  days  before 
he  signed,  and  to  require  conditions  still  more  stringent  than 
the  preceding. 

Austria  had  consented  to  confine  herself  within  the  Adige. 
The  construction  which  the  First  Consul  now  sought  to  put 
upon  this  was,  that  the  Duke  of  Tuscany  was  not  to  remain  in 
Italy,  but  should  receive,  like  the  Duke  of  ^lodena,  an  indemnity 
in  Germany.  His  ultimate  object  was  not  to  leave  a  single 
Austrian  prince  in  Italy.  To  leave  the  Duke  of  Tuscany  in 
Tuscany,  was,  in  his  views,  equivalent  to  giving  J^eghorn  to  the 
English  ;  to  remove  him  to  the  Legations,  was  granting  Austria 
a  footing  beyond  the  Po.  In  consequence,  lie  adopted  the  idea 
of  transferring  Tuscany  to  the  house  of  Parma,  as  lie  had  stipu- 
lated at  Madrid,  tliereby  converting  lipghorn  into  a  S])anish 
arsenal,  and  of  thencefdrth  including  the  whole  valley  of  the 
Po  in  the  Cisalpine  Pejiublic  ;  for.  according  to  this  phan,  it 
would  comprehend  the  ^^lilanese.  the  Mantuan,  Flaisance.  I'arma, 
Modena,  and  the  Legations.  Pieilmont.  at  the  entrance  of  tliat 
valley,  would  in  future  l)e  but  a  vassal  of  France.  Austria, 
limit<>d  bv  the  Adige,  would  l)e  llirown  to  one  exti-eiiiity  of 
Italv:  Rome  and  Naples  confined  lo  ihe  dtlier  (>xtreniity;  I'Vance, 
with  Tuscany  and  ihe  ('i^al])ine  for  hei-  advanced  polls,  would 
control  and  swav  that  siii)erb  coiinti-y.  .Io<eph  I'.onaparte  was 
*  Letter  clal-cd  i^t  riusit'Se  (2i>t  January  i.-. St iiit-  I'ap-  r  i):li,e. 
VOL.  I.  -    '•■ 


434  HISTORY  OF  THE  jan.  i8oi 

therefore  directed  by  his  new  instructions  to  require  that  the 
Duke  of  Tuscany  should,  like  the  Duke  of  Modena,  be  removed 
into  Germany ;  that  the  scheme  for  the  secularisation  of  the 
ecclesiastical  States  should  be  realised  to  indemnify  the  here- 
ditary German  princes,  as  well  as  the  Italian  princes,  dispossessed 
by  France ;  that  the  peace  with  the  empire  should  be  signed  at 
the  same  time  as  the  peace  with  Austria,  without  even  waiting 
for  the  sanction  of  the  Diet ;  that  nothing  should  be  stipulated 
respecting  Naples,  Rome,  and  Piedmont,  because  France,  though 
willing  to  preserve  those  States,  desired  first  to  arrange  with 
them  the  conditions  of  their  preservation ;  lastly,  that  Mantua 
should  be  delivered  up  to  the  French  army,  under  threat  of 
immediate  renewal  of  hostilities. 

Nothing  is  more  usual,  when  a  negotiation  is  still  pending, 
when  a  treaty  is  not  signed,  nothing  is  more  common  than  to 
modify  the  proposed  conditions.  The  French  cabinet,  there- 
fore, was  quite  justified  in  departing  from  its  first  conditions; 
but  it  must  be  confessed  that,  in  this  case,  the  alterations  were 
abrupt  and  extensive. 

M.  de  Cobentzel,  by  waiting  too  long,  by  demanding  too 
much,  by  being  wilfully  blind  to  his  real  position,  had  lost  the 
favourable  moment.  According  to  his  custom,  he  complained 
bitterly,  and  threatened  France  with  the  desperation  of  Austria. 
He  was,  nevertheless,  pressed  to  obtain  the  armistice  for  Italy, 
and  made  up  his  mind  to  concede  Mantua ;  but  he  feared  lest, 
after  he  had  given  up  this  bulwark,  he  should  be  at  the  mercy  of 
France,  and  that  fresh  demands  should  be  brought  forward.  In 
this  frame  of  mind,  he  showed  himself  mistrustful  and  captious, 
and  would  not  relinquish  Mantua  till  at  the  last  extremity.  At 
length,  on  the  26th  of  January  (6tli  Pluviose),  he  signed  the 
surrender  of  that  fortress  to  the  French  army,  to  obtain  an 
armistice  in  Italy  and  a  prolongation  of  the  armistice  in 
Germany.  The  negotiators  immediately  despatched  couriers 
from  Luneville  to  the  Adige,  to  prevent  an  effusion  of  blood, 
which  was  imminent. 

Warm  discussions  ensued  at  the  conferences,  which  were  held 
at  Lun(wille,  on  the  following  days.  M.  de  Cobentzel  said  that 
he  had  been  promised  the  re-establishment  of  the  grand  duke 
on  the  very  day  tliat  he  had  consented  to  the  boundary  of  the 
Adige.  Joseph  re]ilied.  that  this  was  true,  bat  that  the  ro- 
establishmeut  of  this  prince  was  to  be  granted  in  Germany;  that 
every  State  availed  itself  of  its  present  situation  to  treat  more 
advantageously  ;  that  France,  in  acting  thus,  adopted  the  very 
principles  expressed  by  ]\f.  de  Tliugut  in  his  lettt'rs  of  the  pre- 
ceding winter  ;  that,  moreover,  the  grand  duke,  whose  case  was 
under  discussion,  would  be  in  Tuscany,  cut  off  from  Austria  and 
unsupported:  that,  in  the  Legations,  on  the  contrary,  he  would 


JAN.  1 80 1       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  435 

be  too  well  placed,  as  he  would  serve  for  a  link  between  Austria, 
Eome,  and  Naples,  that  is  to  say,  between  the  enemies  of  France, 
an  arrangement  to  which  France  would  never  consent.  The 
idea  of  placing  him  either  in  Tuscany  or  in  the  Legations 
should,  therefore,  be  relinquished. 

After  vehement  controversies,  M.  de  Cobentzel  seemed  at 
last  to  consent  that  the  indemnities  for  the  grand  duke  should 
be  taken  in  Germany;  but  he  would  not  admit  the  absolute 
principle  of  the  secularisation  of  the  ecclesiastical  States.  The 
ecclesiastical  States  were  devoted  to  Austria,  especially  the  three 
archbishop-electors  of  Treves,  Cologne,  and  Mayence,  whereas 
the  hereditary  princes,  on  the  contrary,  were  often  opposed  to 
her  interest  in  the  Germanic  Diet.  Austria  assented  to  the 
secularisations,  understood  in  this  way,  that  the  small  ecclesi- 
astical States  should  serve  to  indemnify  not  only  the  hereditary 
princes  of  Bavaria,  Wurtemberg,  and  Orange,  but  the  great 
ecclesiastical  princes,  such  as  the  archbishops  oi'  Treves,  Cologne, 
and  Mayence ;  for  then  her  influence  in  Germany  would  have 
been  in  part  maintained.  Joseph  Bonaparte  had  orders  to 
make  an  obstinate  opposition  to  this  proposal.  He  was  to 
admit  the  principle  of  secularisations  solely  for  the  benefit  of 
the  hereditary  princes.  Lastly,  M.  de  Cobentzel  would  not  sign 
the  peace  for  the  empire  without  powers  from  the  Diet.  This 
refusal  proceeded,  according  to  him,  from  a  reluctance  to  vdolate 
forms ;  but  in  reality  from  an  unwillingness  to  render  too 
evident  the  part  usually  played  by  Austria  in  regard  to  the 
members  of  the  Germanic  body,  a  part  which  consisted  in  com- 
promising them  with  France,  whenever  it  was  to  the  interest  of 
Austria  to  do  so,  and  afterwards  deserting  them,  when  the  war 
had  been  disastrous.  In  1797,  she  had  delivered  Mayence  to 
the  French,  a  proceeding  most  severely  censured  by  all  Germany; 
and  now  to  sign  for  the  empire,  without  powers  from  the  Diet, 
seemed  to  M.  de  Cobentzel  a  new  and  very  grievous  act,  to 
add  to  all  the  anterior  acts  with  which  the  German  princes  re- 
proached their  sovereign.  To  these  reasons  Joseph  Bonaparte 
replied,  that  it  was  easy  to  perceive  the  real  motive  of  Austria  ; 
that  she  was  afraid  of  committing  lierself  witli  the  Germanic 
body,  but  that  it  was  not  for  France  to  heed  such  considerations  ; 
that,  as  to  form,  there  was  a  precedent  in  the  peace  of  Baden, 
signed  by  the  em])eror  in  17 14,  without  powers  from  the  Diet ; 
that,  besides,  the  emperor  was  now  only  asked  to  sanction  what 
the  representatives  of  tlie  ein])ire  had  already  assented  to  at 
Bastadt,  that  is  to  say,  the  cession  of  the  left  bank  of  the 
Rhine  to  France  ;  and  that  liis  refusal  would  be  a  stu-ry  service 
rendered  to  Germany,  for  the  Frencii  armies  wttuld  continue 
in  the  territories  occupied  by  them  till  ])eace  was  conchided 
with  the  empire;    whereas,  if  the   ])eace  were   comiuou  to  all 


436  HISTORY  OF  THE  feb.  i8oi 

the  German  princes,  the  evacuation  would  immediately  follow 
the  ratifications. 

These  discussions  lasted  several  days.  M.  de  Cobentzel  was, 
nevertheless,  anxious  to  conclude.  The  French  negotiator,  on 
his  side,  though  at  first  desirous  to  defer  the  signature  of  the 
treaty  for  a  few  days,  being  now  apprised  that  M.  de  Kalitscheff 
would  not  arrive  in  Paris  so  soon  as  he  was  at  first  expected, 
saw  no  further  advantage  in  temporising :  he  too  was  desirous 
to  bring  matters  to  a  close.  Orders  had,  in  fact,  been  given  to 
the  two  plenipotentiaries  to  come  to  an  agreement ;  and,  to 
decide  M.  de  Cobentzel,  Joseph  Bonaparte  had  been  authorised 
to  make  one  of  those  concessions,  which,  at  the  last  moment, 
serve  for  a  pretext  to  an  exhausted  negotiator  for  yielding  with 
honour.  The  thahueg  *  of  the  Rhine  was  the  limit  assigned  to 
France  and  Germany ;  consequently  Dilsseldorf,  Ehrenbreit- 
stein,  Philipsburg,  Kehl,  Old  Breisach,  situated  on  the  right 
bank,  though  attached  to  the  left  bank  by  many  ties,  were  to 
be  left  to  the  Germanic  Confederation.  But  Cassel,  a  suburb  of 
Mayence,  on  the  right  bank,  was  a  subject  of  dispute,  for  that 
suburb  could  scarcely  be  separated  from  the  city  itself.  Joseph 
was  authorised  to  cede  Cassel,  but  on  condition  that  it  should 
be  dismantled.  Mayence  would  thus  cease  to  be  longer  a  forti- 
fied tete  de  pont,  affording  a  passage  at  all  times  to  the  right 
bank  of  the  Rhine. 

The  last  conference  was  held  on  the  9th  of  February  1801 
(20th  Pluviose,  year  IX.).  As  it  usually  happens,  the  nego- 
tiators were  never  nearer  to  a  rupture  than  w^ien  they  were 
on  the  point  of  agreeing  definitively.  M.  de  Cobentzel  warmly 
insisted  on  the  maintenance  of  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany 
in  Italy ;  on  the  indemnity  destined  for  the  German  princes, 
an  indemnity  which  he  wished  to  extend  to  the  ecclesiastical 
princes  of  the  first  order ;  lastly,  on  the  inconvenience  of  sign- 
ing for  the  Germanic  body,  without  having  powers  from  the 
Diet.  An  article  relative  to  the  debts  of  Belgium  also  gave 
rise  to  great  difficulties.  On  all  these  accounts  he  at  last  de- 
clared that  he  durst  not  conclude  without  referring  to  Vienna. 
Joseph  thereupon  replied  that  his  government  enjoined  him  to 
declare  the  negotiations  at  an  end,  unless  they  brought  them  to 
a  termination  before  they  broke  up  ;  he  added  that  in  the  event 
of  another  campaign  Austria  would  be  thrown  back  beyond  the 
Julian  Alps.  At  length  he  ceded  Cassel,  besides  all  the  fortified 
positions  on  the  right  bank,  but  on  condition  that  France  should 
demolish  before  she  evacuated  them,  and  that  they  should  never 
be  reconstructed. 

Upon  this  concession  M.  de  Cobentzel  yielded,  and  the  treaty 
was  signed  on  the  9th  of  February  1801,  at  half-past  five  in 
*  The  middle  of  the  stream. — Translator. 


FEB.  1 80 1       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  437 

the  evening,  to  the  great  joy  of  Joseph,  to  the  great  grief  of 
M.  de  Cobentzel,  who,  however,  had  nothing  to  reproach  himself 
with ;  for,  if  he  had  endangered  the  interests  of  his  court,  it  was 
because  he  had  persisted  in  defending  them  too  warmly. 

Such  was  the  celebrated  treaty  of  Luneville,  which  terminated 
the  war  of  the  second  coalition,  and  for  the  second  time  con- 
ceded to  France  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhino,  with  a  commanding 
situation  in  Italy.     The  principal  clauses  were  as  follows  : — 

The  tiudvjeg  of  the  Rhine,  from  its  exit  out  of  the  Helvetic 
territory  to  its  entry  into  the  Batavian  territory,  formed  the 
boundary  of  France  and  Germany.  Diisseldorf,  Ehrenbreit- 
stein,  Cassel,  Kelil,  Philipsburg,  Old  Breisach,  situated  on  the 
right  bank,  were  left  to  Germany,  but  were  first  to  be  dis- 
mantled. The  hereditary  princes  who  suffered  losses  on  the 
left  bank  were  to  be  indemnified.  No  mention  was  made  of  the 
ecclesiastical  princes  or  of  the  mode  of  fixing  tlie  indemnities ; 
but  it  was  perfectly  understood  that  the  whole  or  part  of  the 
ecclesiastical  territories  were  to  serve  for  tlie  indemnities. 

The  emperor,  at  Luneville  as  at  Campo  Formio,  ceded  the 
Belgic  provinces  to  France,  as  well  as  the  small  territories 
which  he  possessed  on  the  left  bank,  such  as  the  county  of 
Falkenstein,  and  the  Frickthal,  which  lay  wedged  in  between 
Zurzach  and  Basle.  He  gave  up.  moreover,  the  Milanese  to 
the  Cisalpine.  For  these  he  obtained  no  other  indemnity  than 
the  Venetian  States  as  far  as  tlie  Adige,  which  had  been  pre- 
viously ensured  to  him  by  the  treaty  of  Campo  Formio.  He 
lost  the  archbishopric  of  Salzburg,  which  had  been  promised 
him  by  a  secret  article  of  the  same  treaty.  His  houst^  was, 
besides,  deprived  of  Tuscany,  which  was  ceded  to  the  house  of 
Parma.  An  indemnity  in  Germany  was  promised  to  the  Duke 
of  Tuscany.  Tlie  promise  of  the  Breisgau  was  still  held  out  to 
the  Duke  of  Modena. 

The  territorial  distribution  of  Italy  was  thus  settled  on  a 
much  more  advantageous  basis  for  France  than  at  the  time  of 
the  treaty  of  Campo  Formio.  Austria  continued  to  have  the 
Adige  for  her  boundary  ;  but  Tuscany  was  taken  from  her 
house  and  given  to  a  house  di^pondcnt  on  France  ;  the  I'higlish 
were  excluded  from  Leghorn  ;  th(>  whole  valley  of  the  I'o. 
from  the  Sesia  aiid  the  Tanaro  to  the  Adriatic.  l)t'loiigt'd  to 
the  Cisalpine  Republic,  a  (IcjK'ndcnt  daughter  of  the  French 
Republic;  lastly.  Piedmont,  confined  to  the  soui-ccs  of  the 
Po,  was  d(']iendent  on  us.  Thus,  masters  of  Tuscany  and 
the  Cisalpine,  we  occu])ied  all  Central  Italy,  and  prevented 
Austria  from  giving  a  liand  to  Piedmont,  the  Ib^ly  See, 
and  Naples. 

By  the  first  coalition,  Austria  had  lost  Helgiuin  and  Lom- 
bardv,   besides  ]\lodena,  for  lier   faTuilv.       Hv    the   second,    she 


438  HISTORY  OF  THE  feb.  i8oi 

lost  the  bishopric  of  Salzburg  for  herself,  and  Tuscany  for  her 
house,  which  placed  her  in  a  position  somewhat  inferior  in 
Germany,  but  very  inferior  in  Italy.  This  was  certainly  not 
too  much  for  all  the  bloodshed,  for  all  the  efforts  imposed 
upon  France. 

The  principle  of  the  secularisations  was  not  explicitly  but 
implicitly  laid  down,  since  it  was  promised  to  indemnify  the 
hereditary  princes  without  alluding  to  the  ecclesiastical  princes. 
Evidently  the  indemnity  could  not  be  demanded  of  any  but  the 
ecclesiastical  princes  themselves. 

The  peace  was  declared  common  to  the  Batavian,  Helvetic, 
Cisalpine,  and  Ligurian  Republics.  Their  independence  was 
guaranteed :  nothing  was  said  concerning  Naples,  Piedmont,  or 
the  Holy  See.  These  States  were  dependent  on  the  pleasure 
of  France,  which,  for  the  rest,  was  tied  in  regard  to  Piedmont 
and  Naples,  by  the  interest  which  the  Emperor  Paul  took  in 
behalf  of  those  two  courts,  and  in  regard  to  the  Holy  See,  by 
the  religious  plans  of  the  First  Consul. 

The  First  Consul,  however,  as  we  have  seen,  had  not  thought 
fit  to  explain  himself  to  any  one  relative  to  Piedmont.  Dis- 
pleased with  the  King  of  Sardinia,  who  gave  up  his  ports  to 
the  English,  he  was  desirous  of  keeping  himself  at  liberty  in 
regard  to  a  territory  situated  so  near  to  France  and  of  such 
high  importance  to  her. 

The  emperor  signed  the  peace  for  himself  as  sovereign  of  the 
Austrian  States,  and  for  the  whole  Germanic  body  as  Emperor 
of  Germany.  France  promised  secretly  to  use  her  influence 
with  Prussia  to  dispose  her  to  approve  this  mode  of  proceed- 
ing of  the  emperor's.  The  ratifications  were  to  be  exchanged 
in  thirty  days  by  Austria  and  by  France.  The  French  armies 
were  not  to  evacuate  Germany  till  the  ratifications  had  been 
exchanged  at  Luneville,  but  were  to  have  evacuated  it  entirely 
a  month  after  that  exchange. 

Here,  as  at  Campo  Formio,  the  liberation  of  all  persons  con- 
fined for  political  offences  was  stipulated.  It  was  agreed  that 
the  Italians,  shut  up  in  the  prisons  of  Austria,  particularly 
Moscati  and  Caprara,  should  be  released.  The  First  Consul 
had  not  ceased  to  insist  on  this  act  of  humanity  ever  since  the 
opening  of  the  congress. 

General  Bonaparte  had  attained  the  supreme  power  on  the 
9th  of  November  1799  (i8th  Brumaire,  year  VIII.) ;  it  was 
now  the  9th  of  February  1801  (20th  Pluviose,  year  IX.) ;  con- 
sequently just  fifteen  months  had  elapsed,  and  France,  partly 
reorganised  at  home,  completely  victorious  abroad,  was  already 
at  peace  with  the  Continent,  and  in  alliance  with  the  North  and 
the  South  of  Europe  against  England.  Spain  was  preparing 
to  march  against  Portugal ;  the  Queen  of  Naples  had  thrown 


FEB.  1 80 1       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  439 

herself  at  our  feet ;  the  court  of  Rome  was  negotiating  in  Paris 
the  arrangement  of  religious  affaii's. 

General  Bellavene,  appointed  to  carry  the  treaty,  left  Lune- 
ville  in  the  evening  of  the  9th  of  February,  and  arrived  as  an 
extraordinary  courier  in  Paris.  The  treaty  whicli  he  brought 
was  immediately  inserted  entire  in  the  Moniteur.  l^aris  was 
suddenly  illuminated  ;  vehement  and  general  joy  burst  forth  on 
all  sides ;  and  thanks  without  nuiubcr  were  given  to  the  First 
Consul  for  this  happy  result  of  his  victories  and  his  policy. 


BOOK  VIII. 

INFERNAL   MACHINE. 

WHILE  the  external  position  of  France  was  daily  becoming- 
more  brilliant,  while  Germany  and  Austria  were  treating 
for  peace,  while  the  northern  powers  were  leaguing  with  us  to 
resist  the  maritime  pretensions  of  England,  while  Portugal 
and  Naples  were  closing  their  ports  against  her,  and  while,  in 
short,  everything  was  succeeding  to  the  wish  of  a  victorious 
and  moderate  government,  her  internal  situation  exhibited  a 
spectacle,  at  times  frightful,  of  the  last  convulsions  of  ex- 
piring parties.  We  have  already  seen,  in  spite  of  the  prompt 
reorganisation  of  the  government,  robbery  infesting  the  high- 
roads, and  factions,  in  despair,  attempting  the  assassination  of 
the  First  Consul.  These  were  the  inevitable  consequences  of 
our  past  disunion.  The  men  whom  civil  war  had  trained  to 
crime,  and  who  could  no  longer  resign  themselves  to  a  peaceable 
and  honest  life,  sought  employment  on  the  highways.  The 
broken-down  factions,  despairing  of  overpowering  the  consular 
guard,  attempted  to  destroy,  by  atrocious  means,  the  invincible 
author  of  their  defeat. 

Robbery  had  increased  on  the  approach  of  winter.  It  was 
impossible  to  travel  the  roads  without  running  the  risk  of  being 
plundered  or  murdered.  The  departments  of  Normandy,  Anjou, 
Maine,  Bretagne,  and  Poitou,  were,  as  formerly,  the  theatres  of 
these  depredations.  But  the  evil  had  spread.  Several  dejDart- 
ments  of  the  Centre  and  the  South,  as  those  of  the  Tarn,  La 
Lozfere,  the  Aveyron,  the  Upper  Garonne,  I'Herault,  the  Gard, 
the  Ardeche,  the  Drome,  Yaucluse,  the  Bouches  dn  Rhone,  the 
Upper  and  Lower  Alps,  the  Yar,  had  been  infested  in  their 
turn.  In  these  departments  the  bands  of  robbers  had  been 
recruited  by  the  assassins  of  the  South,  who,  upon  pretext  of 
chastising  Jacobins,  murdered,  for  the  purpose  of  robbing,  the 
purchasers  of  national  domains  ;  by  young  men  who  would  not 
submit  to  the  conscription  ;  and  by  some  soldiers  whom  want 
had  driven  from  the  army  of  Liguria,  during  the  cruel  winter 
of  1799  and  1800.  These  wretched  men,  having  once  entered 
upon  this  criminal  life,  had  taken  a  liking  to  it ;  and  nothing 
but  the  force  of  arms  and  the  severity  of  the  laws  could  now 


DEC.  1800      HISTORY  OF  THE  CONSULATE.  441 

divert  them  from  those  courses.  They  stopped  the  public  con- 
veyances ;  they  kidnapped  from  their  homes  the  purchasers 
of  national  domains,  and  frequently  opulent  landed  proprietors 
also,  carried  them  into  the  woods,  as  they  did  the  senator 
Clement  de  Ris,  for  example,  whom  they  detained  for  twenty 
days,  inflicted  horrible  tortures  on  their  victims,  sometimes 
burning  their  feet,  till  they  had  paid  considerable  sums  for 
their  ransom.  They  plundered  more  especially  the  public 
chests,  and  even  seized  the  funds  of  the  State  at  the  houses  of 
the  collectors,  uj)on  pretext  of  making  war  upon  the  govern- 
ment. Vagabonds,  who,  in  these  times  of  trouble,  had  left 
their  homes  to  follow  a  wandering  life,  served  them  for  scouts, 
by  assuming  the  character  of  beggars  in  the  towns.  These 
wretches,  picking  up  all  sorts  of  information  while  engaged 
in  begging,  intimated  to  the  robbers,  their  accomplices,  what 
carriages  to  stop  and  what  houses  to  plunder. 

Small  bodies  of  troops  had  been  required  to  repress  these 
bands.  When  any  of  them  were  taken,  justice  could  not  take 
its  course,  for  the  witnesses  durst  not  give  evidence,  and  the 
juries  were  afraid  to  convict.  Extraordinary  measures  are 
always  to  be  regretted,  not  so  much  on  account  of  the  severities 
attendant  on  them,  as  the  shock  which  they  give  to  the  con- 
stitution of  a  country,  especially  when  that  constitution  is  new. 
But,  in  this  case,  measures  of  that  kind  were  indispensable  ;  for 
ordinary  justice,  after  it  had  been  tried,  was  found  to  be  power- 
less. A  bill  (projet  de  hi)  had  been  prepared  for  instituting 
special  tribunals  for  the  suppression  of  highway  robbery.  This 
bill,  presented  to  the  Legislative  Bod\,  which  was  then  sitting, 
was  violently  attacked  by  the  opposition.  The  First  Consul, 
exempt  from  those  scruples  of  legality  whicli  are  felt  only  in 
times  of  quiet,  and  which,  even  when  they  ]ia])pen  to  be  petty 
or  narrow,  are  at  least  a  happy  sign  of  respect  for  the  aut  hority 
of  the  law,  the  First  Consul  had  not  hesitated  to  bave  recourse 
to  martial  law  till  the  plan  under  discussion  should  be  adopted. 
As  it  was  necessary  to  employ  bodies  of  troops  to  su]:)press 
these  bands  of  robbers,  tlie  gendarmerie  not  being  strong 
enough  to  cope  with  them,  he  thought  that  this  situation 
might  be  assimilated  to  a  state  of  real  war,  which  aiithoi-ised  the 
a]:)plication  of  the  laws  peculiar  to  the  state  of  war.  Jl'-  formed 
several  small  corps,  whicli  scoured  the  infested  de])artments, 
and  were  accompanied  by  military  commissions.  All  the  robb(M-s 
taken  in  arms  were  tried  withiii  forty-eight  hours  and  shot. 

The  horror  excited  by  tliese  viHaiiis  was  so  great  and  S(i 
general,  tliat  noboilv  diii-st  raise  a  douljt  as  to  the  rei,nilarity 
or  the  justice  of  these  executions.  .Meanwhile,  villains  of 
another  stamp  were  meditating  \\w  destruction  of  the  consular 
government  bv  different  and  still  more  atrocious  means.      ^Vhile 


442  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  i8cX) 

Demerville,  Ceracchi,  and  Arena  were  undergoing  judicial 
examination,  their  adherents  of  the  revolutionary  party  con- 
tinued to  form  a  thousand  schemes,  the  one  more  insane  than 
the  other.  They  had  planned  the  assassination  of  the  First 
Consul  in  his  box  at  the  Opera,  and  had  scarcely  dared,  as  we 
have  seen,  to  grasp  their  daggers.  Now,  they  were  dreaming 
of  something  else.  One  day  they  proposed  to  excite  a  disturb- 
ance at  the  breaking  up  of  one  of  the  theatres,  and  to  despatch 
the  First  Consul  amidst  the  tumult ;  on  another,  to  seize  him 
on  his  way  to  Malmaison,  and  to  murder  him  after  they  had 
carried  him  off.  Like  genuine  declaimers  at  clubs,  they  talked 
of  these  schemes  everywhere  and  aloud,  so  that  the  police  was 
informed  from  hour  to  hour  of  each  of  their  j^lans.  But,  while 
they  talked  incessantly,  not  one  of  them  was  bold  enough  to  act. 
M.  Fouche  feared  them  but  little,  and  yet  watched  them  with 
continual  attention.  However,  among  their  numerous  devices, 
there  was  one  more  formidable  than  the  rest,  and  which  had 
roused  the  particular  vigilance  of  the  police.  One  Chevalier, 
a  workman  employed  in  the  manufactories  of  arms  established 
in  Paris  under  the  Convention,  had  been  found  at  work  upon 
a  frightful  machine.  It  was  a  barrel  filled  with  powder  and 
langrage  to  which  was  adjusted  a  musket-barrel  with  a  trigger. 
This  machine  was  evidently  destined  to  blow  up  the  First  Consul. 
The  inventor  was  apprehended  and  thrown  into  prison.  This 
new  contrivance  made  some  noise,  and  contributed  greatly  to 
keep  all  eyes  fixed  on  those  who  were  called  Jacobins  and 
Terrorists.  Their  reputation  of  '93  caused  them  to  be  more 
feared  than  they  deserved  to  be.  The  First  Consul,  as  we 
have  already  said,  participated  in  the  error  of  the  public 
respecting  them ;  and,  having  continually  to  do  with  the  re- 
volutionary party,  sometimes  with  honest  men  of  that  party 
dissatisfied  with  too  rapid  a  reaction,  sometimes  with  villains 
planning  crimes  which  they  no  longer  had  the  energy  to  com- 
mit, he  laid  the  blame  of  everything  upon  the  revolutionists, 
was  angry  with  none  but  them,  talked  of  punishing  them  alone. 
M.  Fouche  persisted,  but  to  no  purpose,  in  directing  his  atten- 
tion to  the  royalists.  It  would  have  required  strong  facts  to 
change  the  opinion  of  the  First  Consul  and  that  of  the  public 
on  this  subject.  Unfortunately,  atrocious  facts  were  in  course 
of  preparation. 

Georges,  having  returned  from  London  to  the  Morbihan,  was 
full  of  money,  thanks  to  the  English,  and  secretly  directed  the 
plunderers  of  the  diligences.  He  had  sent  some  of  his  cut- 
throats to  Paris,  for  the  purpose  of  murdering  the  First  Consul. 
Among  them  were  two  men,  named  Limoelan  and  St.  Rejant, 
both  practised  in  the  horrors  of  the  civil  war,  and  the  latter, 
formerly  a  naval  officer,  having  some   knowledge  of  gunnery. 


DEC.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  443 

To  these  two  lie  added  a  third,  called  Carbou,  a  subordinate 
person,  the  worthy  tool  of  those  great  criminals.  Arriving  in 
Paris  one  after  another,  towards  the  end  of  November  (first  days 
of  Frimaire),  they  sought  the  surest  means  of  killing  the  First 
Consul,  and  made  more  than  one  trial  with  air-guns  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Paris,  Fouche,  the  minister,  a])prised  of  their 
presence  and  of  their  errand,  had  them  closely  watched.  But, 
owing  to  the  inefficiency  of  two  agents  employed  to  follow  these 
men,  he  had  lost  sight  of  them.  While  the  police  was  making 
every  exertion  to  discover  traces  of  them,  these  villains  had 
buried  themselves  in  profound  obscurity.  Without  declaiming, 
like  the  Jacobins,  or  communicating  their  secret  to  any  one, 
they  prepared  for  an  atrocious  deed,  which  has  been  ecjualled 
but  once,  and  in  our  own  times.  Chevalier's  machine  had 
suggested  to  them  the  idea  of  destroying  the  First  Consul  by 
means  of  a  barrel  of  powder  charged  with  langrage.  They  re- 
solved to  put  this  barrel  into  a  small  cart,  and  to  place  it  in  oue 
of  the  narrow  streets  which  then  led  to  the  Carrousel,  and  through 
which  the  First  Consul  very  frequently  passed  in  his  carriage. 
They  bought  a  horse  and  a  cart,  and  hired  a  cart-house,  passing 
themselves  off  for  foreign  traders.  St.  liejant,  who,  as  we  have 
just  said,  was  a  naval  officer  and  artillerist,  made  the  necessary 
experiments,  went  several  times  to  the  Carrousel,  to  see  the 
First  Consul's  carriage  leave  the  Tuileries,  to  calculate  how  lonnr 
it  took  to  reach  the  neig'hbouriuc;'  streets,  and  to  arrantje  every- 
thing  in  such  a  manner  that  the  barrel  should  explode  at  the 
right  time.  These  three  men  chose,  for  the  accomplisliment  of 
their  plan,  a  day  when  the  First  Consul  was  to  go  to  tlie  Opera 
to  hear  Haydn's  oratorio  of  "Tlie  Creation,"  which  was  to  be 
performed  for  the  first  time.  It  was  the  3rd  Nivose  (December 
24,  1800).  They  selected  for  the  theatre  of  the  crime  the 
Kue  St.  Nicaise,  which  ran  from  the  Carrousel  to  the  ]?ue  de 
Kichelieu,  and  througli  which  the  First  Consul  was  in  the  habit 
of  passing  very  often.  Several  successive  windings  in  this  street 
must  necessarily  slacken  tlie  progress  of  the  most  expert  driver. 
The  day  having  arrived.  Carbon.  St.  Ki'jant.  and  liimot'laii  drove 
their  cart  to  the  Kue  St.  Xicaise,  and  tlien  separated.  Wliile 
St,  Rejant  was  to  set  fire  to  the  barrel  of  powder,  the  two  others 
were  to  place  themselves  within  sight  of  the  Tuileries,  and  to 
come  and  give  him  notice  the  moment  tliey  saw  llie  First 
Consul's  carriage  make  its  a]i])earance.  St.  lu'jant  had  the  bar- 
barity to  get  a  girl  rif  fifleiMi  to  hold  the  horse  hai'iK'SSed  t"  this 
horrible  machine.  l'"or  his  part,  he  ki'pt  himself  in  readiiu'ss  to 
set  fire  to  it. 

At  this  very  moment,  the  First  Consul,  i'atigiird  with  busi- 
ness, was  hesitating  aljout  going  to  the  Opri-a.  Imt  he  suffered 
himself  to  be  persuaded   by  th(^   earnest   solicit  at  imis  of  tlios.^ 


444  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1800 

about  him,  and  set  out  from  the  Tuileries  at  a  quarter  past 
eight  o'clock.  He  was  accompanied  by  Generals  Lannes, 
Berthier,  and  Lauriston,  and  escorted  by  a  detachment  of 
mounted  grenadiers.  Most  fortunately  these  grenadiers  fol- 
lowed, instead  of  preceding,  the  carriage.  It  arrived  in  the 
narrow  part  of  the  Bue  St.  Nicaise,  without  having  been 
announced  either  by  the  detachment  or  by  the  accomplices. 
The  latter  never  came  to  apprise  St.  Rejant.  Fear  had  pre- 
vented their  doing  so,  or  perhaps  they  had  not  recognised  the 
First  Consul's  carriage.  St.  Rejant  himself  did  not  perceive  it 
till  it  was  a  little  past  the  machine.  He  was  violently  jostled 
by  one  of  the  horse-guards,  but,  not  disconcerted,  he  set  fire, 
and  instantly  took  to  flight.  The  First  Consul's  coachman,  who 
was  a  capital  whip,  and  usually  drove  his  master  with  extreme 
rapidity,  had  had  time  to  pass  one  of  the  turnings  of  the  street, 
when  the  explosion  was  suddenly  heard.  The  shock  was  tre- 
mendous ;  the  carriage  was  nearly  overturned ;  all  the  windows 
were  broken,  and  the  fronts  of  the  neighbouring  houses  were 
shattered  by  the  discharge.  One  of  the  horse-grenadiers  was 
slightly  wounded,  and  all  the  surrounding  streets  were  instantly 
strewed  with  a  great  number  of  persons  dead  or  dying.  The 
First  Consul  and  those  who  accompanied  him,  at  first  conceived 
that  they  had  been  fired  at  with  grape ;  they  stopped  for  a 
moment,  soon  learned  the  real  state  of  the  case,  and  pursued 
their  way.  The  First  Consul  insisted  on  going  to  the  Opera. 
He  appeared  calm,  unmoved,  amidst  the  extraordinary  agitation 
that  prevailed  in  all  parts  of  the  house.  It  was  reported  that, 
in  order  to  despatch  him,  banditti  had  blown  up  a  whole  quarter 
of  Paris. 

He  stayed  but  a  few  moments  at  the  Opera,  and  returned  im- 
mediately to  the  Tuileries,  where,  on  the  report  of  the  attempt, 
an  immense  concourse  had  collected.  His  anger,  which  he  had 
before  repressed,  then  burst  forth.  "  It  is  the  Jacobins,  the 
Terrorists,"  he  exclaimed;  "it  is  those  wi^etches  in  permanent 
revolt,  in  hattaillon  carri  against  every  government,  it  is  the  cut- 
throats of  the  2nd  and  3rd  of  September,  the  ringleaders  of  the 
31st  of  May,  the  conspirators  of  Prairial ;  it  is  those  villains, 
who,  to  assassinate  me,  have  not  scrupled  to  sacrifice  thousands 
of  lives.  I  will  do  signal  justice  upon  them."  There  was  no 
need  for  an  impulsion  from  so  high  a  quarter  to  inflame  the 
public  opinion  against  the  revolutionists.  Their  exaggerated 
reputation,  and  their  attempts  for  two  or  three  months  past,  were 
such  as  to  cause  every  possible  crime  to  be  attributed  to  them. 
In  that  saloon,  thronged  more  especially  by  those  who  were 
anxious  that  their  attachment  should  be  remarked,  there  was 
soon  but  one  cry  against  the  Terrorists,  as  they  were  called. 
The  numerous  enemies  of  ^I.  Fouche  hastened  to  profit  by  the 


DEC.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  445 

occasion,  and  to  launch  forth  into  invectives  agamst  him.  His 
police,  said  they,  sees  nothing,  allows  anything  to  be  done  ;  it 
shows  a  criminal  indulgence  towards  the  revolutionary  party. 
This  is  owing  to  M.  Fouche's  fellow-feeling  for  his  old  accom- 
plices. The  life  of  the  First  Consul  would  no  longer  be  safe  in 
his  hands.  In  a  moment  the  animosity  against  that  minister 
was  at  its  height ;  that  veiy  evening  it  was  asserted  that  he  had 
been  dismissed.  As  for  M.  Fouche,  retiring  into  a  corner  of  the 
saloon  of  the  Tuileries,  with  a  few  persons  who  did  not  share 
the  general  excitement,  he  listened  to  the  accusations  preferred 
against  him  with  the  utmost  composure.  His  air  of  incredulity 
inflamed  still  more  the  anger  of  his  enemies.  Still  he  would  not 
disclose  what  he  knew,  for  fear  of  marring  the  success  of  the 
researches  that  were  on  foot.  But,  recollecting  the  agents  of 
Georges,  dogged  for  some  time  by  the  police,  and  afterwards  lost 
sight  of,  he  did  not  hesitate  in  his  own  mind  to  impute  the  crime 
to  them.  Certain  members  of  the  Council  of  State  would  have 
addressed  some  observations  to  the  First  Consul,  and  expressed 
their  doubts  as  to  the  real  authors  of  the  attempt  in  the  Rue 
St.  Nicaise  :  he  flew  into  a  violent  passion.  "  I  am  not  to  be 
bamboozled,"  he  exclaimed.  "  This  is  no  attempt  of  Chouans  or 
emigrants,  or  ci-devant  nobles  and  priests.  I  know  the  authors  ;  I 
shall  be  sure  to  get  at  them,  and  to  inflict  on  them  an  exemplary 
punishment."  While  uttering  these  words,  his  speech  was  vehe- 
ment, his  gesture  threatening.  His  flatterers  applauded  and 
excited  that  anger  which  should  have  been  soothed,  not  inflamed, 
after  the  horrible  events  which  had  just  agitated  all  around. 

On  the  following  day,  the  same  scenes  were  repeated.  Accord- 
ing to  a  custom  recently  introduced,  the  Senate,  the  Legisla- 
tive Body,  the  Tribunate,  the  Council  of  State,  the  judges,  the 
administratives  authorities,  the  staffs,  waited  upon  the  First 
Consul,  to  express  their  grief  and  indignation,  sentiments  sin- 
cerely and  universally  felt.  Never,  indeed,  had  such  a  thing 
been  seen.  The  Revolution  had  familiarised  men's  minds  with 
the  cruelties  of  dominant  factions,  but  not  yet  with  the  dark 
plots  of  vanquished  parties.  People  were  fllled  with  sui-]:)rise  and 
dismay  :  they  dreaded  the  repetition  of  these  atrocious  attem])ts, 
and  asked  each  other  in  consternation  what  would  become  of 
France,  if  the  man  who  alone  curbed  these  wretches  were  to  he 
cut  off.  All  the  bodies  of  the  State,  admitted  into  the  Tuileries, 
expressed  ardent  attachment  to  the  hero-pacificator,  who  liad 
promised  to  restore,  and  who  was  actually  restoring.  ])eace  to  the 
world.  The  terms  of  these  addresses  were  commonplace,  but 
the  sentiment  which  ]ierva(led  them  all  was  not  less  genuine  than 
profound.  The  First  Consul  re])lie(l  to  the  Miiuieipal  Coiiiicil: 
"  I  have  been  touched  by  the  ])roofs  of  affi'Ction  whieli  the  pfO])le 
of  Paris  have  shown  me  on  this  occasion.    1  deser\-e  1  hem,  Itecause 


446  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1800 

the  only  aim  of  my  thoughts,  of  my  actions,  is  to  augment  the 
prosperity  and  the  glory  of  France,  While  those  banditti  confined 
themselves  to  direct  attacks  upon  me,  I  could  leave  to  the  laws 
the  task  of  punishing  them ;  but,  since  they  have  just  endangered 
part  of  the  population  of  the  capital  by  a  crime  unexampled  in 
history,  the  punishment  shall  be  equally  speedy  and  terrible. 
Assure  the  people  of  Paris,  in  my  name,  that  that  handful  of 
villains,  whose  crimes  have  gone  far  to  dishonour  liberty,  shall 
soon  be  deprived  of  the  power  to  do  mischief." 

Every  one  applauded  these  words  of  vengeance,  for  there  was 
not  a  person  but,  for  his  own  part,  made  use  of  similar  expres- 
sions. Men  of  reflection  anticipated  with  pain  that  the  enraged 
lion  might,  perhaps,  overleap  the  barrier  of  the  laws ;  but  the 
multitude  called  for  punishment.  In  Paris,  the  agitation  was 
extreme.  The  royalists  threw  the  guilt  on  the  revolutionists, 
and  the  revolutionists  on  the  royalists.  Both  were  equally 
sincere,  for  the  crime  remained  a  profound  secret  to  all  but  its 
authors.  Every  one  descanted  on  the  subject,  and,  according  to 
his  inclination  to  condemn  one  party  rather  than  another,  found 
reasons  equally  plausible  for  accusing  the  royalists  or  the  revo- 
lutionists. The  enemies  of  the  Revolution,  both  old  and  new, 
said  that  the  Terrorists  alone  could  have  devised  so  atrocious 
a  scheme,  and  adduced  as  a  conclusive  proof  of  their  opinion, 
the  machine  of  Chevalier,  the  gunsmith,  recently  discovered. 
Sagacious  persons,  on  the  contrary,  who  had  steadfastly  clung 
to  the  Revolution,  asked  why  those  highway  robbers,  those 
Chauffeurs,  who  committed  so  many  crimes,  who  daily  displayed 
an  unparalleled  refinement  in  cruelty,  and  who,  in  particular, 
had  just  carried  off  the  senator  Clement  de  Ris,  why  these  men 
might  not  be  the  authors  of  the  horrible  explosion  in  the  Rue 
St.  Nicaise  as  well  as  the  so-called  Terrorists.  It  should,  more- 
over, be  borne  in  mind  that  persons  of  sedate  minds  could 
scarcely  obtain  a  hearing  at  that  moment,  so  deeply  was  public 
opinion  agitated,  and  so  strong  was  the  tendency  to  condemn 
the  revolutionary  party.  But,  will  it  be  believed,  amidst  the 
conflict  of  diverse  imputations,  there  were  men  of  both  parties 
inconsiderate  or  perverse  enough  to  hold  a  totally  different 
language.  Certain  factious  royalists  louged  for  the  destruction 
of  the  First  Consul  at  any  rate,  and  adopting  the  general  opinion 
which  attributed  the  crime  to  the  Terrorists,  admired  the  atro- 
cious energy,  the  profound  secrecy,  which  had  been  required 
for  the  commission  of  such  a  deed.  The  revolutionists,  on  the 
contrary,  seemed  almost  to  claim  the  merit  for  their  ]mrty ; 
and  there  were  among  them  braggarts  of  crime,  who  had  the 
culpable  folly  of  being  almost  proud  of  the  execrable  act  that 
was  imputed  to  them.  It  is  only  in  times  of  civil  war  that  we 
meet  with  such  levity  and  such  unprincipled  language  among 


DEC.  1800       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIBE.  447 

men  who  would  themselves  be  incapable  of  perpetrating  the 
deeds  which  they  dare  to  approve. 

We  may  further  add,  that  all  who  talked  of  this  event  were 
totally  wrong.  The  minister  Fouche  alone  suspected  who  were 
the  real  culprits. 

While  he  was  engaged  in  searching  after  them,  everybody 
was  asking  what  was  to  be  done  to  prevent  future  attempts  of 
the  same  kind.  People  were,  at  that  time,  so  accustomed  to 
violent  measures,  that  they  thought  it  almost  natural  to  seize 
the  men  known  to  have  been  formerly  Terrorists,  and  to  treat 
them  as  they  had  treated  their  victims  in  '93.  The  two  sec- 
tions of  the  Council  of  State,  to  whose  province  this  subject 
more  particularly  belonged,  the  sections  of  legislation  and  of 
the  interior,  assembled  two  days  after  the  event,  on  the  26th 
of  December  (5th  Nivose),  to  inquire  which  of  the  various  plans 
proposed  was  most  admissible.  As  the  bill  {projct  de  loi)  to 
institute  special  tribunals  was  then  under  discussion,  it  was 
suofcrested  that  two  clauses  should  be  added  to  it.  The  first 
instituting  a  military  commission  for  the  trial  of  crimes  com- 
mitted against  the  members  of  the  government ;  the  second 
investing  the  First  Consul  with  authority  to  remove  from  Paris 
men  whose  presence  in  the  capital  sjiould  be  deemed  dangerous, 
and  to  punish  them  with  transportation,  if  they  should  attempt 
to  disregard  such  first  exile. 

After  the  preliminary  investigation  of  this  subject  in  the  two 
sections  of  legislation  and  of  the  interior,  the  whole  Council 
of  State  met  under  the  presidency  of  the  First  Consul.  M. 
Portalis  reported  what  had  passed  in  the  morning  in  the  two 
sections,  and  submitted  their  propositions  to  the  Council.  The 
First  Consul,  out  of  temper,  thought  these  propositions  defec- 
tive. A  mere  cliange  of  jurisdiction  appeared  to  liini  totally 
inadequate  to  the  circumstances.  He  was  for  a])prclu'nding  tlie 
Jacobins  en  masse,  shooting  those  who  should  be  convictt-d  of 
having  had  a  hand  in  the  crime,  and  transporting  the  others. 
But  it  was  his  wish  to  accomplish  tins  by  means  of  an  extra- 
ordinary measure,  in  order  to  he  more  sure  of  the  result.  "The 
proceedings  of  a  special  tribunal,"  said  he.  "'will  be  slow,  and 
not  reach  the  real  ci-iiuinals.  Our  business  now  is  not  to  frame 
a  system  of  judicial  metaphysics.  ]Nreta])liysical  minds  have 
ruined  everything  in  France  for  the  last  ten  years.  We  must 
judge  of  tlie  situation  like  statesmen,  and  apply  a  remedy  to  it 
like  resolute  men.  What  is  the  evil  tliat  annoys  u^?  '{'here 
are  in  France  lO.OOO  scoundrels,  sjiread  over  the  whole  country, 
Avho  have  persecuted  all  the  lionest  peo])le,  and  who  are  steeped 
in  l)lood.  All  are  not  guilty  in  the  same  degrei-.  fai-  froiu 
it.  Many  aiv  still  open  to  i-e])entance,  anil  are  not  incorrigible 
criminals:   but,  while  tln'V  see  the  headiiuartei-s   e>tabli>hed    in 


448  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1800 

Paris,  and  the  chiefs  concocting  plots  with  impunity,  they 
retain  hope,  and  keep  up  their  spirits.  Strike  the  chiefs  boldly, 
and  the  soldiers  will  disperse.  They  will  return  to  those  occupa- 
tions from  which  they  Avere  driven  by  a  violent  revolution ; 
they  will  forget  that  stormy  passage  in  their  lives,  and  again 
become  peaceable  citizens.  Honest  men,  who  are  now  in  con- 
stant fear,  will  take  courage,  and  attach  themselves  to  a  govern- 
ment which  has  known  how  to  protect  them.  There  is  no 
middle  course ;  either  we  must  pardon  all,  like  Augustus,  or 
vengeance,  prompt,  terrible,  and  proportionate  to  the  crime 
must  overtake  them.  As  many  of  the  guilty  must  be  sacrificed 
as  there  have  been  victims.  Fifteen  or  twenty  of  these  villains 
must  be  shot,  and  200  of  them  transported.  By  these  means 
we  shall  rid  the  Republic  of  agitators  who  convulse  it ;  we 
shall  clear  it  of  such  sanguinary  scum."  ...  At  each  successive 
sentence,  the  First  Consul  became  more  and  more  animated ; 
and,  nettled  at  the  disapprobation  even  which  he  perceived  in 
certain  countenances,  "I  am,"  he  exclaimed,  "I  am  so  con- 
vinced of  the  necessity  and  justice  of  a  strong  measure,  to 
purify,  and,  at  the  same  time,  to  quiet  France,  that  I  am  ready 
to  constitute  myself  sole  judge,  to  have  the  culprits  brought 
before  me,  to  examine  them,  to  try  them,  and  to  order  sentence 
of  condemnation  to  be  executed.  All  France  will  applaud  me, 
for  it  is  not  my  own  person  that  I  here  seek  to  avenge.  My 
fortune,  which  has  preserved  me  so  often  on  the  field  of  battle, 
will  continue  to  preserve  me.  I  think  not  of  myself ;  I  think 
of  social  order,  which  it  is  my  mission  to  re-establish,  and  of 
the  national  honour,  which  it  is  my  duty  to  purge  from  an 
abominable  stain." 

This  scene  petrified  part  of  the  Council  of  State  with  surprise 
and  terror.  Some  members,  sympathising  with  the  sincere,  but 
intemperate  feelings  of  the  First  Consul,  applauded  his  speech. 
A  very  decided  majority  discerned,  with  regret,  in  his  words, 
the  language  which  the  revolutionists  had  themselves  held, 
when  they  proscribed  thousands  of  victims.  They,  too,  had 
said  that  the  aristocrats  endangered  the  Republic,  that  it  was 
necessary  to  get  rid  of  them  by  the  most  speedy  and  by  the 
surest  means,  and  that  the  public  safety  was  worth  a  few  sacri- 
fices. The  difi^erence,  to  be  sure,  was  great ;  for,  instead  of  a 
bloodthirsty  rabble,  who,  in  their  blind  fury,  at  length  took 
each  other  for  aristocrats,  and  slaughtered  one  another,  here 
was  a  man  of  genius,  proceeding,  with  consistency  and  vigour, 
towards  a  noble  aim,  that  of  setting  convulsed  society  to  rights. 
Unfortunately,  he  endeavoured  to  succeed,  not  by  the  slow 
observance  of  rules,  but  by  prompt  and  extraordinary  means, 
like  those  which  had  been  employed  to  overturn  it.  His  good 
sense,  his  q-enerous  heart,   and  the  horror  of   shedding  blood, 


DEC.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  449 

then  prevalent,  were  guarantees  against  sanguinary  executions ; 
but,  with  the  exception  of  actual  bloodshed,  he  was  disposed  to 
resort  to  every  severity  towards  those  who  were  then  denomi- 
nated Jacobins  and  Terrorists. 

Objections  were  raised  in  the  Council  of  State,  timidly,  it  is 
true,  for  the  indignation  universally  excited  by  the  crime  of  the 
Rue  St.  Nicaise  checked  the  courage  of  those  who  would  fain 
have  made  some  resistance  to  arbitrary  proceedings.  However, 
one  individual,  who  was  not  afraid  to  oppose  the  First  Consul, 
and  who  did  so  bluntly,  and  in  a  straightforward  way,  Admiral 
Truguet,  seeing  that  the  intention  was  to  strike  the  revolu- 
tionists en  masse,  raised  doubts  respecting  the  real  authors  of 
the  crime.  "Government,"  said  he,  "is  desirous  to  get  rid  of 
the  villains  who  disturb  the  Republic ;  well  and  good  ;  but 
there  are  villains  of  more  than  one  kind.  The  returned 
emigrants  threaten  the  purchasers  of  the  national  domains ; 
the  Chouans  infest  the  highroads ;  the  reinstated  priests 
inflame  the  passions  of  the  people  in  the  South  ;  the  public 
mind  is  poisoned  by  pamphlets."  .  .  .  This  last  ex]3ression  of 
Admiral  Truguet  had  reference  to  the  famous  pamphlet  of  M. 
de  Fontanes,  to  which  we  have  before  adverted.  At  these 
words,  the  First  Consul,  stung  to  the  quick,  and,  advancing 
directly  to  the  speaker,  asked,  "  What  pamphlets  do  you  allude 
to  ?  "  "  Pamphlets  that  are  publicly  circulated,"  replied  Admiral 
Truguet.  "  Specify  them,"  rejoined  the  First  Consul.  "  You 
know  them  as  well  as  I  do,"  retorted  this  courageous  man,  who 
thus  dared  defy  such  indignation. 

A  scene  like  this  had  never  yet  been  witnessed  within  the 
walls  of  the  Council  of  State.  The  circumstances  produced  an 
outburst  of  the  impetuous  temper  of  the  man  who  then  held 
in  his  hands  the  destinies  of  France.  He  thereupon  gave  vent 
to  his  passion,  and  displayed  all  the  eloquence  of  wrath.  "  Do 
people  take  us  for  children  ?  "  he  exclaimed.  "'  Do  they  think 
to  hurry  us  away  witli  these  declamations  against  the  emigrants, 
the  Chouans,  the  priests?  Because  thore  are  still  somo  partial 
attempts  in  La  Vendee,  are  we  to  be  required,  as  formerly,  to 
declare  the  country  in  danger?  .  .  .  Has  France  ever  heen 
in  a  more  brilliant  situation,  liave  the  finances  evi'r  ln'cn  in  a 
better  state,  the  armies  more  victorious,  has  gt>neral  jx-ace  oxer 
been  nearer  at  hand?  If  the  Chouans  commit  crimes.  I  will 
have  them  shot.  But  must  I  begin  again  by  proscriluiig  on 
account  of  the  appellations  of  nobles,  priests,  or  royalists? 
Must  I  send  into  exih^  ten  thousand  old  men,  who  only  (h>ire 
to  live  peaceably,  while  paying  rcspt^ct  to  th(^  cstaMisliiHl  laws? 
Have  you  not  seen  ])oor  ecch'siastics  |)ut  to  ilcatli  in  HritaLme. 
at  the  instigation  of  (ieorgcs  hiiusclf,  because  In-  saw  that  tiu^v 
were  gradually  becoming  reconciled  to  the  ginerninent  ?  Must 
VOL.  I.  -  1 


450  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1800 

I  again  proscribe  on  account  of  rank  or  title  ?  Must  I  strike 
some  because  they  are  priests,  others  because  they  were 
formerly  nobles  ?  Do  you  not  know,  gentlemen,  members  of 
the  Council,  that,  with  the  exception  of  two  or  three,  you  are 
all  reputed  royalists  ?  You,  citizen  Defermon,  are  you  not 
taken  for  a  partisan  of  the  Bourbons  ?  Must  I  send  citizen 
Portalis  to  Sinnamary,  citizen  Devaisne  to  Madagascar,  and 
then  constitute  myself  a  council  a  la  Baboeuf?  No,  citizen 
Truguet,  I  am  not  to  be  deceived :  we  have  none  who  threaten 
our  quiet  but  the  Septembrisers.  They  would  not  spare  even 
you ;  in  vain  you  might  tell  them,  that  you  had  defended  them 
to-day  in  the  Council  of  State ;  they  would  sacrifice  both  you 
and  me,  as  well  as  all  your  colleagues." 

There  was  only  one  word  to  be  said  in  reply  to  this  vehement 
apostrophe,  that  it  was  not  right  to  proscribe  any  person  for  a 
mere  title,  neither  one  party  because  they  were  styled  royalists, 
nor  another  party  because  they  were  revolutionists.  The  First 
Consul  had  no  sooner  uttered  his  concluding  words,  than  he  rose 
abruptly,  and  put  an  end  to  the  sitting. 

Cambaceres,  the  consul,  always  calm,  possessed  infinite  skill 
in  obtaining  by  gentleness  what  his  imperious  colleague  would 
fain  extort  by  the  sole  power  of  his  will.  He  assembled  the  two 
sections  on  the  following  day  at  his  residence  ;  he  endeavoured, 
in  a  few  words,  to  excuse  the  warmth  of  the  First  Consul, 
affirming,  what  was  true,  that  he  had  no  dislike  to  contradic- 
tion, when  it  was  free  from  acrimony  and  personality  ;  and  he 
endeavoured  to  reconcile  their  minds  to  the  idea  of  some  extra- 
ordinary measure.  This  was  not  worthy  of  his  accustomed 
moderation ;  but,  though  in  the  habit  of  giving  prudent  advice 
to  the  First  Consul,  he  gave  way  when  he  saw  that  he  was 
absolutely  resolved,  and  especially  when  the  point  in  discussion 
related  to  the  curbing  of  the  Terrorists.  M.  Portalis,  who  had 
the  merit  of  being  averse  to  proscribe  any  one,  though  he  had 
been  proscribed  himself,  adhered  to  the  plan  of  the  two  sec- 
tions, proposing  to  add  two  clauses  to  the  law  instituting  the 
special  tribunals.  Cambaceres,  however,  insisted,  and  obtained 
a  majority  in  favour  of  the  adoption  of  an  extraordinar}' 
measure,  upon  the  understanding  that  it  should  be  discussed 
afresh  before  the  united  sections.  In  this  sort  of  meeting  with 
closed  doors  words  again  ran  very  high.  M.  Rcederer  inveighed 
vehemently  against  the  Jacobins,  imputed  their  crimes  to  the 
indulgence  of  M.  Fouche,  and  went  so  far  as  to  move  that  the 
Council  of  State  should  join  in  an  address  praying  for  the 
dismissal  of  that  minister. 

M.  Cambac(^-res  repressed  all  these  ebullitions  of  zeal,  and 
convoked  the  sections  at  the  apartments  of  General  Bonaparte, 
in  whose  presence  was  held  a  sort  of  privy  council,  composed 


DEC.  1800      CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  451 

of  the  Consuls,  the  two  sections  of  the  interior  and  legislation, 
and  the  ministers  of  foreign  affairs,  of  the  interior,  and  of 
justice.  So  strong  were  the  prejudices  against  M.  Fouche, 
that  he  was  not  even  summoned  to  these  conferences. 

The  proposal  of  an  extraordinary  measure  was  again  pre- 
sented and  discussed  at  great  length.  Several  sittings  of  this 
same  privy  council  were  held  before  the  members  could  agree. 
At  length,  it  was  resolved  that  a  general  measure  should  be 
adopted  against  those  who  were  called  the  Terrorists.  But  a 
serious  question  yet  remained  to  be  settled ;  that  was  the  form 
of  that  measure.  The  point  to  be  decided  was,  whether  that 
measure  should  be  carried  into  execution  by  a  spontaneous  act 
of  the  government,  or  by  means  of  a  law.  The  First  Consul, 
generally  so  bold,  was  in  favour  of  a  law.  He  was  averse  to 
compromise  the  great  bodies  of  the  State  on  this  occasion,  and 
this  he  declared  openly.  '•  The  Consuls  are  irresponsible,"  said 
he,  "but  the  ministers  are  not  so,  and  any  of  them  who  sign 
such  a  resolution  may  some  day  be  called  to  account.  Not  a 
single  individual  must  be  compromised ;  the  Legislative  Body 
must  share  in  the  responsibility  of  the  proposed  measure.  The 
Consuls  themselves,"  he  added,  "  know  not  what  may  happen. 
As  for  myself,  while  I  live,  I  am  not  afraid  that  any  one  will 
dare  to  call  me  to  account  for  my  actions.  15ut  I  may  be 
killed,  and  then  I  cannot  answer  for  the  safety  of  my  two 
colleagues.  It  would  be  your  turn  to  govern,"  said  he,  laughing, 
to  the  Second  Consul,  Cambaceres,  '•  txvi(\.  you  arc  not  very  firm 
in  the  stirrujjs.  It  will  be  better  to  have  a  law  for  the  present, 
as  well  as  for  the  future." 

A  singular  scene  was  passing  at  this  moment.  They  who 
were  averse  to  the  measure  wished  that  it  might  be  adopted, 
not  by  means  of  a  law,  but  through  a  spontaneous  resolution  of 
the  government.  They  were  desirous  to  throw  u])on  the  govern- 
ment the  entire  responsibility,  without  perceiving  that  they 
were  thus  suffering  it  to  acrpiire  th(^  mischievous  habit  of  acting 
alone,  and  on  its  arbitrary  authority.  It  was  said,  in  support 
of  this  opinion,  that  the  law  wouhl  not  pass,  that  opinions  began 
to  be  divided  respecting  the  real  authors  of  the  crime,  that  the 
Legislative  Body  would  recoil  from  a  ])i-oscriplion  list,  and  tliat 
the  government  would  run  the  risk  of  incuri'ing  a  most  signal 
defeat.  Messrs.  Kcederer  and  Kcgnault  de  St.  .lean  d'Angely 
expressed  tliemselves  to  this  effect.  To  the  lattei-  the  First 
Consul  made  this  i-(']i]y  :  ••Since  tlie  'I'ribunate  has  rejected  one 
or  two  laws,  vou  are  ])aiiic-st  ruck.  There  are.  it  is  ti-ut\  some 
Jacobins  in  the  Legis]ali\e  liody.  but  not  above  ten  or  twelve  at 
most.  'Ihey  frighten  the  others,  wlio  know  that,  but  foi-  nie.  Init 
for  the  1 8th  of  Bruinaire.  tliey  would  ha\-e  been  iiias-aei'ed.  These 
latter  will  stand  by  me  on  tliis  occasion  :  the  law  will  ])ass." 


452  HISTORY  OF  THE  dec.  1800 

The  advocates  of  the  other  course  persisted  in  their  senti- 
ments, and  M.  de  Talleyrand,  siding  with  those  who  were  afraid 
of  the  bill  being  thrown  out,  suggested  an  argument  most  likely 
to  make  an  impression  on  the  First  Consul,  namely,  that  abroad 
the  measure  would  have  a  more  salutary  effect.  "Foreigners," 
he  said,  "  would  recognise  in  it  the  act  of  a  government  that 
dared,  and  was  able  to  defend  itself  against  the  anarchists." 
The  First  Consul  yielded  to  this  argument,  but  he  devised  a 
middle  course,  which  was  adopted :  this  was,  to  refer  it  to  the 
Senate,  that  this  body  might  examine  whether  the  act  was,  or 
was  not,  an  infringement  of  the  Constitution.  The  reader  will, 
no  doubt,  recollect  that,  according  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
year  VIII.,  the  Senate  did  not  vote  the  laws,  but  was  em- 
powered to  rescind  them,  if  it  deemed  them  contrary  to  the 
Constitution.  It  had  not  the  same  power  with  regard  to  the 
measures  of  the  government.  The  suggestion  of  the  First 
Consul  was  therefore  approved,  and  M.  Fouche  was  directed  to 
make  out  a  list  of  the  principal  Terrorists,  with  a  view  to  their 
being  transported  to  the  deserts  of  the  New  World.  The  two 
sections  of  the  Council  of  State  were  charged  to  draw  up  a 
declaration  of  the  reasons  for  this  act.  The  First  Consul  was  to 
sign  the  decree,  and  the  Senate  to  declare  whether  it  was,  or 
was  not,  contrary  to  the  Constitution. 

This  measure  against  the  Terrorists,  illegal  and  arbitrary  in 
itself,  had  not  even  the  justice  which  an  arbitrary  act  may 
sometimes  carry  with  it,  when  it  punishes  those  who  are  really 
guilty;  for  the  Terrorists  were  not  the  authors  of  the  crime. 
By  this  time,  the  truth  began  to  be  suspected.  Fouche,  the 
minister,  and  Dubois,  prefect  of  police,  had  been  incessantly 
engaged  in  the  most  active  search,  and  this  search  had  not  been 
fruitless.  The  violence  of  the  explosion  had  destroyed  almost 
all  the  instruments  of  the  crime.  The  girl  whom  St.  Rejant  had 
employed  to  hold  the  horse  had  been  blown  to  pieces ;  nothing 
was  left  of  the  unfortunate  creature  but  her  legs  and  feet. 
The  iron  tires  of  the  cart-wheels  had  been  thrown  to  a  great 
distance.  Fragments  of  the  articles  employed  in  the  commission 
of  the  crime,  and  which  were  likely  to  lead  to  the  discovery  of 
the  authors,  had  been  found,  at  a  great  distance  apart,  in  every 
direction.  There  were  also  left  some  remains  of  the  cart  and 
the  horse.  These  remains  were  collected,  a  description  of  them 
was  drawn  up,  and  made  public  through  the  newspapers,  and 
all  the  horse-dealers  in  Paris  were  invited  to  inspect  them.  By 
a  lucky  chance,  the  original  owner  of  the  horse  at  once  identified 
him,  and  gave  the  name  of  the  seedsman  to  whom  he  had  sold 
him.  This  seedsman,  being  summoned,  declared  with  the  utmost 
frankness  all  that  he  knew  about  the  matter.  He  had  sold 
the  horse  to  two  men,  who  represented  themselves  as  foreign 


JAN.  1 80 1       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  453 

traders.  He  had  had  two  or  three  interviews  with  them,  and 
described  them  very  minutely.  A  man  who  kept  carriages  for 
hire,  and  who  had  let  for  a  few  days  the  cart-house  in  which 
the  cart  was  deposited,  made  also  a  very  circumstantial  depo- 
sition. He  described  the  same  per.«;ons,  and  furnished  parti- 
culars perfectly  corresponding  with  those  which  had  been 
received  from  the  seedsman.  The  cooper  who  had  sold  the 
barrel,  and  who  had  put  on  the  iron  hoops,  gave  information 
agreeing  entirely  with  the  preceding  accounts.  All  these 
depositions  perfectly  tallied  as  to  the  stature,  features,  dress, 
and  appearance  of  the  suspected  individuals.  When  all  these 
witnesses  had  been  heard,  recourse  was  had  to  a  decisive  proof. 
Upwards  of  two  hundred  revolutionists,  apprehended  on  this 
occasion,  were  taken  from  prison  and  brought  before  them. 
These  examinations  lasted  during  the  ist,  2nd,  3rd,  and  4th  of 
January  (nth,  12th,  13th,  and  14th  Nivose),  and  led  to  the 
conviction  that  not  one  of  the  revolutionists  was  concerned  in 
the  crime,  as  not  one  was  recognised.  And  no  doubt  could  be 
entertained  of  the  veracity  of  the  witnesses  who  furnished  these 
descriptions,  for  almost  all  of  them  had  come  forward  spontane- 
ously to  give  evidence,  and  manifested  great  zeal  in  seconding 
the  efforts  of  the  police.  Thus  it  was  proved  almost  to  a 
certainty  that  the  revolutionists  were  innocent.  The  fact, 
however,  could  not  be  perfectly  established,  unless  by  the  dis- 
covery of  the  real  authors.  J3ut  an  important  circumstance 
pointed  to  the  agents  of  Georges,  who  had  been  sent  upwards 
of  a  month  before  to  Paris,  and  who  h.ad  always  been  considered 
by  M.  Fouche  as  really  the  guilty  parties.  Though  all  trace  of 
them  had  been  lost,  yet  down  to  the  3rd  Nivoi^e  they  had  been 
seen,  sometimes  in  one  place,  sometimes  in  another,  though  the 
police  had  not  been  able  to  ap])rehend  them.  l)ut,  since  the 
3rd  Nivose,  they  had  eiitirely  disappeared,  so  that  one  would 
almost  have  thought  that  they  had  concealed  themselves  under 
ground.  This  disappearance,  so  sudden  and  so  com])lete,  ever 
.since  the  day  of  the  crime,  was  a  stiiking  circumstance.  Add 
to  this,  that  one  of  the  descriptions  given  by  all  the  witnesses 
corresponded  in  every  point  to  that  of  Carbon.  !M.  J-'ouche. 
more  convinced  than  ever  by  all  tlie>e  indications  that  the  real 
authors  were  the  Chouans,  lost  no  time  in  desjuifchiiig  an 
emissarv  I0  watch  Geoi-oes'  motions,  and  to  obtain  information 
relative  to  Carbon,  St.  Rejant.  and  I-imoi'lan.  in  the  mean- 
time he  had  collected  suflirieiit  e\i(lence  to  sliake  the  conviction 
of  manv,  and  even  that  of  the  l''irst  Consul,  who,  nevert  lieli'>s. 
would  not  relin((uish  his  fii-st  o])inion  hut  u])on  the  ])i-otluction 
of  actual  proof. 

Such  was  the  state  of  the  ]-)roce(nlings  on  tlit>  4II1  of  .l.anuary 
(l4tli    Nivose),  tlie   day  on   wliieli    the   act    that    etuideniiied   so 


454  HISTORY  OF  THE  jan.  i8oi 

many  men  under  the  designation  of  Terrorists  was  definitively 
decreed.* 

The  Council  of  State  had  successively  come  to  an  agreement 
upon  all  the  points ;  it  had  never  thought  seriously  of  a  tribunal 
which  should  try  in  a  summary  manner,  and  sentence  the 
Terrorists  to  be  shot ;  it  had  always  stopped  short  at  the  idea 
of  transporting  a  certain  number  of  them;  and,  after  many 
discussions,  it  was  agreed  that  they  should  be  transported  by 
virtue  of  an  act  of  the  Consuls,  submitted  to  the  approbation 
of  the  Senate.  The  affair  having  been  arranged  with  the  prin- 
cipal members  of  the  Council  and  the  Senate,  the  rest  could  be 
nothing  but  an  empty  formality. 

M.  Fouche,  who,  without  knowing  the  whole  truth,  was  never- 
theless acquainted  with  it  in  part,  and  buffeted  on  all  sides, 
had  the  weakness  to  lend  himself  to  a  measure,  directed,  it  is 
true,  against  men  stained  with  blood,  but  not  the  authors  of  the 
crime,  which  it  was  intended  to  punish  at  the  moment.  Of  all 
those  who  participated  in  this  act  of  proscription,  he  was  there- 
fore the  most  inexcusable ;  but  he  was  attacked  in  all  quarters ; 
he  was  accused  of  complaisance  towards  the  revolutionists ; 
and  he  had  not  the  courage  to  resist.  He  himself  drew  up 
the  report  for  the  Council  of  State,  on  which  the  decree  of 
the  Consuls  was  founded. 

In  this  report,  presented  to  the  Council  of  State  on  the  ist  of 
January  i8oi  (nth  Nivose),  a  class  of  men  was  denounced, 
who  for  ten  years  had  steeped  themselves  in  crime  of  every 
kind ;  who  had  shed  the  blood  of  the  prisoners  in  the 
Abbaye,  invaded  and  outraged  the  Convention,  threatened 
the  Directory,  and  who  now,  driven  to  despair,  had  recourse 
to  the  dagger,  to  strike  the  Republic  in  the  person  of  the 
First  Consul.  "  All  these  men,"  it  was  said,  "  have  not  taken 
up  the  dagger,  but  all  are  universally  known  to  be  capable  of 
pointing  it,  and  of  using  it."  It  was  added  that  the  protec- 
tive forms  of  justice  were  not  made  for  them ;  it  was  therefore 

*  I  have  compared  the  dates  of  all  the  documents  in  the  case  with  the  dates 
of  the  measures  passed  against  the  revolutionary  part}',  and  the  result  is,  that 
between  the  iitb  and  the  14th  Nivose  (the  ist  and  the  4th  of  January),  only 
one  thing  was  known,  namely,  that  the  personal  examinations  of  the  so-called 
Terrorists  had  not  led  to  the  identification  of  any  one  of  them.  Conse- 
quently, there  were  strong  reasons  for  believing  that  the  revolutionary  party 
was  not  concerned  in  the  crime  of  the  Rue  St.  Nicaise  ;  but  this  was  not  posi- 
tively ascertained  till  much  later,  that  is  to  say,  till  the  28th  Nivose  (i8th  of 
January),  the  day  of  the  apprehension  and  complete  identification  of  Carbon 
by  the  sellers  of  the  horse,  cart,  and  barrel.  The  act  against  the  revolutionists 
is  dated  the  14th  Nivose  (4th  of  January) :  it  is  not  true,  therefore,  as  it  has 
been  sometimes  asserted,  that  the  proscription  took  place  in  spite  of  a  perfect 
knowledge  of  the  real  authors  of  the  crime,  and  that  the  government  punished 
the  revolutionists  knowing  them  to  be  innocent.  The  procedure  was  at  all 
events  highly  arbitrary  ;  but  it  is  our  duty  to  state  the  facts  as  they  occurred, 
without  exaggeration  or  extenuation. 


JAN.  1 80 1       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  455 

proposed  to  seize  and  to  transport  them  from  the  territory  of 
the  Republic. 

The  examination  of  the  report  gave  rise  to  the  question, 
whether  the  Jacobins  ought  not  to  be  denounced  in  it  as  the 
contrivers  of  the  3rd  Nivose.  The  First  Consul  took  great 
pains  to  oppose  this.  "  We  believe  so,"  said  he,  "  but  we  do 
not  know  it;" — (he  began,  in  fact,  to  be  shaken  in  his  con- 
viction)— "they  are  transported  for  the  deeds  of  the  2nd  of 
September,  of  the  31st  of  May,  of  the  days  of  Prairial,  for 
Baboeuf's  conspiracy,  for  all  that  they  have  done,  for  all  that 
they  might  yet  do." 

A  list  of  130  persons  doomed  to  transportation  was  annexed 
to  this  report.  The  government  did  not  confine  itself  to  trans- 
porting them ;  but,  what  was  perhaps  more  cruel,  there  was 
added  to  the  names  of  several  of  them  the  appellation  Septem- 
briser,  without  any  other  ground  for  thus  stigmatising  them 
than  public  notoriety. 

The  Council  of  State  manifested  a  visible  repugnance  on 
hearing  these  1 30  names  ;  for  it  might  be  said  that  it  was  called 
upon  to  draw  up  a  proscription  list.  Thibaudeau,  the  councillor, 
said  that  such  a  list  could  not  be  prepared  by  the  Council.  "  I 
am  not  so  silly,"  replied  the  First  Consul  angrily,  "  as  to  make 
you  pass  sentence  upon  individuals  ;  I  merely  submit  to  you  the 
principle  of  the  measure."  The  principle  was  approved,  but 
not  withtDut  some  dissentient  votes. 

The  question  was  then  jiroposed,  whether  the  measure  should 
be  an  act  of  State  police,  on  the  part  of  the  government,  or  a 
law  passed  in  the  accustomed  forms.  This  point  had  been  pre- 
viously arranged :  the  resolutions  already  secretly  adopted  were 
confirmed,  and  it  was  decided  that  the  measure  should  be  a 
spontaneous  act  of  the  government,  but  referred  to  the  Senate, 
which  should  pronounce  upon  tlie  ((uestion  of  constitutionality. 

On  the  4th  of  January  (14th  Nivuse),  the  First  Consul  liaving 
had  the  definitive  list  ]irepared,  drew  up  a  decree,  by  whicli  lie 
banished  from  the  territory  of  the  Re])ublic  the  ])ersons  included 
in  that  list,  and  without  hesitation  affixed  his  signature. 

On  the  5th  of  January  (15th  Xivuse),  the  assembled  S(Miate, 
proceeding  a  step  further  than  the  decision  of  the  Council  of 
State,  declared  that  the  resolutinn  of  the  First  Consul  was  a 
measure  essential  to  the  ])reser\  atiou  of  th(>  Constitution. 

These  unfortunate'  ])ersons  were  collected  on  the  following 
day,  and  despatched  to  Nantes  to  be  shi])ped  anil  transported 
to  distant  countries.  There  were  among  them  some  de])uties 
of  the  Convention,  several  members  of  the  ohl  Commune,  all 
that  remained  of  tlie  mui'dei-ers  of  Septemliei-.  and  tlie  iK>to- 
rious  llossignol,  wlio  had  been  general  of  the  revf>lutionarv 
army.     Assuredly  these  men,  at  least  most  of  them,  deserved  no 


456  HISTORY  OF  THE  jan.  i8oi 

sympathy ;  but  all  the  forms  of  justice  were  violated  in  regard  to 
them,  and  that  which  proves  the  danger  of  the  violation  of  those 
sacred  forms  is,  that  many  of  the  denunciations  made  by  the 
police  were  disputed,  and  with  a  strong  appearance  of  truth. 
It  required  some  moral  courage  at  the  moment  to  intercede 
on  behalf  of  these  prescripts ;  still  there  were  some  who,  on  the 
recommendation  of  bold  men,  were  properly  erased  from  the  list 
of  proscription,  and  spared  at  Nantes  from  the  fatal  embarkation. 
That  an  individual  should  be  able  to  obtain,  or  fail  in  obtaining, 
the  favour  of  a  government,  according  as  he  can  command,  or 
is  unable  to  command,  an  influential  recommendation,  is  a  point 
to  which  I  shall  not  advert ;  but  that  his  exclusion  from  a  pro- 
scription list  should  depend  upon  the  accidental  circumstance, 
whether  he  can  or  cannot  find  a  courageous  influential  friend 
to  interfere  on  his  behalf,  must  shock  every  feeling  of  justice, 
and  prove  that  when  forms  are  violated,  society  is  exposed  to 
all  the  horrors  of  arbitrary  rule.  And  yet  this  period  was  re- 
splendent with  glory :  it  was  distinguished  by  a  love  of  order, 
by  an  antipathy  to  blood.  But  the  nation  was  emerging  from 
the  revolutionary  chaos ;  it  had  no  respect  for  rules  ;  it  found 
them  inconvenient  and  insupportable.  If  ever  this  arbitrary  act 
were  canvassed,  a  single  word  was  sufficient  to  justify  it.  Those 
wretches,  it  was  said,  were  steeped  in  blood,  they  would  wallow 
in  it  again,  if  they  were  allowed  free  scope ;  they  are  treated 
much  better  than  they  had  treated  their  victims.  And,  certainly, 
if  this  act  had  many  previous  precedents  at  anterior  epochs,  in 
regard  to  the  violation  of  forms,  it  was  marked  by  two  peculiar 
distinct  features  from  the  past :  punishment  fell  mostly  upon 
villains,  and  their  blood  was  not  shed.  A  miserable  excuse, 
we  admit,  but  which  we  must  nevertheless  urge  in  extenuation, 
to  show  that  the  year  1800  had  nothing  in  common  with  the 
year  '93. 

While  these  unfortunate  persons  were  on  the  road  to  Nantes, 
it  was  with  the  greatest  difficulty  that  they  were  saved  from  the 
fury  of  the  populace  in  all  the  towns  through  which  they  passed, 
so  strongly  was  public  feeling  expressed  against  them.  Under 
the  dominion  of  this  feeling,  something  still  more  deplorable 
occurred;  this  was  the  condemnation  of  Ceracchi.  Arena,  Demer- 
ville,  and  Topino  Lebrun.  It  will  be  recollected  that  in  the  pre- 
ceding October  (Vendemiaire),  these  hot-headed  men  had  entered 
into  a  plot  for  the  assassination  of  the  First  Consul  at  the  Opera. 
But  none  of  them  had  had  the  courage,  nor  perhaps  even  any 
decided  intention,  to  assist  in  the  execution  of  the  plot.  The 
police  agents,  sent  in  as  spies  amongst  them,  and  to  whom  they 
gave  daggers,  urged  them  on  to  a  degree  of  guilt,  which  before, 
perhaps,  they  had  not  contemplated.  But,  at  any  rate,  they  did 
not  make  their  appearance  at  the  place  fixed  for  the  execution 


JAN.  1801       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  457 

of  their  plot ;  and  Ceracchi,  the  only  one  apprehended  in  the 
Opera-house,  was  not  even  armed  with  one  of  the  daggers  which 
had  been  distributed  amongst  them.  They  were  declaimers, 
who  certainly  wished  for  the  destruction  of  the  First  Consul,  but 
would  never  have  dared  to  consummate  it.  They  were  tried  on 
the  9th  of  January  (19th  Nivose),  at  the  very  moment  when 
the  events  just  related  were  occurring.  Their  counsel,  aware  of 
the  fatal  influence  exercised  upon  the  minds  of  the  jury  by 
the  catastrophe  of  the  3rd  Nivose,  strove  in  vain  to  weaken  it. 
That  influence  was  irresistible  upon  the  jury,  which,  of  all 
tribunals,  is  that  most  swayed  by  public  opinion,  and  which  has 
the  advantages  and  the  inconveniences  of  that  bias.  Sentence 
of  death  was  passed  on  four  of  these  wretched  men  :  these  were 
Ceracchi,  Ar^na,  Demerville,  and  Topino  Lebrun.  The  latter 
deserved  some  sympathy,  and  became  a  striking  example  of  the 
cruel  mutability  of  fortune  during  revolutions.  This  young 
Topino  Lebrun  was  a  painter  of  some  talent,  and  a  pupil  of 
David.  Participating  in  the  extravagant  ideas  of  the  artists  of 
the  time,  he  had  been  a  juryman  at  the  revolutionary  tribunal, 
but  had  there  shown  himself  far  more  merciful  than  his  col- 
leagues. He  brought  forward  the  advocate  Chaveau  Lagarde, 
the  respectable  defender  of  the  victims  of  that  time,  who  in  vain 
gave  evidence  in  favour  of  his  humanity.  Extraordinary  change 
of  fortune !  the  former  juryman  of  the  revolutionary  tribunal, 
now  accused  in  his  turn,  calls  to  his  assistance  the  former 
defender  of  the  victims  of  that  sanguinary  tribunal !  But  this 
assistance,  generously  afforded,  could  not  save  him.  The  whole 
four,  condemned  on  the  9th  of  January  (19th  Nivose),  were,  after 
an  unavailing  appeal  to  the  Court  of  Cassation,  executed  on  the 
31st  of  the  same  month  of  January. 

Meanwhile,  the  horrible  mystery  of  the  infernal  machine  was 
being  gradually  brought  to  light.  M.  Fouche  had  set  agents  to 
work  about  Georges,  to  make  inquiries  concerning  Carbf)n.  what 
had  become  of  liini,  and  where  he  lived.  He  had  learned  through 
this  channel  that  Carbon  had  sisters  residing  in  Paris,  and  he  had 
also  discovered  their  abode.  The  ]iolice  searched  it.  and  found 
a  barrel  of  powder.  They  obtained,  moreover,  from  Carbon's 
youngest  sister,  the  address  of  the  new  lodging  in  which  he  had 
secreted  himself.  He  was  residing  witli  very  res])ectal)le  jiersons, 
the  demoiselles  de  Cice,  sisters  of  M.  de  Cice,  formerly  archbisliop 
of  Bordeaux,  and  minister  of  jusfici'.  Tliese  ladies,  taking  him 
for  a  returned  eniigrant.  whose  ])ass])ort  was  not  in  order,  had 
procured  him  an  asylum  amongst  a  num])er  of  females,  t'oniierly 
nuns,  who  lived  together  in  a  remote  (juarter  (»t'  Paris.  'I'hese 
innocent  women,  who  every  day  returned  tiianks  to  Hi\aven  for 
the  preservation  of  the  First  Consul,  as  they  would  have  given 
themselves  up  for  lost  if  he  had  fallen,  had  alTonletl  a  retreat. 


458  HISTORY  OF  THE  jan.  i8oi 

unconsciously,  to  one  of  his  assassins.  The  police  repaired 
thither  on  the  i8th  of  January  (28th  Nivose),  and  apprehended 
Carbon,  together  with  all  the  persons  who  had  admitted  him 
into  the  house.  He  was  confronted  the  same  day  with  the 
witnesses  previously  examined,  and  fully  identified.  At  first,  he 
denied  everything,  but  at  length  confessed  his  participation  in 
the  crime,  but  an  innocent  participation,  according  to  his  account, 
for  he  asserted  that  he  was  not  aware  of  the  purpose  for  which 
the  cart  and  the  barrel  were  intended.  He  denounced  Limoelan 
and  St.  Rejant.  Limoelan  had  had  time  to  make  his  escape  to  a 
foreign  country,  but  St.  Rejant,  thrown  down  by  the  explosion, 
and  half  dead  for  some  minutes,  had  only  time  and  strength  to 
change  his  lodging.  An  agent  of  Georges  employed  to  attend  on 
him,  and  who  had  been  left  at  liberty,  in  hopes  by  tracking  him 
to  find  St.  Rejant,  served  to  indicate  his  abode.  On  proceeding 
thither,  the  police  found  that  he  was  still  very  ill  from  the  effects 
of  his  wounds.  He  was  soon  confronted,  identified,  and  con- 
victed upon  abundance  of  evidence,  which  left  no  room  for  doubt. 
Under  his  bed  was  fovmd  a  letter  to  Georges,  in  which  he 
related,  with  some  ambiguity,  the  principal  circumstances  of  the 
crime,  and  justified  himself  to  his  chief  for  his  miscarriage.  Car- 
bon and  St.  Rejant  were  sent  to  the  criminal  tribunal,  which  soon 
sentenced  these  execrable  assassins  to  the  death  they  deserved. 

When  all  these  particulars  were  published,  the  obstinate  ac- 
cusers of  the  revolutionary  party,  and  the  complaisant  defenders 
of  the  royalist  party,  were  alike  surprised  and  confounded.  The 
enemies  of  M.  Fouche  also  were  disconcerted.  The  soundness  of 
his  judgment  was  acknowledged,  and  he  was  re-established  in  the 
favour  of  the  First  Consul.  But  he  had  furnished  a  weapon  of 
which  his  enemies,  with  justice,  took  advantage.  Since  he  was  so 
sure  of  his  point,  said  they,  why  did  he  suffer  the  revolutionists 
to  be  proscribed  ?  He  deserved,  indeed,  this  keen  reproach. 
The  First  Consul,  who  was  unconcerned  about  violated  forms, 
and  cared  for  nothing  but  the  results  obtained,  manifested  no 
res'ret.  He  thousrht  that  what  was  done,  was  well  done  in  everv 
respect ;  that  he  was  rid  of  what  he  called  the  "  staff  of  the 
Jacobins,"  and  that  the  3rd  Nivose  proved  merely  one  thing — 
the  necessity  of  watching  the  Royalists  as  well  as  the  Terrorists. 
'■  Fouche's  opinion,"  said  he,  "  was,  after  all,  the  only  correct 
one  ;  he  is  right ;  we  must  keep  an  eye  on  the  returned  emigrants, 
the  Chouans,  and  all  the  members  of  that  party." 

This  event  greatly  diminished  the  sympathy  which  had  been 
felt  for  the  royalists,  who  had  been  complaisantly  called  the 
victims  of  terror ;  and  likewise  greatly  diminished  the  animosity 
against  the  revolutionists.  M.  Fouche  had  gained  in  credit,  but 
not  in  esteem. 

The  painful  feelings  created  by  the  employment  of  the  machine, 


JAN.  1 80 1       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  459 

since  named  infernal,  were  soon  dispelled  by  the  joy  produced 
by  the  peace  of  Luneville.  All  days  are  not  auspicious,  even 
under  the  most  prosperous  governments.  That  of  the  Consulate 
had  the  unexampled  advantage,  that,  if  sad  impressions  took 
possession  of  the  public  mind  one  moment,  they  were  dissipated 
the  next,  by  some  grand,  new,  unforeseen  result.  Occasional 
brief  but  mournful  scenes,  in  which  the  First  Consul  was  con- 
spicuous as  the  saviour  of  France,  which  each  faction  was  striving 
to  undo,  and  these  scenes  followed  by  victories,  treaties,  and 
acts  of  reparation,  which  healed  deep  wounds,  or  restored  public 
prosperity — such  was  the  spectacle  which  was  then  incessantly 
exhibited.  General  Bonaparte  always  emerged  from  them 
greater,  dearer  to  France,  more  clearly  destined  for  the  supreme 
power. 

The  second  session  of  the  Legislative  Body  had  commenced. 
It  was  engaged,  at  this  moment,  in  the  discussion  and  adop- 
tion of  several  laws,  the  principal  of  which — that  of  the  special 
tribunals — was  of  no  real  importance,  after  what  had  just  been 
done.  But  the  opposition  in  the  Tribunate  opposed  tliese  laws 
against  the  government ;  this  was  sufficient  to  induce  the  latter 
to  persevere  in  them.  The  first  of  them  related  to  the  archives 
of  the  Republic.  It  had  become  necessary,  since  tlie  abolition 
of  the  ancient  provinces  had  given  up  to  neglect  a  great  number 
of  old  title-deeds  and  documents,  still  either  very  useful  or 
very  curious,  to  decide  in  what  place  these  and  other  ancient 
records,  such  as  laws,  treaties,  &c.,  should  be  de])osited.  This 
was  a  measure  of  order,  devoid  of  all  ])olitical  liearing.  The 
Tribunate  voted  against  the  law,  and  having,  as  usual,  ^('\\\  its 
three  orators  to  the  Legislative  Body,  obtained  its  rejection 
by  a  great  majority.  The  Legislative  Bodv.  although  strongly 
attached  to  the  government,  was,  like  assemblies  thus  devoted, 
sometimes  jealous  of  showing  its  inile])eiKieiice  in  measures  of 
detail;  and  it  could  certainly  ilo  this  without  danger,  in  the 
discussion  of  a  law,  the  ()l)ject  ot'  wiiieh  was  to  determine  in 
what  place,  or  places,  certain  ancient  records  and  ])apei-s  should 
be  deposited. 

The  two  assemblies  had  under  their  consideration,  at  the 
moment,  a  law  more  im])oi'tant  tlian  the  ])receding.  luit  e(|iially 
foreign  to  politics.  It  related  to  justices  of  ]ieace,  whose  iuiml)er 
had  been  found  too  great.  Six  thousand  ha\ing  i»eeii  ap|)ointed 
at  the  time  of  their  first  institution,  they  had  not  answered  the 
]nirpose  for  which  ihey  were  created,  in  many  di-tricts.  men 
capable  of  dulv  ])ei't'orniiiig  such  functions  were  not  to  ]),■  fdiiiul. 
They  had  failed  in  anot  her  point .  It  had  het'ii  re>ol\  ,•(!  to  a-sign 
to  them  the  juilicial  police;  they  had  perfornKMJ  ihi-  duty  \ery 
indifferentlv.  antl  besides,  the  paternal  ami  l).'iie\  olent  cliaractei- 
of  their  jurisdiction  had  l»eeii.  in  a  certain  d.'gre.'.  impaired  liy  it. 


46o  HISTORY  OF  THE  feb.  i8oi 

The  new  plan  of  the  government  proposed  two  modifications 
relative  to  the  justices  of  peace :  in  the  first  place,  their  reduc- 
tion from  6000  to  2600 ;  and,  in  the  next,  the  transfer  of  the 
judicial  police  to  other  magistrates.  The  project  was  a  reason- 
able one,  and  presented  with  excellent  intentions ;  but  it  met 
with  violent  opposition  in  the  Tribunate.  Several  members 
spoke  against  it,  especially  M.  Benjamin  Constant.  It  was, 
nevertheless,  carried  in  the  Tribunate  by  59  votes  against  32  ; 
and  in  the  Legislative  Body  by  218  against  41. 

Another  law,  more  calculated  to  produce  discussion,  and  of 
an  entirely  political  nature,  was  presented  at  this  period :  this 
was  the  law  w^hich  had  for  its  object  the  institution  of  special 
tribunals.  But  this  had  lost  its  chief  utility  since  the  First 
Consul  had  appointed  military  commissions  to  accompany  the 
movable  columns  employed  in  the  suppression  of  robbery ;  and 
especially  since  he  had  not  hesitated  to  proscribe  arbitrarily 
such  revolutionists  as  were  deemed  dangerous.  These  military 
commissions  had  already  produced  salutaiy  effects.  The  judges 
in  military  uniform,  who  composed  them,  were  not  afraid  of 
the  accused :  they  encouraged  the  witnesses  who  were  to  give 
evidence,  and  frequently  these  witnesses  were  the  very  soldiers 
who  had  seized  the  banditti,  and  surprised  them  with  arms  in 
their  hands.  Prompt  and  vigorous  justice,  following  tlie  very 
active  employment  of  force,  had  singularly  contributed  to  re- 
establish safety  on  the  roads.  The  deadly  conflicts  which  had 
ensued  with  the  escorts  placed  on  the  imperiales  of  the  diligences 
soon  intimidated  the  robbers.  Attacks  became  less  frequent ; 
and  security  began  again  to  prevail,  thanks  to  the  vigour  of  the 
government  and  of  the  tribunal,  thanks  also  to  the  conclusion 
of  the  winter.  The  proposed  law,  therefore,  was  introduced 
when  the  evil  was  already  abated ;  but  it  was  beneficial,  inas- 
much as  it  imparted  regularity  to  the  military  tribunals  estab- 
lished on  the  highroads,  and  applied  to  highway  robbery  a 
permanent  and  perfectly  legal  measure  of  punishment.  The 
projected  organisation  was  this  : — 

The  special  tribunals  were  to  be  composed  of  three  ordinary 
judges,  all  of  them  members  of  the  criminal  tribunal,  of  three 
military  oflScers.  with  two  assessors,  the  latter  chosen  by  the 
government,  and  duly  cpialified,  by  their  standing  at  the  bar, 
to  act  as  judges.  Thus  the  military  members  could  not  have  a 
majority.  The  government  was  empowered  to  establish  these 
tribunals  in  those  de]:>artments  where  they  might  be  thought 
useful.  They  were  authorised  to  take  cognisance  of  all  crimes 
committed  by  armed  bands  on  the  highroads  and  in  the  country, 
of  all  outrages  against  the  purchasers  of  national  domains,  and 
lastly,  of  murders  attempted  with  premeditation  against  the 
heads  of  the  government.     Tliis  last  clause  comprehended  such 


FEB.  1 80 1       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  461 

crimes  as  the  infernal  machine,  the  plot  of  Ceracchi,  Arena,  &c. 
The  Court  of  Cassation  was  empowert'd  to  decide  in  every  case 
of  disputed  jurisdiction,  all  other  business  before  the  court  being 
suspended.  This  institution  was  to  be  abolished,  as  a  matter  of 
right,  two  years  after  the  general  peace. 

These  tribunals  were  obnoxious  to  every  objection  which  can 
attach  to  exceptional  justice.  But  there  was  this  to  be  urged 
in  their  favour,  that  never  had  society,  convulsed  to  the  very 
centre,  required  more  prompt  and  more  extraordinary  measures 
for  tranquillising  it.  LTnder  the  pretext  of  an  adherence  to  the 
Constitution,  recourse  was  had  to  that  article  of  it,  which  per- 
mitted the  Legislative  Body  to  suspend  its  provisions  in  the 
departments  where  that  might  be  deemed  necessary.  'J'he  case 
of  extraordinary  jurisdictions  was  evidently  com]irehended  in 
this  clause ;  as  the  suspension  of  the  Constitution  necessarily 
led  to  the  immediate  establishment  of  martial  law.  Moreover, 
the  discussion  was  altogether  superfluous  in  a  country,  and  at  a 
time  when  130  persons  had  just  been  proscribed  without  trial, 
and  military  commissions  had  been  established  in  several  de- 
partments, without  eliciting  the  slightest  murmur  from  public 
opinion.  It  must  even  be  confessed  that,  as  compared  with 
these  acts,  the  proposed  law  was  a  return  to  constitutional 
government.  But  it  was  vehementh',  acrimoniously  attacked 
by  the  usual  opponents,  Messrs.  Daunou,  Constant,  Ginguene, 
and  others.  In  the  Tribunate  it  passed  by  a  majority  of  only 
49  votes  to  41.  In  the  Legislative  Body,  the  majority  was 
much  greater,  for  the  bill  obtained  192  votes  against  88.  But 
a  minority  of  eighty-eight  votes  exceeded  the  usual  strength  of 
the  minority  in  that  assembly,  wholly  devoted  to  the  govern- 
ment. This  great  number  of  dissentient  votes  was  attributed 
to  a  speech  of  ]\r.  Franrais.  of  Nantes,  who  addressed  language 
perhaps  a  little  too  intemperate  to  tlie  Legislative  Body.  "  ^l. 
Francais,  of  Nantes,  .has  done  right."  said  the  First  Consul 
to  his  colleagues,  Cambacerrs  and  Lebrun.  who  seemed  to 
disapprove  that  speech;  "it  is  better  to  have  fewer  vot'";.  and 
to  show  that  we  feel  insults  and  are  determined  not  to  ])ut  up 
with  them." 

The  First  Consul  made  use  of  still  stronger  language  to  a 
deputation  of  the  Senate,  which  ])rt>sente(l  to  him  a  resolution 
of  that  bodv.  lie  expressed  himself  in  the  boldt^st  manner, 
and  on  several  occasions  he  ])lainly  declared,  that,  if  he  was  too 
much  annoyed,  that  if  ])ef)])le  would  end(>avour  to  ])reveiit  Inm 
from  restoring  ))eaee  and  (irdei-  to  l-'rance.  he  would  rely  upon 
the  opinion  which  the  country  had  of  liim,  and  govern  by  con- 
sular ordinances.  His  ascendency  increased  (>very  moment  with 
success,  his  lx)ldness  with  his  ascendency,  and  he  was  no  longer 
at  the  pains  of  dissembling  the  extent  of  ]ii<  designs. 


462  HISTORY  OF  THE  feb.  i8oi 

He  met  with  still  stronger  opposition  on  the  questions  of 
finance,  which  were  the  last  discussed  during  this  session.  This 
was,  nevertheless,  the  most  meritorious  work  of  the  government, 
and  more  particularly  owing  to  the  personal  intervention  of  the 
First  Consul. 

We  have  several  times  explained  the  means  employed  to 
ensure  the  collection,  and  the  regular  payment  into  the  treasury, 
of  the  revenues  of  the  State.  These  means  had  been  com- 
pletely successful.  In  the  year  VIII.  (i  799-1800),  there  had 
been  received  518,000,000,*  which  equalled  the  amount  of 
the  taxes  for  a  whole  year;  for,  in  the  budget,  the  expendi- 
ture and  the  receipts  did  not  at  that  period  exceed  500,000,000. 
Of  these  518,000,000,  a  sum  of  172,000,000  belonged  to  years 
v.,  VI.,  and  VII.,  and  346,000,000  to  the  year  VIII.  Some 
items  were  still  owing  for  those  four  years ;  it  was  necessary 
that  they  should  be  completely  liquidated,  in  order  that  the  year 
IX.  (1800- 1 801),  which  was  the  current  year,  might  at  length 
proceed  with  perfect  regularity.  The  income  of  the  year  IX. 
was  sure  to  be  adequate  to  the  expenses,  as  the  taxes  would 
produce  from  500,000.000  to  520,000,000;  and  this  was  suf- 
ficient to  cover  the  expenses  of  the  peace  establishment.  A 
system  of  annual  accounts,  distinguishing  the  income  and  ex- 
penditure for  each  twelve  months,  had  been  introduced,  and 
thenceforth  the  receipts  of  the  year  IX.  were  to  be  exclusively 
applied  to  the  expenses  of  the  year  IX.,  and  the  receipts  of  the 
year  X.  to  the  expenses  of  the  year  X.,  and  so  on ;  provision 
was  thus  made  for  the  future.  But  for  the  past,  that  is  to  say, 
for  the  years  V.,  VI.,  VII.,  and  VIII. ,  there  was  a  deficit  to  be 
made  good.  To  this  purpose,  the  daily  receipts  derived  from 
the  arrears  of  the  contributions  of  those  respective  years  were 
appropriated.  But  these  arrears,  which  were  chiefly  owing  by 
the  landed  proprietors,  reduced  them  to  a  state  of  great  depres- 
sion. At  the  meeting  of  the  councils-general  of  the  depart- 
ments, a  meeting  then  held  for  the  first  time,  eighty-seven 
councils-general  out  of  106  complained  of  the  excessive  burden 
of  the  direct  contributions.  Government,  therefore,  had  no 
alternative,  as  we  have  before  observed,  but  to  remit  a  part  of 
the  outstanding  arrears,  if  it  persevered  in  requiring  in  future 
the  punctual  paynient  of  the  whole  tax.  A  law  was  proposed 
to  authorise  the  local  administrations  to  relieve  the  taxpayers 
who  were  too  heavily  assessed.  This  bill  passed  without  opposi- 
tion. But  this  would  occasion  a  considerable  deficiency  apper- 
taining to  the  years  A'.,  VI.,  VII.,  and  VIII.  Tliis  deficiency 
was  estimated  for  tlie  three  years  V..  VI.,  VII..  at  90.000.000. 
and  for  the  year  VIII.,  separately,  at   30.000.000.     Tlie  year 

*  These  figures  express  francs,  twenty-five  of  whicli  are  equivalent  to  £1 
sterling. — Translator. 


FEB.  i8oi       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  463 

VIII.  ( 1 799-1 800)  was  kept  distinct  from  the  years  V.,  VL, 
and  VII.,  because  the  year  VIII.  belonged  to  the  Consulate. 

It  was  necessary  to  decide  how  these  deficits  were  to  be  met. 
There  were  national  domains  still  undisposed  of,  to  the  extent 
of  about  400,000,CXX) ;  and  it  was  here  that  the  sound  sense 
of  the  First  Consul  exercised  the  happiest  influence  on  our 
financial  system,  and  caused  the  best  possible  employment  to 
be  made  of  the  public  resources. 

As  the  national  domains  were  not  always  marketable,  their 
value  had  repeatedly  been  received  in  anticipation,  by  means  of 
a  government  paper,  which  had  been  issued  under  different 
denominations,  and  which  was  receivable  in  payment  of  these 
domains.  Since  the  extinction  of  the  assignats,  this  kind  of 
paper  was  known  by  the  name  of  rcscriiytions.  In  the  course  of 
the  year  VIII.,  some  of  these  rescriptions  had  been  negotiated 
at  less  ruinous  rates  than  before,  but  still  at  too  great  a  sacri- 
fice to  render  it  prudent  to  have  recourse  to  them.  These 
notes  were  negotiated  at  a  loss  from  the  very  first  day  they 
were  issued,  soon  fell  into  discredit,  then  passed  into  the  hands 
of  speculators,  who,  in  this  manner,  purcliased  the  national 
domains  for  next  to  nothing.  In  this  way  a  valuable  resource 
had  been  wasted,  to  the  great  detriment  of  tli«^  State,  and  to  the 
great  advantage  of  stockjobbers.  The  remaining  400,ooo.cxx), 
if  they  could  be  saved  from  the  disorder,  by  which  so  many 
other  millions  had  been  swallowed  up,  to  this  day,  would  soon 
acquire,  with  time  and  peace,  a  three  or  fourfold  value.  The 
First  Consul  was  resolved  not  to  squander  them  in  the  same  way 
that  several  thousand  millions  had  already  been  thrown  away. 

Immediate  funds  were  nevertheless  required.  The  First 
Consul  endeavoured  to  obtain  them  by  the  emission  of  rentes  * 
(stock),  which,  since  his  accession,  had  already  advanced  con- 
siderably in  value.  They  had  risen  from  the  price  of  ten  and 
twelve  to  that  of  twenty-five  and  tliirty  after  ^Marengo,  and 
above  that  of  fifty  since  the  peace  of  Luneville  ;  it  was  asserted 
that  they  would  rule  as  high  as  sixty  at  the  general  peace.  At 
this  rate,  the  government  could  begin  to  negotiate  them,  as 
there  was  less  loss  in  selling  rc/ites  tlian  national  domains.  The 
First  Consul,  unwilling  to  o\)(n\  a  loan.  ]irf)])osed  to  ]rd\  with 
rentes  certain  creditors  of  tlie  State,  and  I0  approjiriate  to  the 
Sinking  Fund  an  equivalent  sum  in  landed  ])ro]ierry.  wliicli  that 
Fund  would  sell  by-and-by.  slowly  and  at  its  full  value,  so  as 
to  compensate  in  this  manner  for  the  augiiieiitaliiMi  aliout  to 
be  made  to  the  piil^lic  debt.  Such  was  the  princi])le  («f  the  laws 
of  finance  proposed  this  year. 

*  /lV»^  sipnifics  the  aiiii\i;il  (li\  i'lriid  ii;i\;il>li'  im  >tnck:  thw-.  2y)  t'nr  j'cr 
cent,  nntra  :])cip<Mual  annuity  cil'  250  fian';>  icprf^rni-  5(X)0  iranrs  capital 
stock. —  TraasUitor. 


464  HISTORY  OF  THE  feb.  1801 

The  debts  yet  unpaid  for  the  last  three  years  of  the  Directory, 
v.,  VI.,  and  VII.,  passed  for  bad  debts.  They  were  the  rem- 
nant of  the  disgraceful  contracts,  to  the  amount  of  600,000,000  f ., 
made  under  the  Directory.  Upon  commencing  a  new  system, 
the  government  resolved  to  respect  these  debts,  notwithstanding 
their  origin  and  their  nature.  They  amounted  to  a  sum  of 
about  90,000,000  f.,  but,  almost  the  whole  being  in  the  hands  of 
speculators,  they  were  at  a  discount  of  seventy-five  per  cent, 
in  the  market.  It  was  proposed  to  pay  them  off  by  means  of 
a  stock  bearing  interest  at  the  rate  of  three  per  cent.  The  total 
of  these  debts  amounting  to  90,000,000  f.,  it  would  require, 
at  three  per  cent.,  2,700,000  f.  to  meet  the  dividends.  This 
stock,  at  the  current  price  of  the  public  funds  (say  30  to  3 3 J), 
represented  a  real  value  of  27,000,000  or  30,000,000!".,  and  could 
not  fail  to  represent  one  of  40,000,000  f .  at  least,  in  the  eight  or 
ten  months  which  must  elapse  before  the  operation  was  com- 
pleted. The  debts  intended  to  be  paid,  being  at  a  discount  of 
seventy-five  per  cent.,  and  the  capital  of  90,000,000  f.,  of  which 
they  were  composed,  being  thus  reduced  in  reality  to  22,000,000 
or  23,000,000  f.,  much  more  would  be  paid  for  them  than  they 
were  worth,  if  government  granted  a  rente  of  2,700,000  f.  for 
them,  since  that  rente,  sold  immediately,  would  have  produced 
27,000,000  or  30,000,000  f.,  and  soon  was  likely  to  produce 
40,000,000  f . 

The  debts  of  the  year  VIII.  to  be  still  liquidated  were  of  a 
totally  different  nature.  They  were  contracted  for  services  per- 
formed during  the  first  year  of  the  consular  government,  when 
order  already  prevailed  in  the  administration.  These  services, 
rendered  at  a  time  when  the  distress  was  still  great,  had,  it  is 
true,  been  paid  for  at  a  very  high,  rate ;  but  it  would  have 
been  derogatory  to  the  honour  of  the  consular  government  not 
to  have  faithfully  kept  these  engagements,  which  were  recently 
contracted,  which  had  not  been  classed,  like  those  of  the 
Directory,  among  discredited  paper,  nor  negotiated  as  such, 
and  to  have  treated  them  in  the  same  manner  as  those  which 
belonged  to  the  years  V.,  VI.,  and  VII.  Government,  there- 
fore, did  not  hesitate  to  pay  in  full,  and  at  its  nominal  value, 
the  excess  of  the  expenditure  of  the  year  VIII.  It  was  now 
estimated  at  60,000,000  f.,  but  the  receipt  of  arrears  of  the  con- 
tributions of  the  year  VIII.  would  reduce  it  to  30,000,000  f .  It 
was  resolved  to  pay  a  portion  of  it,  20,000,000  f.,  with  a  stock 
bearing  interest  at  five  per  cent.,  which  made  1,000,000  f. 
interest.  We  shall  explain  presently,  in  what  way  the  balance 
of  10,000,000  f.  was  provided  for. 

The  income  of  the  year  IX.  (1800-1801)  seemed  likely  to 
meet  the  expenses,  on  the  nearly  certain  hypothesis  of  a  speedy 
termination  of  the  war ;    for  the  continental  peace  concluded 


FEB.  1 80 1       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  465 

at  Luneville  must  soon  lead  to  a  maritime  peace.  The  budget 
was  not  at  that  time  voted  a  year  in  advance ;  it  was  voted  in 
the  same  year,  while  the  expenses  were  being  incurred.  The 
budget  of  the  year  IX.,  for  instance,  was  presented  and  dis- 
cussed in  Yentose,  year  IX.,  that  is  to  say,  the  budget  of  1801 
in  March  1801.  The  expenditure  and  the  receipts  of  this  year 
were  estimated  at  the  moment  at  41 5,000,000  f.  (exclusively  of 
the  expenses  of  collection  and  various  local  ser\dces,  which  may 
be  taken  at  100,000,000  f.  more,  so  that  41 5,000,000  f.  must  be 
taken  at  5  15,000,000  f.).  But  the  estimate  of  41 5,000,000  f. 
for  the  expenditure  and  the  receipts  fell  short  of  the  truth,  for 
then,  as  now,  the  real  charges  always  exceeded  the  estimates. 
We  shall  even  show,  by-and-by,  that  the  sum  of  41 5,000,000 f. 
was  increased  to  500,000,000  f.  Fortunately,  the  produce  of  the 
taxes  exceeded  the  sum  estimated,  as  well  as  the  expenditure. 
This  excess  on  both  sides  was  certainly  calculated  upon ;  but 
fearing,  erroneously  by-the-by,  that  the  surplus  receipts  would 
not  cover  the  excess  of  the  expenditure,  government  determined 
to  secure  a  supplementary  resource.  Ten  millions  yet  remained 
to  be  provided  for,  as  we  have  just  said,  to  complete  the  pay- 
ments of  the  year  VIII. ;  it  was  supposed  that  20,000,000  f. 
would  be  required  for  the  balance  of  the  year  IX.  ;  thus 
30,000,000  f.  would  have  to  be  raised  in  two  years.  It  was 
resolved  to  have  recourse  to  a  sale  of  national  domains  to 
that  extent  only.  The  sale  of  fifteen  millions'  worth  of  these 
domains  might  be  effected  with  advantage  and  without  con- 
fusion in  the  course  of  each  year.  By  placing  this  business 
in  the  hands  of  the  commissioners  of  the  Sinking  Fund,  who 
had  already  performed  this  duty  with  groat  altility,  the  govern- 
ment was  sure  to  dispose  of  this  ]iorti()n  of  the  domains  of  the 
State  on  advantageous  terms.  In  this  manner  tlie  previous 
accounts  would  be  liquidated,  and  tlie  present  balanced.  There 
was  but  one  more  operation  requisite  to  render  the  organisation 
of  the  finances  of  the  State  com])lete.  and  tliat  was  the  definitive 
regulation  of  the  public  debt. 

The  moment  was  come,  in  fact,  ior  fixing  its  amount,  for 
adjusting  the  resoui'ces  of  tlie  Sinking  Fund  to  llie  amount 
of  the  entire  capital  of  tlie  debt,  and  for  a])]ilying  to  this  object 
the  400,000.000  f.  of  national  domains,  which  were  still  at  the 
disposal  of  the  State. 

The  public  debt  was  just  ;is  it  had  been  left  by  the  bank- 
ruptcy declared  by  the  Directory,  but  at tribiital)le  to  the  Con- 
vention and  the  Constituent  .Assembly.  Oiir-tliird  of  this  debt 
had  been  placed  u])on  the  (ii-eat  I'xmk:  it  wa--  this  jxuMion 
which  was  called,  in  the  language  of  the  time,  li.r  Coixnl nlntai 
Third.  Inten^st  at  five  -|)er  cent,  had  b m  allowed  on  this 
third,  saved  from  the  baid<ru])tcy.      The  amount   of  it   inscriln-d 

VOL.  I,  2  a 


466  HISTORY  OF  THE  mar.  i8oi 

in  the  Great  Book  was  37,000,000!".  (interest  and  not  capital). 
A  very  considerable  sum  had  still  to  be  inscribed.  Two-thirds 
had  been  mobilised,  another  expression  of  the  time,  that  is  to 
say,  struck  out  of  the  Great  Book,  and  declared  receivable  in 
payment  of  the  national  domains,  so  that,  in  point  of  fact,  they 
were  clearly  assignats.  A  subsequent  law  had  completed  their 
depreciation,  by  restricting  them  to  a  single  purpose,  that  of 
being  received  in  payment  exclusively  for  the  buildings,  and 
not  for  the  lands  or  the  woods,  constituting  part  of  the  national 
possessions. 

It  was  necessary  to  put  an  end  to  this  state  of  things,  and  for 
that  purpose  to  carry  to  the  Great  Book  the  remainder  of  the 
Consolidated  Third,  which  the  preceding  government  had  deferred 
inscribing,  that  it  might  be  dispensed  from  paying  interest 
upon  it.  Justice  and  regularity  in  the  finances  demanded  that 
an  end  should  be  put  to  this  state  of  things.  It  was  proposed 
to  enter  in  the  Great  Book  Consolidated  Third  to  the  extent  of 
1,500,000  f.,  but  to  bear  interest  only  from  the  commencement 
of  the  year  XII,  This  part  of  the  debt,  though  the  enjoyment 
of  the  income  from  it  was  postponed  for  two  years,  yet  acquired 
immediately,  from  the  mere  circumstance  of  the  inscription,  a 
value  nearly  equal  to  the  portions  already  inscribed ;  and  a 
very  high  value  was  moreover  conferred  on  all  that  remained 
of  the  Consolidated  Third  by  this  earnest  of  punctuality.  There 
was  a  considerable  amount  left  uninscribed,  either  in  Consolidated 
Thirds,  properly  so-called,  or  in  debts  of  the  emigrants,  which 
the  State  had  taken  upon  itself,  in  confiscating  their  property, 
or  in  debts  of  Belgium,  which  had  been  a  condition  of  the 
conquest.  Lastly,  there  were  the  mobilised  two-thirds,  now 
extremely  depreciated,  and  which  it  was  but  just  to  afford  the 
holders  the  means  of  realising.  An  offer  was  made  to  convert 
them  into  Consolidated  Thirds,  funded  at  the  rate  of  five  francs 
stock  for  one  hundred  francs  nominal  capital.  It  was  probable 
that  the  holders  would  eagerly  accept  this  offer.  It  was  pro- 
posed to  create  for  this  purpose  1,000,000  f.  of  rentes,  and  if  this 
first  trial  succeeded,  it  was  anticipated  that  the  entire  value  of 
the  mobilised  tvjo-thirds  would  be  soon  absorbed.  A  fixed  period 
was  also  appointed,  after  which  the  tivo-third,  bonds  should  no 
longer  be  receivable  in  payment  of  the  national  domains.  At 
the  expiration  of  this  term,  the  domains  purchased  and  not  paid 
for  were  to  revert  unconditionally  to  the  State. 

It  was  calculated  that  the  addition  of  the  sum  of  20,000,000  f. 
of  rentes  to  the  37,000,000  f.  of  Consolidated  Third  already  in- 
scribed in  the  Great  Book  would  suffice  to  meet  the  balance  of 
Consolidated  Third  still  uninscribed,  the  mobilised  tiro-thirds, 
the  conversion  of  which  was  contemplated,  and  lastly,  the  debts 
of  the  emigrants  and  of  Belgium,     The   national  debt  would 


MAR.  1 80 1       CONSULATE  AND  TEE  EMPIRE.  467 

accordingly  comprise  5 7,000,000  f.  perpetual  rentes.  In  addition 
to  that  permanent  charge  there  existed,  however,  20,000,000  f . 
of  life  annuities,  19,000,000  f.  of  civil  and  religious  pensions  (the 
latter  paid  to  the  clergy  who  had  been  dispossessed  of  their  pro- 
perty), and  lastly,  30,000,000  f .  of  military  pensions  ;  thus,  in  all, 
69,000,000  f.  of  terminable  annuities,  of  which  about  3,000,000  f. 
would  annually  fall  in.  There  was  reason,  therefore,  to  hope, 
that  in  a  few  years,  as  the  annuitants,  pensioners,  and  others 
died  off,  the  saving  under  the  head  of  life  annuities  would  com- 
pensate for  the  successive  augmentations  which  the  perpetual 
debt  would  receive  in  consequence  of  new  inscriptions  in  the 
Great  Book.  Consequently,  the  entire  annual  charge  for 
interest  on  both  branches  of  the  debt,  supposing  provision  to 
be  made  for  all  old  claims,  could  not  possibly  exceed  the  sum 
of  100,000,000  f.,  about  one-half  of  which  consisted  oi  perpetual 
rentes,  and  the  other  of  terminahle  rentes.  Our  financial  position 
then  was  this  :  a  debt  bearing  100,000,000  f.  annual  interest,  and 
a  budget  exhibiting  a  total  expenditure  (interest  on  the  debt 
included)  of  500,000,000  f.,  with  a  clear  net  revenue  of  a  like 
amount,  after  deduction  of  100,000.000  f.  for  the  costs  of  col- 
lection. This  position  was  certainly  far  superior  to  that  of 
England,  which  had  an  annual  debt  of  nearly  500,000,000  f., 
with  a  revenue  of  i  ,000,000,000  or  i ,  1 00,000,000  f .  Add  to  this 
that  France  still  had  left  the  resource  of  the  indirect  contribu- 
tions, that  is  to  say,  taxes  on  liquors,  tobacco,  salt,  &c.,  not  yet 
re-established,  and  which  were  destined  to  furnish  at  a  future 
period  an  immense  revenue. 

The  First  Consul  was  desirous  of  augmenting  the  resources 
of  the  Sinking  Fund  in  proportion  to  the  increase  of  the  debt. 
He  had  decided  upon  the  creation  of  rentes  to  the  amount  of 
2.700,000  f.  to  wipe  off  the  deficit  of  tlie  years  V.,  VI.,  and 
VII.,  of  1,000.000  f.  for  the  deficit  of  the  year  VIII.,  and  of 
several  more  millions  for  the  inscription  of  the  balance  of  the 
Consolidated  Third,  and  for  tlie  conversion  of  the  mobilised 
tico-tliirds,  &c.  He  caused  a  capital  of  90.000.000  f.  in  national 
domains,  saleable  at  discretion,  and  applicable  to  the  redemption 
of  rentes,  to  be  assigned  to  tlie  Sinking  Fund.  At  the  suggestion 
of  the  First  Consul,  there  was  moreover  transferred  to  the  com- 
missionei's  a  rente  of  5.400.000f.  belonging  to  the  fund  for 
public  instruction  :  we  sliall  ])rt'sently  see  how  this  sum  was 
made  good. 

Bv  this  arrangement,  the  national  domains  were  preserved 
from  being  fritteretl  away  ;  for  the  commissioners  of  tlie  Sink- 
ing Fund,  disposing  of  them  slowly,  and  at  seasonable  times, 
or  keeping  them,  if  it  suited  them,  thus  avoided  tlie  deplorable 
dilapidations  which  had  formerly  taken  place.  To  secure  tlie 
remainder  with  a  ureiiler  de'Tee  ot"  certain! v.  the  First  Consul 


468  HISTORY  OF  THE  mar.  1801 

resolved  to  apply  a,  considerable  portion  of  them  to  various  other 
branches  of  service,  in  which  he  took  great  interest,  such  as 
public  instruction  and  the  maintenance  of  the  invalids.  Pablic 
instruction  appeared  to  him  the  most  important  service  of  the 
State,  that,  in  particular,  for  which  an  enlightened  government 
like  his,  having  a  new  society  to  found,  ought  to  lose  no  time  in 
providing.  As  for  the  invalids,  that  is  to  say,  wounded  soldiers, 
they  formed,  as  it  were,  his  family ;  they  were  the  props  of  his 
power,  the  instruments  of  his  glory  :  all  his  attention  was  due  to 
them ;  he  owed  them  at  least  some  instalment  of  the  thousand 
millions  formerly  promised  by  the  Republic  to  the  defenders  of 
the  country. 

The  First  Consul  did  not  like  to  see  these  important  services 
dependent  on  the  budget,  on  its  fluctuations  and  contingencies. 
In  consequence,  he  caused  1 20,000,000  f.  worth  of  national 
domains  to  be  allotted  to  public  instruction,  and  40.000,000  f . 
to  the  support  of  the  hospitals  for  the  invalids.  Here  was 
sufficient  amply  to  endow  the  noble  institution  which  he  in- 
tended one  day  to  devote  to  the  education  of  the  French  youth, 
and  wherewithal  to  endow  also  several  similar  hospitals  upon 
the  same  footing  as  that  which  owes  its  origin  to  Louis  XIV. 
Whether  these  assignments  were  or  were  not  afterwards  re- 
spected, it  was  for  the  moment  160,000,000  f.  rescued  from 
the  improvident  sales  of  public  lands,  and  an  annual  relief  for 
the  budget.  Thus  of  the  400,000,000  f.  worth  of  national 
domains  left,  10,000,000  f.  were  granted  towards  the  expendi- 
ture of  the  year  VIII.,  20,000,000  f.  for  that  of  the  year  IX., 
90,000,000!  to  the  Sinking  Fund,  1 20,000,000  f.  to  public 
instruction,  40,000,000  f.  to  the  invalids.  These  formed  a  total 
sum  of  280,000,000!  out  of  400,000,000  f.,  for  which  a  useful 
employment  was  immediately  found,  without  having  recourse  to 
the  system  of  public  sales.  Out  of  this  sum  of  280,000,000  f., 
10,000,000  f.  only  for  the  year  VIIL,  and  20,000,000  f.  for  the 
year  IX.,  were  to  be  disposed  of  in  the  course  of  two  years, 
which  would  not  be  attended  with  any  inconvenience ;  the 
90,000,000  f.  assigned  to  the  Sinking  Fund  were  to  be  sold, 
but  very  slowly,  when  the  Fund  should  be  in  absolute  want 
of  money,  perhaps  not  at  all.  The  1 20,000,000  f.  for  public 
instruction,  the  40,000,000  f.  for  the  invalids,  were  never  to 
be  offered  for  sale.  Out  of  the  total  of  400,000,000!,  there 
would  remain  1 20,000,000  f.  disposable  and  unappropriated. 
In  reality,  only  30,000,000  f .  out  of  the  400,000,000  f .  were  to 
be  sold ;  the  rest  remained  in  trust  for  different  branches  of 
the  services,  or  as  a  disposable  reserve  with  a  certainty  of  soon 
increasing  at  least  double  or  treble  in  value  for  the  advantage 
of  the  State. 

To  sum  up  :  the  government  availed  itself  of  the  revival  of 


MAR.  1 80 1       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  469 

credit  to  substitute  the  expedient  of  the  creation  of  rentes  to 
that  of  the  alienation  of  the  national  domains ;  it  discharged  by 
a  very  small  portion  of  these  domains,  and  by  a  creation  of 
rentes,  the  deficiencies  left  unpaid  in  the  years  V.,  VI.,  VII., 
and  VIII.  ;  it  completed  the  liquidation  of  the  floating  public 
debt,  and  ensured  the  payment  of  the  interest  in  a  certain  and 
regular  manner.  After  having  thus  regulated  old  accounts, 
saved  the  remnant  of  the  domains  of  the  State,  and  fixed  the 
amount  of  the  debt,  there  would  be  an  annual  interest  of 
100,000,000 f.,  an  ample  Sinking  Fund;  and  finally,  a  budget, 
with  an  equal  income  and  expenditure,  of  500,000,000  f.,  ex- 
clusive of  the  costs  of  collection,  or  of  600,000,000  f.  including 
those  costs. 

Such  a  distribution  of  the  public  property,  conceived  with  not 
less  equity  than  sound  sense,  ought  to  have  met  with  general 
approbation.  A  violent  opposition  was  nevertheless  raised  in 
the  Tribunate.  The  41 5,000,000  f.  demanded  for  the  current 
year,  the  year  IX.,  were  granted  without  diflJiculty  ;  but  the 
opposition  complained  that  the  budget  was  not  voted  a  year  in 
advance  ;  an  unfair  reproach,  for  nothing  was  at  that  time  ar- 
ranged for  such  a  mode  of  proceeding.  It  was  not  yet  practised 
in  England,  and  it  was  even  a  disputed  point  among  financiers. 
The  same  opposition  members  complained  of  the  regulation  of 
the  arrears  being  an  act  of  bankruptcy  towards  the  creditors  of 
the  years  V.,  VI.,  and  Vil.,  whose  debts  were  to  be  consoli- 
dated at  three  per  cent,  only,  instead  of  five,  as  was  the  case 
with  those  of  the  year  VIII.  They  found  fault  with  the  regu- 
lation of  the  debt  for  depriving  the  holders  of  the  Consolidated 
Third  of  the  interest  of  their  stock  for  two  years,  since  that 
interest  was  to  commence  only  with  the  year  XII.  For  these 
two  complaints  there  was  very  little  foundation  :  for.  as  we 
have  seen,  the  creditors  of  the  years  A'.,  VI..  and  VIL.  in 
obtaining  a  permanent  rente  of  three  per  cent.,  received  more 
than  their  debts  were  worth ;  and  as  for  the  portion  of  the 
Consolidated  Third,  the  inscription  of  which  was  resolved  upon, 
a  great  service  was  rendered  to  the  liolders  by  the  mere  circum- 
stance of  that  inscription.  If,  in  fact,  that  inscription  had 
been  deferred  a  year  or  two  longer,  as  had  been  done  by  the 
preceding  government,  the  holders  would  have  l)tM'n  deprived, 
not  only  of  the  interest,  but  of  the  benefit  of  th(^  dt'fini1iv(>  con- 
solidation. To  resume  the  ]iroc(>ss  of  that  consolidaticm.  so  long 
deferred,  was  of  itself  to  ])laci'  iIumu  in  a  much  lu'ttci'  ])Osition. 

The  Tribunate  gn>w  warju  updii  llicsr  tiMvial  (il)it'rtions  :  ])aid 
no  regard  to  the  answers  that  were  addroseil  lo  it  ;  and  re- 
jected the  ]")lan  of  finance  by  a  majority  of  lit'ty-six  vott^s  to 
thirty,  in  the  sitting  of  the  19th  of  March  (28th  Vi>ntose). 
Some  cries  of  '•  Vire  la  Jxepuhliiinr  !  "  wei-e  even    raised   in  the 


470  HISTORY  OF  THE  mar.  i8oi 

tribunes,  a  circumstance  which  had  not  happened  for  a  long 
time,  and  revived  the  remembrance  of  the  tumultuous  days 
of  the  Convention.  On  the  motion  of  Messrs.  Riouffe  and 
Chauvelin,  the  president  caused  the  tribunes  to  be  cleared. 

Two  days  later,  on  the  2ist  of  March  (30th  Ventose),  the 
last  day  of  the  session  of  the  year  IX.,  the  Legislative  Body 
heard  the  discussion  of  the  bill.  Three  tribunes  were  to  attack, 
and  three  councillors  of  State  to  defend  it.  M.  Benjamin 
Constant  was  one  of  the  three  tribunes.  He  urged  in  a 
brilliant  manner  the  objections  raised  against  the  plan  of  the 
government.  The  Legislative  Body,  nevertheless,  voted  its 
adoption  by  a  majority  of  227  to  58.  The  First  Consul  ought 
to  have  been  satisfied.  But  he  knew  not,  neither  did  those 
about  him  know,  that  we  ought  to  do  good  without  being 
surprised,  without  being  ruffied,  by  the  injustice  with  which 
we  are  frequently  repaid.  And  what  man  ever  had  so  much 
glory  as  the  First  Consul  to  compensate  him  for  these  attacks, 
so  frivolous,  so  indiscreet !  Besides,  notwithstanding  these 
attacks,  the  arrangements  were  excellent  on  the  part  of  the 
government.  The  majority  in  the  Legislative  Body  was  five- 
sixths  at  least ;  and  in  the  Tribunate,  the  vote  of  which  decided 
nothing,  it  was  two-thirds.  There  was  nothing  to  be  astonished 
at,  little  to  cause  alarm  in  such  inconsiderable  minorities.  But, 
although  the  object  of  universal  admiration,  the  man  who  then 
governed  France  could  not  endure  the  petty  censures  passed 
upon  his  administration.  The  time  for  a  real  representative 
government  had  not  yet  arrived  :  the  opposition  had  not  its 
principles  or  its  manners  any  more  than  the  government  itself. 
That  which  will  completely  portray  the  oppositionists  of  the 
Tribunate  is,  that  the  odious  precedure  against  the  revolu- 
tionists did  not  elicit  from  them  a  single  observation.  They 
took  advantage  of  the  circumstance,  of  the  act  not  having  been 
referred  to  the  Legislature,  to  remain  silent  on  the  subject. 
They  declaimed  on  things  that  were  of  little  importance  or 
unobjectionable,  and  winked  at  the  unpardonable  infringement 
of  all  the  rules  of  justice.  Such,  in  almost  all  times,  is  the 
conduct  of  men  and  of  parties. 

After  all,  the  barren  agitation  of  a  few  systematic  opposi- 
tionists, mistaking  the  general  movement  of  minds,  and  the 
exigencies  of  the  time,  produced  little  sensation.  The  public 
was  wholly  engrossed  by  the  spectacle  of  the  immense  efforts 
which  had  achieved  victory  and  a  continental  peace  for  France, 
and  which  were  soon  to  procure  for  her  a  maritime  peace  also. 

As  we  have  observed  several  times,  the  First  Consul,  amidst 
his  military  and  political  occupations,  never  ceased  to  give  his 
attention  to  roads,  canals,  bridges,  to  manufactures,  and  to 
commerce. 


MAR.  1 80 1       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  471 

We  have  already  described  the  wretched  state  of  the  roads, 
and  the  means  employed  by  the  First  Consul  to  supply  the 
insufficiency  of  the  produce  of  the  tolls.  He  had  given  orders 
for  a  thorough  inquiry  into  this  subject,  but,  as  is  mostly  the 
case,  the  difficulty  consisted  much  more  in  the  want  of  money 
than  in  the  choice  of  a  good  system.  He  proceeded  direct  to 
the  point,  and  in  the  budget  of  the  year  IX.  he  appropriated 
fresh  sums  out  of  the  general  funds  of  the  treasury  for  prose- 
cuting the  extraordinary  repairs  already  begun.  Canals  were 
also  the  subject  of  conversation.  Men's  minds,  disgusted  with 
political  agitations,  gladly  turned  towards  everything  that  con- 
cerned industry  and  commerce.  The  canal  now  known  by  the 
name  of  the  canal  of  St.  Qaentin,  connecting  the  navigation 
of  the  Seine  and  of  the  Oise  with  that  of  the  Somme  and 
the  Scheld,  that  is  to  say,  connecting  Belgium  with  France, 
had  been  abandoned.  It  had  been  found  impossible  to  agree 
upon  the  mode  of  executing  the  cutting,  which  was  to  afford 
a  passage  from  the  valley  of  the  Oise  into  those  of  the  Somme 
and  the  Scheld.  The  engineers  were  divided  in  opinion.  The 
First  Consul  went  thither  himself,  heard  what  each  had  to  say, 
decided  the  question,  and  decided  it  well.  The  cutting  was 
determined  upon,  and  continued  in  the  best  direction,  the 
identical  one  which  has  succeeded.  The  population  of  St. 
Quentin  received  him  with  transport,  and  no  sooner  had  he 
returned  to  Paris,  than  the  inhabitants  of  the  Seine  Inferieure 
sent  a  deputation,  to  solicit  him  to  grant  them  in  their  turn 
forty-eight  hours  of  his  time.  He  promised  a  speedy  visit 
to  Normandy.  At  his  instigation,  the  erection  of  three  new 
bridges  in  Paris  over  the  Seine  was  decided  upon,  and  entrusted 
to  companies ;  these  were,  that  fronting  the  Jardin  des  Plantes, 
and  called  the  bridge  of  Austerlitz ;  that  which  unites  the  isle 
of  the  City  with  the  isle  St.  Louis  ;  lastly,  that  which  connects 
the  Louvre  with  the  palace  of  the  Institute.  He  directed  his 
attention  at  the  same  time  to  the  road  of  the  Simplon,  the 
first  project  of  his  youth — a  project  ever  dearest  to  liis  heart, 
most  worthy  to  rank,  in  future,  beside  the  exploits  of  Kivoli 
and  Marengo.  It  will  be  recollected  that  the  First  Consul,  as 
soon  as  he  had  founded  the  Cisalpine  Republic,  was  desirous 
to  connect  it  with  France  by  a  road,  which,  running  from 
Lyons  or  Dijon,  passing  through  Geneva,  traversing  the  ^'alais, 
descendinir  to  the  Lafjo  Macfcriore  and  ^lilan,  should  enable 
an  army  of  50,000  men  with  lOO  pieces  of  cannon  to  deliouch 
at  any  time  in  the  heart  of  Upper  Italy.  For  want  of  sucli  a 
road,  he  had  been  obliged  to  cross  the  St.  Pt^rnanl.  Now  that 
the  Cisalpine  Ilepublic  had  been  reconstituted  at  the  congress 
of  Luneville,  it  was  more  than  ever  expedient  to  form  a  great 
niilitarv  communication  between  Lombardv  and   r">anc(\     The 


472  HISTORY  OF  THE  mar.  i8oi 

First  Consul  had  immediately  issued  orders  for  the  necessary 
works.  General  Thurreau,  whom  we  have  seen  descending 
the  Little  St.  Bernard  with  the  legions  of  conscripts,  while 
General  Bonaparte  was  descending  the  Great  St.  Bernard  with 
his  seasoned  troops,  received  orders  to  fix  his  headquarters  at 
Domo  d'Ossola,  at  the  very  foot  of  the  Simplon.  This  general 
was  to  protect  the  workmen,  and  his  soldiers  were  to  assist  in 
the  completion  of  the  undertaking. 

To  this  magnificent  work  the  First  Consul  resolved  to  add 
another,  in  commemoration  of  the  passage  of  the  Alps.  The 
monks  of  the  Great  St.  Bernard  had  rendered  important  ser- 
vices to  the  French  army.  Supplied  with  some  money,  they  had, 
during  ten  days,  supported  the  strength  of  our  soldiers  with 
food  and  wine.  The  First  Consul  retained  a  deeply  grateful 
recollection  of  those  services.  He  resolved  upon  the  establish- 
ment of  two  similar  hospices,  one  on  Mount  Cenis,  the  other 
on  the  Simplon,  both  auxiliary  to  the  convent  of  the  Great 
St.  Bernard.  They  were  each  to  contain  fifteen  monks,  and  to 
receive  from  the  Cisalpine  Republic  a  considerable  endowment 
in  lands.  That  Republic  could  refuse  nothing  to  its  founder. 
But  as  that  founder  liked  prompt  execution  in  all  things,  he  had 
the  works  necessary  for  the  first  establishment  ]3erformed  at  the 
expense  of  France,  that  these  useful  undertakings  might  experi- 
ence no  delay.  Thus  magnificent  roads  and  institutions,  founded 
with  a  beneficence  truly  noble,  were  to  attest  to  future  ages  the 
passage  of  the  Alps  by  the  modern  Hannibal. 

Concurrently  with  these  grand  and  beneficent  views,  a  sub- 
ject of  another  kind  engaged  his  attention,  which  was  no  less 
useful  to  the  nation ;  that  is,  the  compilation  of  the  Civil  Code. 
The  task  of  digesting  this  code  the  First  Consul  had  confided  to 
several  eminent  lawyers,  Messrs.  Portalis,  Tronchet,  and  Bigot 
de  Preameneu.  Their  labours  were  concluded,  and  the  result 
had  been  communicated  to  the  Court  of  Cassation,  as  well  as  to 
the  twenty-nine  tribunals  of  appeal,  since  called  royal  courts. 
The  opinions  of  the  whole  of  the  magistracy  were  thus  collected, 
and  the  work  was  now  about  to  be  submitted  to  the  Council  of 
State,  and  gravely  discussed  under  the  presidency  of  the  First 
Consul.  It  was  proposed,  that  it  should  then  be  presented  to 
the  Legislative  pjody  in  the  course  of  the  ensuing  session,  that 
of  the  year  X. 

Ever  ready  to  undertake  great  works,  and  at  the  same  time 
to  reward  their  authors  munificently,  the  First  Consul  had  just 
used  his  influence  to  raise  M.  Tronchet  to  the  Senate.  By  this 
means  he  conferred  a  distinction  upon  an  eminent  jurisconsult, 
one  of  the  compilers  of  the  Civil  Code,  and,  what  was  not  a 
matter  of  indifference  to  him  in  a  political  point  of  view,  the 
courageous  defender  of  Louis  XYI. 


MAR.  1 80 1       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  473 

All  things,  therefore,  were  being  organised  at  the  same  time, 
with  the  harmony  which  a  comprehensive  mind  is  capable  of 
introducing  into  its  works,  with  tlie  rapidity  which  a  resolute 
energy,  an  authority  already  punctually  obeyed,  is  capable  of 
imparting  to  them.  The  genius  which  accomplished  these  things 
was  without  doubt  extraordinary ;  but,  it  must  be  confessed, 
the  situation  was  as  extraordinary  as  the  genius.  General 
Bonaparte  had  France  and  Europe  to  move,  and  victory  for  a 
lever ;  he  had  to  digest  all  the  codes  of  the  French  nation,  but 
then  at  the  same  time  all  ranks  were  disposed  to  submit  to  his 
laws  with  implicit  obedience ;  he  had  roads,  canals,  bridges  to 
construct,  and  the  necessary  resources  for  these  objects,  at  his 
undisputed  disposal ;  he  had  even  nations  ready  to  furnish  him 
with  their  treasures,  the  Italians,  for  example,  who  cheerfully 
contributed  to  the  expense  of  opening  the  Siraplon,  and  to  the 
endowment  of  the  hospices  raised  on  the  summits  of  the  Alps. 
Providence  does  nothing  by  halves.  For  every  mighty  task,  she 
furnishes  a  great  genius ;  and  to  every  great  genius,  she  assigns 
a  mighty  task. 


BOOK  IX. 

NEUTRAL    POWERS. 

PEACE  between  the  emperor  and  the  empire  having  been 
concluded  at  Liineville  in  February  i8oi,  the  First  Consul 
was  impatient  to  secure  the  results  of  his  policy.  These  were 
to  conclude  a  peace  with  those  continental  States  which  had  not 
yet  been  reconciled  to  the  Republic,  and  to  compel  them  to  close 
their  ports  against  England ;  to  direct  against  the  latter  the  com- 
bined strength  of  the  neutral  powers,  and,  in  conjunction  with 
them,  to  strike  some  decisive  blow  against  the  British  trade  and 
territory ;  and  by  this  combination  of  means  attain  a  maritime 
peace,  without  which  the  peace  of  the  continent  would  be  incom- 
plete. Everything  proclaimed  that  these  happy  results  could 
not  be  long  delayed. 

The  Germanic  Diet  had  ratified  the  signature  affixed  by  the 
emperor  to  the  treaty  of  Luneville.  There  were  no  grounds  for 
supposing  that  there  would  be  any  demur,  as  Austria  possessed 
the  power  of  influencing  the  ecclesiastical  States,  the  only  dis- 
sidents opposed  to  the  treaty.  With  respect  to  the  secular 
princes,  as  they  were  to  be  indemnified  for  their  losses  from  the 
territories  proposed  to  be  secularised,  they  had  a  strong  interest 
in  accelerating  the  acceptance  of  the  conditions  stipulated  be- 
tween Austria  and  France.  They  were,  moreover,  under  the 
influence  of  Prussia,  which  power  France  had  induced  to  view 
favourably  the  proceedings  at  Luneville.  Besides  all  this,  every 
one  was  anxious  for  peace,  and  was  ready  to  contribute  to  pro- 
mote it,  even  by  sacrifices.  Prussia  alone,  in  ratifying  the 
signature  of  the  emperor,  which  he  had  granted  without  the 
authority  of  the  Diet,  appeared  desirous  to  qualify  her  consent 
in  such  a  form  as  rather  to  assume  the  semblance  of  toleration 
than  that  of  approbation,  thereby  reserving  for  the  future  the 
rights  of  the  empire.  But  this  proposition  of  Prussia,  which 
at  the  same  time  that  it  ratified  the  treaty  implied  an  indirect 
censure  on  the  emperor,  was  not  supported  by  the  majority. 
The  treaty  was  ratified  unconditionally  in  its  original  form  by 
a  concluswm  of  the  9th  of  March  1801  (i8th  Ventose,  year  IX.). 
The  ratifications  were  exchanged  at  Paris  on  the  i6th  of 
March  (25th  Ventose).     There  only  remained  to  settle  a  plan 


MAR.  1 80 1       HISTORY  OF  THE  CONSULATE.  475 

of  indemnifications,  which  was  to  be  the  subject  of  ulterior 
negotiations. 

Peace  was  thus  concluded  with  the  greater  part  of  Europe. 
It  was,  indeed,  not  yet  signed  with  Russia,  but  we  were,  as  will 
soon  appear,  engaged  with  her,  and  with  the  northern  courts,  in 
one  great  maritime  coalition.  There  were  at  the  same  moment 
two  Russian  ministers  at  Paris :  ■Nf.  de  Spreng]Dorten  on  the 
subject  of  the  prisoners,  M.  de  Kalitscheff  for  the  adjustment  of 
general  affairs.  The  latter  had  just  arrived  in  the  early  part  of 
March  (middle  of  Ventose). 

There  still  remained  the  courts  of  Naples  and  Portugal  to 
coerce,  in  order  to  close  the  entire  continent  completely  against 
England. 

Murat  was  advancing  towards  Southern  Italy  with  a  chosen 
body  of  troops,  which  had  been  drawn  from  the  camp  at  Amiens. 
Reinforced  by  several  detachments  supplied  from  the  army  of 
General  Brune,  he  had  proceeded  as  far  as  Foligno,  with  a  view 
to  compel  the  court  of  Naples  to  yield  to  the  will  of  France. 
Had  it  not  been  for  the  interest  evinced  by  the  Emperor  of 
Russia  in  favour  of  this  court,  the  First  Consul  would  probably 
at  once  have  granted  to  the  house  of  Parma  the  kingdom  of  the 
Two  Sicilies,  with  the  view  of  depriving  a  hostile  family  of  this 
fine  territor}\  But  the  disposition  manifested  by  the  Emperor 
Paul  would  not  allow  him  to  carry  this  idea  into  effect.  He 
was  desirous,  moreover,  to  conciliate  general  opinion  throughout 
Europe,  and  for  this  reason  it  was  expedient  to  avoid,  as  much 
as  possible,  the  overthrowing  of  the  ancient  kingdoms.  He  was 
then  willing  to  grant  peace  to  the  court  of  Naples,  on  the  con- 
dition that  she  should  come  to  a  rupture  with  England.  But 
to  influence  her  to  take  this  step  was  in  the  highest  degree 
difficult  of  accomplishment.  INIurat  advanced  to  the  frontiers  of 
the  kingdom,  taking  care  to  avoid  Rome,  and  lavishing  uj^on  the 
Pope  the  greatest  demonstration  of  respect.  The  court  of  Naples 
no  longer  resisted,  but  signed  an  armistice  wliich  contained  a 
stipulation  agreeable  to  tlie  wishes  of  the  First  Consul,  for  the 
exclusion  of  the  I'Jnglish  from  the  ])orts  of  the  Two  Sicilies. 
Nevertheless,  the  ai'mistice  was  only  for  the  short  term  of  thirty 
days;  at  the  ex])iration  of  wliich.  a  definitive  treaty  of  ]ieace 
was  to  be  signed. 

The  ]\larc|uis  de  Gallo,  one  of  the  negotiators  at  Cani])0 
Formio,  who  boasted  of  his  intimacy  with  the  l-"ii-st  Consul,  and 
of  having  as  much  influence  over  him  as  M.  de  Cobentzel.  had 
repaired  to  Paris.  Cr)nnding  on  these  ])ersonal  recommenda- 
tions, he  flattered  himself  that,  undtM-  the  ]irotection  of  the 
Russian  embassy,  and  at  the  instances  of  Austria,  he  should 
obtain  the  conditions  desired  by  the  court  of  Naples,  which 
were  confined  to  a  sim])le  neutrality.      These   ])i-etensions  were 


476  HISTORY  OF  THE  mar.  i8or 

ridiculous,  inasmuch  as  this  court,  which  had  given  the  signal 
for  the  second  coalition,  which  had  waged  against  us  an  ob- 
stinate war,  which  had,  in  short,  treated  the  French  with  great 
indignity,  could  not  expect,  now  that  we  held  her  at  our  dis- 
cretion, to  escajDe  upon  the  condition  of  a  plain  and  simple 
separation  from  England.  The  least  we  could  do  was  to  compel 
her,  either  willingly  or  by  force,  to  act  as  hostilely  against 
England  as  she  had  done  against  France. 

M.  de  Gallo  having  betrayed  considerable  self-sufficiency  at 
Paris,  having  even  appeared  to  depend  more  than  was  becoming 
upon  the  Russian  embassy,  a  prompt  termination  was  put  to  his 
negotiation.  M.  de  Talleyrand  notified  to  him  that  a  French 
plenipotentiary  had  set  out  for  Florence,  that  the  negotiation 
was  consequently  transferred  to  that  city,  and  that,  moreover, 
he  could  not  treat  with  a  negotiator  who  had  not  the  power  to 
consent  to  the  sole  condition  deemed  indispensable,  namely,  the 
expulsion  of  the  English  from  the  ports  of  the  Two  Sicilies — 
a  condition  which  the  Emperor  Paul  had  as  much  at  heart  as 
the  First  Consul  himself.  Consequently,  M.  de  Gallo  found  it 
necessary  to  quit  Paris  without  delay.  We  bad,  in  fact,  just 
despatched  to  Florence  M.  Alquier,  who  had  been  recalled 
from  Madrid  at  the  period  when  Lucien  Bonaparte  was  sent 
to  Spain.  M.  Alquier  was  invested  with  full  instructions  and 
powers  to  negotiate. 

This  plenipotentiary  repaired  to  Florence  with  the  utmost 
haste,  and  found  there  Chevalier  Micheroux,  the  same  minister 
who  signed  the  armistice  with  Murat,  who  had  just  received 
full  powers  from  his  court.  The  negotiations,  transferred  to  that 
city,  and  carried  on  under  the  bayonets  of  the  French  army,  no 
longer  experienced  the  same  difficulties  as  at  Paris.  A  treaty 
of  peace  was  signed  on  the  i8th  of  March  1801  (27th  Ventose, 
year  IX.).  The  conditions  may  be  pronounced  moderate,  if  the 
situation  of  the  court  of  Naples  be  compared  with  that  of  the 
French  Republic.  We  permitted  that  branch  of  the  house  of 
Bourbons  to  retain  the  whole  of  its  dominions,  which  ^vere  pre- 
served to  them  in  their  full  integrity.  We  only  exacted  an  in- 
significant portion  of  territory  which  it  possessed  in  the  island 
of  Elba.  This  was  Porto  Longone,  and  the  surrounding  dis- 
trict. The  island  of  Elba,  at  that  time,  belonged  partly  to  Tus- 
cany, and  partly  to  the  Two  Sicilies.  Tlie  intention  of  the  French 
Consul  was  to  annex  it  entirely  to  France.  An  liistorian  of 
these  treaties  has  loudly  inveighed  against  tliis  alleged  act  of 
spoliation,  as  if  it  were  not  -[Dlainly  the  natural  right  of  the 
victor.  With  the  exception  of  this  insignificant  sacrifice,  the 
court  of  Naples  lost  nothing.  She  bound  herself  to  close  her 
ports  against  the  English,  and  to  furnish  France  with  three 
frigates,  to  be  delivered  over,  ready  armed,  at  Ancona.     The 


MAR.  1 80 1       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  477 

First  Consul  destined  these  for  Egypt ;  but  the  most  important 
article  of  the  treaty  was  secret.  It  stipulated  that  the  Neapo- 
litan government  should  receive  a  division  of  12,000  to  15,000 
French  troops  in  the  Gulf  of  Tarentum,  and  should  victual  them 
during  the  whole  term  of  their  occupying  that  station.  The 
real  intention  of  the  French  Consul,  without  any  reservation, 
was  to  transport  them  to  that  spot,  with  a  view  to  succour 
Egypt.  At  that  station  they  would  be  half-way  on  the  route 
to  Alexandria.  A  last  article  required  the  restitution  of  all  the 
objects  of  art  which  had  been  selected  at  Rome  by  the  French, 
which  were  all  packed  up  in  cases  when  the  Neapolitan  army 
penetrated  into  the  Papal  States  in  1799,  and  which  the  court 
of  Naples  had  seized  and  appropriated  to  itself.  An  indemnity 
of  500,000  f.  was  granted  to  the  French  who  had  been  pillaged 
or  harassed  by  the  marauding  bands  of  Neapolitans. 

Such  were  the  terms  of  the  treaty  of  Florence,  which  must 
be  viewed  as  an  act  of  clemency  when  the  previous  conduct  of 
the  court  of  Naples  is  taken  into  consideration  ;  but  which  was 
perfectly  in  accordance  with  the  intentions  of  the  First  Consul, 
who  was  aiming  exclusively  at  procuring  the  ports  of  the  con- 
tinent to  be  closed  against  England,  and  at  securing  advan- 
tageous positions  to  enable  liim  to  keep  up  communications 
with  Egypt. 

Nothing  was  yet  agreed  upon  with  the  Pope,  whose  plenipo- 
tentiary was  still  negotiating  at  Paris  upon  the  most  important 
of  all,  the  religious  question.  He  was  dissatisfied  with  the  King 
of  Piedmont,  who  had  yielded  up  Sardinia  to  the  Englisli,  and 
also  with  the  Piedmontese,  who  had  manifested  dispositions  but 
little  friendly  towards  our  troops.  He  was  desirous,  therefore, 
of  freeing  himself  from  any  engagement  res]3ecting  that  im- 
portant part  of  Italy. 

Let  us  now  turn  to  S]iain  and  Portugal.  Everytliing  pro- 
ceeded favourably  in  tliat  f(uarter.  The  court  of  Spain,  deliglited 
with  the  stipulations  agreed  upon  at  Luneville,  wliich  secured 
Tuscany  to  the  young  Infant  of  Parma,  with  the  title  of  king, 
appeared  every  day  more  and  more  devoted  to  tlie  First  Consul, 
and  to  his  views.  An  uncxpectfd  event,  the  fall  of  ]\r.  d'Urquijo. 
far  from  injuring  our  relations,  had  only  served  to  strengthen 
them.  This  was  not  at  fii'st  antici]iated.  as  M.  d'Urquijo  was 
in  Spain  a  sort  of  revolutionist,  from  whom  a  greater  decree 
of  favour  was  ex])ected  towards  France  than  from  any  other 
individual.  But  the  result  ]')ro\-e(l  this  to  be  a  misa]i]irehension. 
M.  d'Ur((uijo  had  been  at  the  h<  ad  of  affairs  but  a  sliort  time. 
Desirous  of  correcting  cei-tain  abus(>s.  he  had  induced  his  roval 
master.  King  Charles  I\\.  to  send  an  autogra])h  letter  to  the 
Pope,  recommending  a  seri(>s  of  ]iropositions  for  the  reform 
of    the    Spanish    clergy.      TIh^    Po])e.   alai-med    at    ]K'rceiving   a 


478  HISTORY  OF  THE  mae.  i8or 

reforming  spirit  arising  in  Spain,  appealed  to  the  old  Duke 
of  Parma,  brother  to  the  queen,  complaining  of  M.  d'Urquijo, 
whom  he  stigmatised  as  a  bad  Catholic.  This  was  sufficient 
to  ruin  M.  d'Urquijo  in  the  mind  of  the  king.  The  Prince  of 
Peace,  an  avowed  enemy  of  M.  d'Urquijo,  availed  himself  of 
the  opportunity,  and  struck  the  last  blow  during  a  royal  pro- 
gress. Through  these  combined  influences,  M.  d'Urquijo  was 
stripped  of  power,  and  treated  with  an  unexampled  degree  of 
harshness  and  severity.  He  was  seized  in  his  own  house,  and 
banished  from  Madrid,  like  a  criminal  of  State.  M.  de  Cevallos, 
a  relative  and  creature  of  the  Prince  of  Peace,  was  appointed 
his  successor.  This  prince  thus  again  became,  from  that 
moment,  the  real  prime  minister  of  the  court  of  Spain.  As  he 
had  sometimes  shown  some  sort  of  opposition  to  an  intimate 
alliance  with  France,  probably  in  order  to  have  an  opportunity  of 
thus  throwing  blame  upon  the  Spanish  ministry,  it  was  feared 
that  this  change  of  ministers  might  be  prejudicial  to  the  designs 
of  the  First  Consul.  But  Lucien  Bonaparte,  recently  arrived  at 
Madrid,  forming  at  once  a  correct  opinion  of  the  actual  state  of 
things,  neglected  M.  de  Cevallos,  a  powerless  subordinate,  and  put 
himself  in  direct  relations  with  the  Prince  of  Peace.  He  gave 
this  prince  to  understand,  that  it  was  he  who  was  considered  at 
Paris  as  in  reality  prime  minister  of  Charles  IV.,  that  to  him 
would  be  ascribed  all  the  difficulties  which  French  policy  might 
encounter  in  Spain,  and  that  upon  his  own  conduct  would 
depend  whether  we  should  regard  him  as  a  friend  or  as  an 
enemy.  The  Prince  of  Peace,  who  had  provoked  numberless 
animosities,  and,  above  all,  that  of  the  heir-presumptive,  deeply 
irritated  with  the  state  of  oppression  in  which  he  was  condemned 
to  live,  and  conscious  that  his  ruin  was  inevitable  if  the  king 
and  queen  chanced  to  die,  regarded  the  friendship  of  the  Bona- 
partes  as  most  precious,  and  promptly  preferred  their  alliance 
to  their  hostility. 

From  that  moment,  business  was  conducted  between  the 
Prince  of  Peace  and  Lucien  directly.  M.  d'Urquijo,  finding 
himself  too  weak  to  bring  this  question  of  Portugal  to  a  solution, 
had  from  time  to  time  postponed  any  positive  explanation  on 
the  subject.  He  had  made  France  a  thousand  promises,  un- 
attended by  any  substantial  results.  The  Prince  of  Peace  ad- 
mitted in  his  interviews  with  Lucien  that  up  to  that  time  they 
had  not  been  inclined  to  act,  that  M.  d'Urquijo  had  cajoled 
France  with  fine  words ;  but  he  declared  that  he  was  ready,  as 
far  as  regarded  himself,  to  concert  measures  with  the  First 
Consul  to  act  effectually  against  Portugal,  provided  they  could 
come  to  an  understanding  upon  certain  points.  He  demanded 
first,  the  co-operation  of  a  French  division  of  25,000  men,  as 
Spain  had  it  not  in  her  power  to  raise  a  larger  force  than  20,000, 


MAR.  1 80 1       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  479 

to  such  a  point  of  depression  had  that  splendid  monarchy  been 
reduced.  As  the  presence  of  a  French  force  might  alarm  the 
king  and  queen,  it  would  be  necessary,  therefore,  in  order  to 
reassure  them  both,  that  this  force  should  be  placed  under  the 
command  of  a  Spanish  general.  This  general  was  to  be  the 
Prince  of  Peace  himself.  Finally,  the  provinces  of  Portugal,  of 
which  they  were  to  take  possession,  were  to  remain  as  security 
in  the  hands  of  the  King  of  Spain  until  a  general  peace :  in 
the  meantime,  the  ports  of  Portugal  should  be  closed  against 
England. 

These  proposals  were  accepted  by  the  First  Consul  with  the 
greatest  eagerness,  and  returned  in  order  to  receive  the  sanction 
of  King  Charles  IV.  This  prince,  governed  by  his  queen,  who, 
in  her  turn,  was  under  the  influence  of  the  Prince  of  Peace, 
consented  to  the  war  against  his  son-in-law,  on  condition  that 
the  latter  should  not  be  deprived  of  any  portion  of  his  territories  ; 
that  he  should  be  forced  only  to  break  with  the  English,  and  to 
enter  into  an  alliance  with  France  and  Spain.  These  views  did 
not  coincide  with  those  of  the  Prince  of  Peace,  who  was  desirous, 
it  was  alleged  at  Madrid,  to  secure  for  himself  a  principality  in 
Portugal.  However  this  may  be,  he  was  obliged  to  submit,  and 
he  received  accordingly  the  rank  of  generalissimo.  A  summons 
was  sent  to  the  court  of  Lisbon,  to  come  to  an  explanation 
within  a  fortnight,  and  to  make  election  between  England  and 
Spain,  the  latter  supported  by  France.  In  the  meantime,  the 
preparations  for  war  were  commenced  on  both  sides  of  the 
Pyrenees.  The  Prince  of  Peace,  now  created  generalissimo  of 
the  Spanish  and  French  troops,  carried  off  even  the  king's  own 
guards  to  enable  him  to  complete  his  army.  He  amused  the 
court  with  reviews,  with  warlike  spectacles,  and  indulged  in  the 
wildest  dreams  of  military  glory.  The  First  Consul,  on  his 
part,  hastened  to  direct  towards  Spain  a  portion  of  the  troops 
which  were  returning  to  France.  He  formed  a  division  of 
25,000  men,  well  armed  and  equipped.  General  Leclerc  was 
appointed  to  the  command  of  the  advanced  guard.  General 
Gouvion  St.  Cyr,  whom  he  justly  regarded  as  one  of  the  most 
able  generals  of  the  time,  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the 
entire  army,  in  order  to  compensate  for  the  utter  incapacity  of 
the  prince  generalissimo. 

It  was  arranged  that  these  troops,  set  in  motion  in  the  month 
of  jMarch,  should  be  ready  to  enter  Spain  in  the  course  of  the 
ensuing  month  of  April. 

The  whole  of  Europe  thus  co-operated  to  aid  our  designs. 
Under  the  influence  of  the  First  Consul,  the  States  of  the  South 
closed  tlieir  ports  against  JMigland.  and  the  Nortliern  States 
entered  into  an  armed  league  against  her.  I  nder  these  circum- 
stances, this  power  was   under  the  necessity  of  having  troops 


48o  HISTORY  OF  THE  mar.  i8oi 

everywhere ;  in  the  Mediterranean  in  order  to  blockade  Egypt ; 
in  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar,  to  check  the  movements  of  the 
French  fleets  passing  from  one  sea  to  the  other ;  upon  the  coast 
of  Portugal,  to  succour  their  threatened  ally ;  before  Rochefort 
and  Brest,  in  order  to  blockade  the  great  French  and  Spanish 
squadron  which  was  ready  to  set  sail ;  in  the  North,  to  keep 
the  Baltic  under  control,  and  prevent  the  rising  of  the  neutral 
powers ;  they  were  also  necessary  in  India  to  maintain  their 
authority  and  conquests  in  that  quarter. 

The  First  Consul  was  desirous  of  seizing  this  peculiar  moment, 
when  the  British  forces,  required  in  all  places  at  the  same  time, 
had  their  strength  necessarily  widely  scattered,  to  attempt  some 
great  expedition.  The  principal  object  he  had  in  view,  that 
which  he  the  most  cherished,  was  to  succour  Egypt.  He 
owed  a  great  duty  to  the  army  led  beyond  the  sea,  and  subse- 
quently abandoned  by  him  in  order  to  return  to  the  assistance 
of  France.  He  also  considered  the  colony  founded  on  the  banks 
of  the  Nile  as  the  most  glorious  of  his  works.  It  was  of  impor- 
tance to  prove  to  the  world  that  in  transporting  36,000  men 
to  the  East  he  had  not  yielded  to  the  inspirations  of  a  young 
and  ardent  imagination,  but  had  attempted  a  serious  enterprise, 
susceptible  of  being  brought  to  a  successful  conclusion.  We 
have  seen  the  endeavours  made  to  negotiate  a  naval  armistice, 
the  object  of  which  was  to  permit  six  frigates  to  enter  into  the 
port  of  Alexandria.  This  armistice,  it  will  be  recollected,  had 
not  been  concluded.  Not  having  sufficient  financial  resources 
for  the  equipment  of  armaments  by  sea  and  land,  the  First 
Consul  had  not  yet  been  able  to  undertake  the  vast  operation 
which  he  had  in  contemplation  to  succour  Egypt.  But  now, 
relieved  from  the  continental  contest,  being  able  to  direct  all 
his  resources  towards  naval  warfare,  having  almost  entirely  the 
coasts  of  Europe  at  his  disposal,  he  meditated,  in  order  to  pre- 
serve Egy]3t,  projects  as  extensive  and  as  bold  as  those  which  he 
had  executed  to  achieve  its  conquest.  The  winter  season  con- 
tributed to  the  success  of  his  plans,  by  rendering  the  presence 
of  the  English  cruisers  on  the  coasts  quite  impossible. 

In  the  meantime,  vessels  of  every  description,  trading  vessels, 
and  ships  of  war  from  the  smallest  despatch  boat  up  to  frigates, 
sailed  from  the  various  ports  of  Holland.  France,  S]")ain,  Italy, 
and  even  from  the  coast  of  Barbary,  carrying  to  Egypt  with 
news  from  France,  provisions,  European  goods,  wines,  and 
munitions  of  war.  Some  of  these  vessels  were  captured,  but 
the  greater  part  reached  Alexandria,  and  not  a  week  elapsed 
without  news  from  the  government  at  home  being  received  at 
Cairo,  together  with  signal  proofs  of  the  interest  which  he  took 
in  the  colony. 

The  First  Consul  also  prepared  a  fleet  adapted  for  the  inland 


MAE.  1 80 1       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  481 

navigation  of  Egypt.  He  had  executed  a  model  of  a  seventy- 
four  gun  ship,  which  would  combine  great  strength  with  the 
advantage  of  being  able  to  navigate  the  shallow  channels  of 
Alexandria  without  discharging  her  guns.*  Orders  were  given 
to  build  a  certain  number  after  this  model. 

Whilst  he  bestowed  all  this  sedulous  care  to  sustain  the  spirits 
of  the  army  of  Egj^pt,  transmitting  to  it  frequently  news,  with 
partial  relief,  the  First  Consul  was,  at  the  same  time,  preparing 
a  vast  expedition  in  order  to  convey  thither,  by  one  mighty 
effort,  a  powerful  reinforcement  of  troops  and  materials  of  war. 
The  armies  returned  to  the  soil  of  France  were  about  to  add  a 
pressure  on  our  finances ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  they  supplied 
the  government  with  great  means  to  disquiet,  perhaps  to  strike 
a  blow  at  England.  Thirty  thousand  men  remained  in  the 
Cisalpine;  10,000  in  Piedmont;  6000  in  Switzerland;  15,000 
were  proceeding  to  the  Gulf  of  Tarentum  ;  25,000  were  direct- 
ing their  march  towards  Portugal;  25,000  were  stationed  in 
Holland:  thus  111,000  men  were  to  be  supported  by  foreign 
powers.  The  remainder  were  about  to  be  thrown  on  the  French 
treasury,  but  nevertheless  entirely  at  the  disposal  of  the  First 
Consul.  A  camp  was  forming  in  Holland ;  another  in  French 
Flanders ;  a  third  at  Brest ;  a  fourth  was  already  collected  in 
the  Gironde,  either  destined  for  Portugal,  or  to  furnish  troops 
for  embarkation  at  Eochefort.  The  coqis  returning  from  Italy 
assembled  between  Marseilles  and  Toulon.  The  division  of  1 5.C00 
men  appointed  to  the  station  in  the  Gulf  of  Tarentum  was  to 
occupy  Otrauto,  in  virtue  of  a  secret  article  of  the  treaty  of 
Naples,  to  cover  the  surrounding  roadsteads  by  numerous  bat- 
teries, to  prepare  a  place  of  anchorage,  where  a  fleet  might 
approach  and  embark  a  division  of  10,000  to  12,000  men  in 
order  to  transport  them  to  Eg^i^t.  Admiral  Yilleneuve  had 
already  set  out  to  give  the  necessary  orders  on  the  spot  for 
such  embarkation. 

The  naval  forces  of  Holland,  France,  and  Spain,  with  some 
remains  of  the  Italian  navy,  stationed  near  tliese  several  assem- 
blages of  troops,  gave  England  reason  to  apprehend  descents 
contemplated  upon  different  points  at  the  same  time ;  upon 
Ireland,  upon  Portugal,  upon  Eg}'pt,  or  upon  the  East  Indies. 

The  First  Consul  had  concerted  measun^s  with  Spain  and 
Holland,  relating  to  the  employment  of  their  respective  navies. 
By  collecting  the  wrecks  of  the  ancient  Dutch  navy,  five  shi])s 
of  the  line  and  a  few  frigates  nn'ght  be  armed,  '^iliirty  vessels 
were  Iving  at  Ijrest.  fifteen  French,  and  as  many  Spanish,  which 
had  been  detained  two  vears  in  that  harbour.  ^I'lie  I'irst  Consul 
had  made  the  following  an-angenients  with  Sjiain.  I'ive  Dutch 
ships  combined  with  five  i'^rench  vessels,  and  live  of  the  S])anish 

*    I-ctlor  (latfd  l>t  Nivu^e,  year  IX.  — State  PapiT  Oilier. 

VOI-.  I.  ::  n 


482  HISTORY  OF  THE  mak.  i8oi 

vessels  lying  at  Brest,  were  to  be  despatched  to  Brazil,  in  order 
to  protect  that  fine  kingdom,  and  to  prevent  England  from  in- 
demnifying herself  for  the  enterprise  set  on  foot  against  Portugal, 
by  seizing  on  the  Portuguese  colonies.  Twenty  Spanish  and 
French  ships,  according  to  the  convention,  were  to  remain  at 
Brest,  to  be  ready  at  any  moment  to  throw  an  army  into  Ireland. 
A  French  division  was  preparing  under  Admiral  Gauteaume,  in 
the  same  port  of  Brest,  destined,  it  was  said,  for  St.  Domingo, 
there  to  re-establish  the  French  and  Spanish  authority.  Another 
French  division  was  being  equipped  at  Eochefort,  and  a  Spanish 
division  of  five  vessels  at  Ferrol,  for  the  purpose  of  carrying 
troops  to  the  West  India  Islands,  and  recovering  Trinidad,  for 
instance,  or  Martinique.  Spain,  by  the  treaty  which  secured 
Tuscany  to  her  in  exchange  for  Louisiana,  had  engaged  to 
furnish  France  with  six  vessels  fully  equipped,  placed  in  the 
harbour  of  Cadiz,  and  to  employ  the  resources  of  that  ancient 
arsenal  to  reorganise  a  portion  of  the  forces  which  she  formerly 
possessed  at  that  station. 

The  First  Consul,  in  forming  these  arrangements,  did  not 
communicate  to  the  Spanish  government  his  real  intentions,  as 
he  feared  the  indiscretion  of  that  cabinet.  He  was  desirous  to 
send  a  portion  of  the  combined  fleets  to  Brazil,  and  to  the  West 
India  Islands,  to  accomplish  the  avowed  designs,  and  to  attract 
thither  the  English  fleets ;  but  at  Brest  his  paramount  object 
was  the  expedition  under  Gauteaume,  ostensibly  destined  for 
St.  Domingo,  but  intended  in  reality  for  Egypt.  He  gave 
orders  for  the  selection  of  seven  of  the  fastest  sailing  ships  of 
the  squadron,  with  two  frigates  and  a  brig ;  and  these  vessels 
were  to  transport  5000  men  to  effect  a  landing,  with  an  ample 
supply  of  warlike  stores  of  all  kinds,  timber,  iron,  medicines, 
and  a  selection  of  European  commodities  most  wanted  in  Egypt. 
The  First  Consul  gave  orders  to  reland  the  cargoes  of  those 
vessels  which  were  already  in  a  very  advanced  state  of  loading, 
and  to  reload  them  in  conformity  with  the  fresh  arrangements 
which  he  had  determined  upon.  He  was  anxious,  in  short, 
that  each  vessel  should  contain  a  complete  assortment  of  every 
individual  article  prepared  for  the  colony,  and  not  an  entire 
cargo  of  one  single  description  of  articles ;  so  that  in  the  case 
of  one  of  the  vessels  being  captured,  the  expedition  would  not 
be  totally  deficient  of  the  precise  article  which  the  captured 
vessel  might  contain.  This  arrangement  being  contrary  to  the 
usage  of  the  navy,  rendered  the  stowage  of  these  vessels  more 
difiicult,  but  the  absolute  will  of  the  First  Consul  overcame  all 
these  obstacles.  His  aide-de-camp,  Lauriston,  was  at  Brest, 
seconding  the  written  instructions  of  which  he  was  the  bearer 
by  the  influence  of  his  presence,  and  by  his  urgent  endeavours 
to  expedite  their  departure.     The  expedition  from  Rochefort, 


MAR.  1 80 1       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  483 

ostensibly  announced  for  the  West  India  Islands,  was  also 
destined  for  Egypt.  Its  equipment  was  proceeding  as  rapidly 
as  possible.  The  aide-de-camp  Savary  urged  its  departure,  and 
drew  thither  a  body  of  troops  detached  from  the  army  of  Por- 
tugal. The  division  of  25,000  men,  which  was  about  to  pass 
the  Pyrenees,  being  assembled  in  the  Gironde,  furnished  con- 
venient means  for  disguising  the  real  object  of  the  Rochefort 
expedition.  Without  exciting  the  least  suspicion,  a  few  batta- 
lions had  been  borrowed  from  this  force  with  the  intention  of 
embarking  them  in  this  squadron.  The  expedition  was  to  be 
confided  to  Admiral  Bruix,  perhaps  the  most  distinguished  naval 
commander  whom  France  at  that  time  possessed.  This  admiral 
united  to  a  superior  understanding,  seldom  found  amongst  either 
civil  or  military  men,  a  perfect  knowledge  of  naval  affairs,  and 
had  distinguished  himself  by  his  successful  and  well-known 
cruise  of  1799  in  the  Mediterranean.  When,  at  the  last  moment. 
General  Bonaparte  should  disclose  his  secret  to  the  cabinet  at 
Madrid,  Admiral  Bruix  was  to  proceed  to  Ferrol,  and,  reinforced 
by  the  squadron  lying  at  that  place,  re]iair  to  Cadiz,  there  to  be 
joined  by  the  division  furnished  by  Spain,  and  then  proceed 
onwards  to  Otranto,  embark  the  troops  collected  at  that  point, 
and  from  thence  set  sail  for  Egypt.  This  division  at  Cadiz, 
furnished  by  Spain,  was  composed  of  six  fine  vessels  which  were 
being  prepared  in  the  greatest  haste.  Admiral  Dumanoir  had 
just  set  out  post  to  Cadiz,  in  order  to  urge  on  their  equipment. 
Bodies  of  sailors  were  proceeding  by  land  towards  this  port. 
Small  vessels,  filled  with  seamen,  were  sent  also  at  the  same 
time,  and  these  men,  when  transferred,  helped  to  complete  the 
crews  of  the  vessels  of  war. 

These  numerous  expeditions  would  inevitably  attract  the 
attention  of  England  to  all  points  at  once,  divide  her  forces, 
cause  her  infinite  confusion,  and  some  of  them  taking  advan- 
tage of  this  confusion  would  be  almost  certain  to  reach  Egypt. 
Desirous  of  availing  himself  of  the  bad  S(>ason,  which  rendered 
the  enemy's  cruising  off  Brest  both  difficult  and  interrupted, 
the  First  Consul  intended  to  make  Admiral  Gauteaume  sail 
before  spring.  His  orders  to  this  effect  were  very  precise  ;  but 
it  was  not  easy  iV>r  him  to  inspire  his  naval  commanders  with 
the  same  spirit  that  animated  the  generals  of  his  land  forces. 
Admiral  Gauteaume  had  seemed  to  him  Ijold  and  successful,  as 
it  was  he  who  had  brought  him  almost  miraculously  from  Alex- 
andria to  Frejus.  I^ut  in  this  opinion  he  was  mistaken.  This 
officer,  an  experienced  seaman,  perfectly  acquainted  with  the 
navigation  of  the  Levant,  of  undaunted  lira\-ery.  was.  ni'ver- 
theless,  of  irresolute  character,  and  inca])al)le  of  sustaining 
the  burden  of  a  heavy  rt^s]ionsibility.  The  ex]it^(lition  was  ready 
for  sea  :  several  families  of  workmen  were  embarked,  under  the 


484  HISTORY  OF  THE  mak.  1801 

impression  instilled  into  them,  that  they  were  bound  to  St. 
Domingo,  but  still  they  hesitated  to  put  to  sea.  Savary,  armed 
with  the  orders  of  the  First  Consvil,  overcame  all  the  obstacles 
which  presented  themselves,  and  compelled  Gauteaume  to  set 
sail.  The  enemy's  cruisers  descried  them,  and  made  signals  to 
the  blockading  squadron  that  the  French  fleet  was  leaving  the 
port,  so  that  Gauteaume  was  under  the  necessity  of  returning 
to  the  anchorage  in  the  outer  road  of  Bertheaume.  He  then 
feigned  to  re-enter  the  inner  roads,  in  order  to  induce  the 
English  to  believe  that  his  only  object  was  to  exercise  his  crews 
by  performing  these  evolutions. 

At  last,  on  the  23rd  of  January  (3rd  Pluviose),  the  enemy's 
cruisers  being  dispersed  by  a  dreadful  gale  of  wind,  he  set  sail, 
and,  in  spite  of  the  greatest  dangers,  happily  succeeded  in  getting 
out  of  the  port  of  Brest,  and  proceeded  towards  the  Straits  of 
Gibraltar.  The  success  of  Gauteaume's  enterprise  was  the  more 
desirable,  as  the  famous  expedition  consisting  of  15,000  or 
18,000  English,  destined  one  day  for  Ferrol,  and  another  day 
for  Cadiz,  or  it  might  be  the  South  of  France,  was  at  that 
moment  on  its  way  to  Egypt.  It  was  lying  in  the  road  of 
Maori,  opposite  the  island  of  Rhodes,  waiting  the  season  for 
landing,  and  the  completion  of  the  preparations  of  the  Turks. 

Orders  were  issued  to  the  journals  of  the  capital  to  make  no 
mention  of  the  naval  movements  which  might  be  remarked  in 
the  ports  of  France,  unless  the  intelligence  was  derived  from 
the  Moniteur.''' 

Before  we  trace  the  operations  of  our  squadrons  in  the  South, 
we  must  revert  to  the  North,  and  see  what  was  passing  between 
England  and  the  neutral  powers. 

Great  Britain  was,  at  this  moment,  menaced  by  an  accumu- 
lation of  the  greatest  dangers.  War  had  at  length  broken  out 
between  that  government  and  the  Baltic  powers.  The  declara- 
tion of  the  neutrals,  similar  to  that  issued  in  1780,  being  only 
a  simple  declaration  of  their  rights,  England  might  still  have 
dissembled  with  them  without  construing  this  declaration,  which 
was  directed  in  a  general  manner  to  all  the  belligerent  parties, 
as  addressed  especially  to  herself,  and  might  have  endeavoured, 
for  the  moment,  to  avoid  any  collision,  by  taking  care  to  respect 
the  Danish,  Swedish,  Prussian,  and  Russian  flags.  England 
had,  in  fact,  much  greater  interest  in  maintaining  peace  with  the 

*  The  following  is  a  curious  letter  on  this  subject : — 

"  The  First  Consul  to  the  Minister  of  General  Police. 

"  Have  the  goodness,  Citizen  Minister,  to  address  a  short  circular  to  the 
editors  of  the  fourteen  journals,  forbidding  the  insertion  of  any  article  cal- 
culated to  afford  the  enemy  the  slightest  clue  to  the  different  movements 
which  are  taking  place  in  our  squadrons,  unless  the  intelligence  be  derived 
from  the  official  journal. 

"Paris,  1st  Ventose,  year  IX." — State  Paper  Office. 


MAK.  1 80 1       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  485 

northern  powers  of  Europe,  than  in  harassing  the  commerce  of 
the  smaller  maritime  powers  trading  with  France.  Moreover,  her 
immediate  want  of  foreign  corn  rendered  even  the  freedom  of 
the  neutrals  temporarily  expedient.  Strictly  considered,  she  was 
only  justified  in  making  reprisals  against  Kussia ;  inasmuch,  as 
amongst  all  the  members  of  the  neutral  league,  the  Emperor  Paul 
was  the  only  one  who  had  added  to  the  declaration,  the  hostile 
act  of  an  embargo  on  her  vessels.  Besides,  the  question  of  Malta 
was  much  more  the  motive  of  this  measure,  than  were  any  of  the 
contested  points  concerning  maritime  rights. 

But  England,  in  her  pride,  had  met  a  simple  exposition  of 
principles  by  an  act  of  violence,  and  had  placed  under  embargo 
all  the  Russian,  Swedish,  and  Danish  vessels.  She  had  only 
excepted  from  these  rigorous  proceedings  the  commerce  of 
Prussia,  towards  which  power  she  showed  more  moderation,  in 
the  hopes  of  detaching  her  from  the  confederacy,  and  moreover, 
because  Hanover  was  at  her  mercy. 

England,  then,  was  actually  at  war  at  the  same  time  with 
France  and  Spain,  her  ancient  enemies,  and  with  the  courts  of 
Russia,  Sweden,  and  Prussia,  her  ancient  allies ;  she  had  been 
abandoned  by  Austria  since  the  peace  of  Luneville,  and  by  the 
court  of  Naples  since  the  treaty  of  Florence.  Portugal,  her  last 
foothold  on  the  continent,  was  about  to  be  wrested  from  her. 
Her  situation  was  precisely  similar  to  that  in  which  France  was 
placed  in  1793.  She  was  reduced  to  struggle  alone  against  all 
Europe,  exposed,  however,  it  is  true,  to  fewer  dangers  than 
France,  and  entitled  to  less  merit  for  being  able  to  defend  her- 
self, inasmuch  as  her  insular  position  protected  her  from  the 
peril  of  an  invasion.  But  to  render  the  parallel  of  their  respec- 
tive positions  more  remarkable  and  complete,  England  was  a 
prey  to  a  frightful  famine.  Tlie  ]ieople  were  in  want  of  food  of 
primary  necessity.  This  state  of  things  was  entirely  brought 
about  by  the  obstinacy  of  !Mr.  Pitt,  and  by  the  genius  of  General 
Bonaparte.  Mr.  Pitt  having  refused  to  treat  before  ^Marengo, 
and  General  Bonaparte  having  disarmed  one  portion  of  Europe 
by  his  victories,  and  turned  tJie  other  against  England  by  means 
of  his  policy,  were  both  incontestably  the  authors  of  this  pro- 
digious change  of  fortune. 

The  position  of  England  was  nnf|iiestionably  most  alarming. 
and  we  must  acknowlt'dg(>  that  at  tliis  critical  juncture  she  did 
not  give  way  to  despondcMicy.  'J'hc  liarvest  of  tlic  ])receding 
year  liaving  Ijeen  less  by  onc-iliird  tlian  an  average'  cv(^\^.  all  the 
]ir(>ceding  stock  on  liaiul  had  bctMi  consiinied.  Tlw  harvest  of 
the  year  1800  having  auain  been  di'liricnt  l>y  oni'-fourth.  the 
present  scarcity  had  followed.  This  scarcity  was  doubly  aggra- 
vated by  the  general  war,  and  es])eeially  by  the  war  with  tiu^ 
maritime  powers,  since  the  su]i]ilies  ot"  grain  were  usually  derived 


486  HISTORY  OF  THE  mar.  i8oi 

from  the  Baltic.  If,  therefore,  the  bad  harvest  was  the  primary 
cause  of  the  famine,  it  is  true  that  the  war  greatly  tended  to 
aggravate  the  calamity.  Had  it  only  raised  the  price  of  grain, 
by  interposing  impediments  in  the  way  of  the  Baltic  trade,  even 
then  its  influence  upon  the  general  distress  must  have  been  truly 
disastrous.  The  revenue  presented  this  year  the  most  alarming 
deficit.  The  income  tax,  customs,  and  excise  gave  apprehensions 
that  there  would  be  a  deficiency  in  the  revenue  of  ;^ 3,000,000 
to  ;^4,0O0,OOO  sterling.  The  expenditure  of  the  year  was  enor- 
mous. To  meet  this  it  became  necessary  to  borrow ;^ 2 5, 000,000 
to  ^26,000,000  sterling.  The  total  expenses  of  the  year  for  the 
three  kingdoms  (Ireland  having  just  become  united  by  the  Act 
of  Union),  including  the  interest  of  the  debt  created  by  Mr.  Pitt, 
were  estimated  at  ;^69,000,000  sterling,  an  enormous  amount  at 
any  time,  but  the  more  so  in  1 800,  as  at  that  period  the  revenue 
had  not  been  augmented  to  that  considerable  amount  to  which  a 
subsequent  interval  of  forty  years  has  raised  it  in  England  and  in 
all  the  countries  of  Europe.  France,  as  we  have  stated,  had  only 
to  support  a  burden  of  600,000,000  f.  (;^24,ooo,COO  sterling). 
The  exact  total  of  the  English  debt  was,  as  usually,  stoutly  dis- 
puted ;  but,  in  taking  only  the  statement  of  the  government,* 
it  amounted  in  capital  to  ^^484,365,474  sterling.  To  meet  the 
interest  of  the  debt  and  the  Sinking  Fund  there  was  required 
annually  a  sum  of  ;^20, 144,000  sterling,  without  taking  into 
account  the  debt  of  Ireland,  or  the  loans  guaranteed  to  the 
Emperor  of  Germany.  Mr.  Pitt  was  accused  of  having  increased 
the  debt  on  account  of  the  war  of  the  Revolution  more  than 
;^3O0,00O,OOO  sterling.  On  the  showing  of  the  government  the 
increase  was  ;^  298,000,000. 

But  we  must  say  that  England  presented  a  most  surprising 
improvement  in  every  branch,  and  that  her  riches  had  aug- 
mented in  the  same  proportion  as  her  burdens.  Besides  the 
conquest  of  India,  consummated  by  the  destruction  of  Tippoo 
Saib ;  besides  the  conquest  of  a  portion  of  the  French,  Spanish, 
and  Dutch  colonies,  to  which  was  just  added  the  acquisition  of 
the  island  of  Malta,  England  had  monopolised  the  commerce  of 
the  whole  world.  According  to  the  official  returns,  the  imports, 
which  had  been  in  1781,  towards  the  close  of  the  American 
war,  ;^i 2,724,000  sterling,  and  which,  in  1792,  at  the  breaking 
out  of  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  were  ;^i 9,659,000  sterling, 
increased,  in  1799,  to  ^29,945,000.  The  exports  of  English 
manufactured  goods,  which,  in  1781,  were  ;^7, 633.000,  in  1792 
were  ^24,905,000,  and  rose,  in  1799,  to  ;^33, 991,000.  Thus 
her  foreign  trade  had  tripled  since  the  termination  of  the 
American  war,  and  had  nearly  doubled  since  the  war  of  the 

*  These  amounts  are  taken  from  the  budget  presented  to  Parliament  in 
June  1 801,  by  Mr.  Addington,  successor  to  Mr.  Pitt. 


MAK.  1801       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  487 

Revolution.  In  1788,  the  English  trade  employed  13,827 
vessels,  and  107,925  seamen;  it  now,  in  1801,  employed 
18,877  vessels,  and  143,661  seamen.  The  excise  and  customs 
had  risen  from  ;^7,320,000  to  i;  15,587,000.  The  Sinking 
Fund,  which  was,  in  1784,  ;^  1,000,000,  had  also  increased,  in 
1800,  to  ;i^5, 500,000. 

The  resources  of  the  British  empire  had,  then,  all  doubled 
or  trebled -during  the  preceding  twenty  years;  and,  if  the 
pressure  at  the  moment  was  great,  there  existed  enormous 
wealth  to  meet  it.  England,  it  is  true,  was  encumbered  by  a 
debt  of  more  than  ;i^48o,000,000,  with  an  annual  charge  of 
;^20, 000,000,  to  meet  the  accruing  interest ;  she  had  to  meet, 
this  year,  an  expenditure  of  ^68,000,000,  and  to  raise,  by  loan, 
;^  24,000,000,  to  meet  her  exigencies.  All  this  was  enormous, 
no  doubt,  if  we,  moreover,  consider  the  value  of  money  at  the 
time ;  but  England  possessed  resources  within  herself,  pro- 
portionate to  these  demands.  Although  not  a  continental 
power,  she  had  an  army  of  193,000  regular  troops,  109,000 
militia  and  fencibles,  making  a  total  of  302,000  men.  She 
possessed  814  vessels  of  war,  of  all  sizes,  either  in  course  of 
building  or  repairing,  advance  ships,  or  in  commission  at  sea. 
In  this  number  were  included  100  ships  of  the  line,  and  200 
frigates,  under  sail,  in  all  quarters  of  the  world  :  twenty  ships 
of  the  line,  and  forty  frigates  in  reserve,  ready  for  sea.  Her 
effective  force  then  could  not  be  estimated  at  less  than  120 
line -of- battle  ships,  and  250  frigates,  manned  by  120,000 
seamen.  In  addition  to  this  stupendous  force,  England  pos- 
sessed a  number  of  naval  officers  of  great  merit,  and,  at  their 
head,  a  renowned  seaman  in  the  person  of  Nelson.  He  was  an 
eccentric,  violent  man,  not  fit  to  be  entrusted  with  authority,  in 
cases  where  diplomatic  services  were  combined  with  his  duties 
as  a  naval  commander  ;  and  he  had  but  recently  given  a  proof 
of  this  at  Naples,  by  allowing  his  name  to  be  tarnished  by  the 
intrigues  of  women,  during  the  bloody  executions  ordered  by 
the  Neapolitan  government ;  but  in  the  midst  of  danger  he 
was  a  hero  ;  and  he  displayed  as  much  genius  as  courage  :  bis 
country  was  justly  proud  of  his  glory. 

England  and  France  have  filled  the  ]ireseut  age  with  tlie 
fame  of  their  formidable  rival  exploits.  'J'he  period  at  which 
we  have  now  arrived  in  this  recital  is  one  of  the  most  remark- 
able during:  the  strunffjle  which  thev  maintained  at^ainst  each 
other.  They  both  had  waged  war  during  eiglit  years.  France, 
with  financial  resources  far  less  vast,  but  perha]is  more  solid, 
inasmuch  as  they  were  founded  u])on  a  territorial  revenue, 
with  a  population  nearly  double,  with  all  the  entliusiasm  which 
a  good  cause  inspires,  had  successfully  resi>te(l  all  Europe, 
had  extended  her  territory  to  the  Kliine  and  to  the  Al]is.  had 


488  HISTORY  OF  THE  mar.  i8oi 

acquired  the  dominion  over  Italy,  and  a  decisive  influence  on 
the  continent.  England,  with  the  profits  arising  from  the 
commerce  of  the  whole  world,  with  a  powerful  navy,  had 
acquired  a  preponderance  on  the  ocean  equal  to  that  which 
France  had  acquired  on  land.  England,  by  subsidising  the 
European  powers,  had  incited  them  against  her  rival,  had 
urged  them  to  fight,  even  to  their  destruction.  But  whilst 
she  exposed  them  to  be  crushed  in  her  service,  at  the  same 
time  she  seized  upon  the  colonies  of  all  nations,  oppressed  the 
powers  which  remained  neutral,  taking  revenge,  for  the  success 
of  France  on  land,  by  an  oppressive  tyranny  on  the  ocean ;  and, 
although  victorious  upon  this  element,  she  could  not  prevent 
France  from  creating  a  magnificent  maritime  station  in  Egypt, 
threatening  even  the  British  dominions  in  the  East  Indies. 

A  strange  revulsion  of  public  opinion,  as  we  have  said 
elsewhere,  resulted  from  this  concatenation  of  events.  France, 
admirably  governed,  appeared,  in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  humane, 
wise,  tranquil,  evincing  moderation  in  her  victories — a  combi- 
nation of  meritorious  qualities  as  rare  as  they  are  admirable. 
Whilst  the  various  cabinets  were  becoming  reconciled  to  her, 
they  perceived  at  once  how  they  had  all,  till  then,  been  the 
dupes  of  England's  policy.  Austria  had  been  urged  on  to 
fight  for  the  cause  of  England,  as  if  she  were  struggling  for 
her  own  existence.  For  this  same  England  the  Germanic 
empire  had  been  dismembered.  The  powers  of  the  North,  with 
Russia  at  their  head,  discovered,  at  length,  that  under  pretext 
of  prosecuting  a  moral  purpose,  and  contending  against  the 
French  Revolution,  they  had  only  contributed  to  procure  for 
Enefland  the  commerce  of  the  whole  universe.  Thus  the  whole 
world  at  this  moment  turned  against  the  mistress  of  the  seas. 
Paul  I.  had  given  the  signal  with  the  accustomed  impetuosity  of 
his  character.  Sweden  imitated  his  example  without  hesitation. 
Denmark  and  Prussia  followed  in  the  same  steps,  although  with 
a  less  degree  of  resolution.  Austria  conquered,  and  now  re- 
covered from  her  delusions,  digested  her  spleen  in  silence,  and, 
for  the  moment,  at  least,  gave  signs  of  resisting,  for  a  long- 
period  to  come,  the  baneful  influence  of  the  British  subsidies. 

England  reaped  the  fruits  of  the  policy  she  had  pursued ; 
she  had  doubled  her  colonies,  her  commerce,  her  revenue,  her 
navy ;  but  she  had  also  doubled  her  debt,  her  expenditure,  her 
burdens,  her  enemies,  and  she  presented  a  spectacle  of  immense 
wealth,  with  all  the  frightful  misery  attending  a  people  dying 
from  hunger.  France,  Spain,  Russia,  Prussia,  Denmark, 
and  Sweden  were  leagued  against  her.  France,  Spain,  and 
Holland  united  possessed  eighty  ships,  fully  equipped,  and  were 
capable  of  arming  a  greater  number.  Sweden  had  twenty- 
eight,    Russia   thirty-five,    Denmark    twenty-three,    making   a 


MAR.  1 80 1       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  489 

total  together  of  166  ships  of  the  line — a  force  superior  to 
that  of  the  British  navy.  But  England,  on  her  side,  enjoyed 
one  great  advantage,  in  having  to  contend  with  a  coalition ; 
moreover,  her  armaments  surpassed,  in  effectiveness,  those  of 
the  coalition.  The  French  and  Danish  vessels  were  the  only 
ones  which  could  cope  with  theirs ;  and  these  found  it  difficult, 
when  lighting  in  large  squadrons,  as  the  manoeuvres  of  the 
English  navy  excelled  all  others  in  the  world.  Nevertheless, 
the  danger  was  becoming  imminent,  for,  if  the  struggle  were 
prolonged.  General  Bonaparte  was  capable  of  undertaking 
some  formidable  expedition,  and,  if  he  succeeded  in  crossing 
the  English  channel  with  an  invading  army,  England  was  lost. 

The  long-continued  good  fortune  of  Mr.  Pitt,  like  that  of 
M.  de  Thugut,  was  now  on  the  wane,  before  the  rising  star  of 
young  General  Bonaparte.  Mr.  Pitt  had  enjoyed  the  most 
brilliant  destiny  of  his  time,  after  that  of  the  Great  Frederick  ; 
he  was  only  forty-three  years  of  age,  and  had  already  held  the 
reins  of  power  during  seventeen  years,  a  power  almost  absolute 
in  a  free  country.  But  his  fortune  was  declining  with  years, 
and  that  of  General  Bonaparte,  on  the  contraiy,  was  rising — it 
was  just  dawning.  The  fortunes  of  men  succeed  each  other  in 
the  history  of  the  world,  like  beings  in  the  universe  :  they  have 
their  youth,  their  decrepitude,  and  their  death.  The  incom- 
parably more  brilliant  fortune  of  General  Bonaparte  was  also 
destined  one  day  to  decline,  but  meanwhile  it  was  reserved  for 
it  to  witness  the  fall  of  the  greatest  statesman  England  ever 
had,  sinking  beneath  its  bright  ascendant. 

Great  Britain  seemed  menaced  by  a  sort  of  internal  convul- 
sion. The  people,  suffering  from  a  frightful  scarcity,  were 
rising  in  different  parts  of  the  kingdom,  pillaging  the  magnifi- 
cent country  seats  of  the  English  aristocracy,  and  in  the  cities, 
plundering  the  bakers'  shops  and  the  provision  warehouses. 
There  were  in  London  in  i8or,  as  in  Paris  in  1792,  misguided 
friends  of  the  people,  wlio  incited  ]:)roceedings  against  the 
alleged  engrossers,  and,  in  fact,  insisted  u])on  a  measure  which 
differed  only  in  name  from  a  maximum  in  the  ]irice  of  bread. 
Nevertheless,  neitlier  the  govei-innent  nor  tlic  parliament 
appeared  in  the  least  degree  disposed  to  yield  to  these  sense- 
less demands.  The  masses  re]-)roached  ^Ir.  Pitt  with  bring  the 
cause  of  all  their  present  distresses,  they  alleged  it  was  he, 
who,  by  loading  the  countiy  with  taxes,  by  doubling  the  debt, 
had  raised  the  prices  of  articles  of  primary  necessity  to  an 
exorbitant  degree ;  thai  it  was  he.  who.  in  jiefsi^ting  in  ])ro- 
secuting  a  mad  war.  in  refusing  I0  treat  with  l"raiiC(\  had 
ended  by  turning  all  the  maritime  nations  against  I'lngland. 
and  by  depriving  the  l']nglisli  ])eo]>le  of  a  su])])ly  of  fonMgn 
grain  from  the  Baltic,  now  become  indis]iensal)le.    The  o]i]xisition, 


490  HISTORY  OF  THE  mar.  i8oi 

seeing  for  the  first  time  for  seventeen  years  Mr.  Pitt's  power 
shaken,  redoubled  their  energy.  Mr.  Fox,  who  had  so  long 
absented  himself  from  Parliament,  again  resumed  his  seat. 
Sheridan,  Tierney,  Lords  Grey  and  Holland,  renewed  their 
attacks,  and  (that  which  rarely  happens  in  excited  parties  of 
an  opposition)  on  this  occasion,  when  contending  with  their 
political  adversaries,  they  had  right  on  their  side.  Mr.  Pitt, 
in  spite  of  his  accustomed  self-possession,  had  little  in  fact  to 
urge  in  reply,  when  the  question  was  asked,  why  he  had  not 
treated  with  France  when  the  First  Consul  proposed  peace 
before  the  battle  of  Marengo  ?  Why,  and  that  recently  before 
Hohenlinden,  why  had  he  not  consented,  if  not  to  a  naval 
armistice  which  might  have  given  the  French  a  chance  of 
maintaining  themselves  in  Egypt,  at  least  to  the  separate 
negotiation  which  they  had  proposed  ?  Why  had  he  so  un- 
towardly  let  slip  the  opportunity  of  securing  the  evacuation 
of  Egypt,  by  refusing  to  ratify  the  convention  of  El  Arisch  ? 
Why  had  he  not  temporised  with  the  neutral  powers  in  order 
to  gain  time  with  them  ?  Why  had  he  not  imitated  Lord 
North,  who,  in  1780,  avoided  answering  a  manifesto  of  mari- 
time powers,  by  a  declaration  of  war?  Why  had  he  thus 
drawn  all  Europe  in  array  against  England  on  account  of 
doubtful  questions  of  the  law  of  nations  upon  which  all 
countries  entertained  conflicting  opinions,  and  which  at  the 
moment  did  not  materially  affect  the  interests  of  England  ? 
Why,  with  the  view  of  preventing  France  from  obtaining  for 
her  dockyards,  timber,  iron,  and  hemp,  which  were  not  suf- 
ficient to  recruit  its  navy,  why  had  he  exposed  England  to 
be  wholly  deprived  of  foreign  corn  ?  Why,  in  short,  had 
an  English  army  been  uselessly  transported  from  Mahon  to 
Ferrol,  and  from  Ferrol  to  Cadiz,  without  any  practical  result  ? 
The  opposition,  contrasting  the  management  of  the  affairs  of 
England  with  that  of  the  affairs  of  France,  inquired  of  Mr. 
Pitt,  with  bitter  irony,  what  he  had  to  say  of  this  young 
Bonaparte,  of  this  rash  youth,  who,  according  to  the  ministerial 
language,  was  only  doomed  to  enjoy  a  brief  existence  like  his 
predecessors,  so  ephemeral  that  it  did  not  entitle  him  to  be 
treated  with  ? 

Mr.  Pitt  had  great  difficulty  in  maintaining  his  ground 
against  Fox,  Sheridan,  and  Tierney,  Lords  Grey  and  Holland, 
when  in  the  face  of  all  England  he  was  pressed  by  these 
urgent  questions,  but  became  alarmed  at  the  number  of  his 
enemies,  and  disconcerted  at  the  clamour  of  a  famished  people, 
in  vain  demanding  bread. 

Mr.  Pitt  made  but  a  feeble  defence  to  all  these  reproaches. 
He  constantly  repeated  his  favourite  argument,  that  if  he  had 
not  made  war,  the  English  constitution  would  have  perished ; 


MAR,  1 80 1       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  491 

and  he  cited  as  examples,  Venice,  Naples,  Piedmont,  Switzer- 
land, Holland,  and  the  ecclesiastical  States  of  Germany,  as  if  it 
could  be  believed  that  what  had  occurred  to  some  third-rate 
Italian  or  German  powers  must  necessarily  have  happened  to 
powerful  England,  and  to  her  liberal  constitution.  He  replied, 
and  on  this  occasion  with  more  truth,  that  if  France  had 
greatly  increased  her  territory  by  land,  England  had  equally 
augmented  her  power  by  sea ;  that  her  na\y  was  crowned  with 
glory,  that  if  her  debts  and  her  taxes  had  doubled,  her  riches 
had  also  doubled,  and  that  all  circumstances  considered,  England 
was  more  powerful  at  that  moment  than  before  the  war.  All 
this  could  not  be  disputed.  Mr.  Pitt  added,  moreover,  that  as 
the  First  Consul  appeared  to  be  more  permanently  established 
in  authority,  they  were  about  to  treat  with  him.  But  on  the 
question  of  neutral  rights  he  remained  inflexible.  "  If  England," 
said  he,  "  subscribed  to  the  doctrines  laid  down  by  the  neutral 
powers,  a  small  armed  sloop  would  suffice  to  convoy  the  trade 
of  the  whole  world.  England  would  be  precluded  from  taking 
any  steps  against  the  trade  of  her  enemies,  and  she  could  no 
longer  prevent  Spain  from  receiving  the  precious  metals  of  the 
New  World,  nor  France  from  obtaining  the  naval  munitions 
of  war  supplied  by  the  North.  We  must,"  he  exclaimed, 
"  envelop  ourselves  in  our  own  flag,  and  proudly  find  our  grave 
in  the  deep,  rather  than  admit  the  validity  of  such  principles 
in  the  maritime  code  of  nations." 

Two  sessions  of  Parliament  succeeded  each  other  without  any 
interval  of  repose.  In  November  1800.  the  last  meeting  took 
place  of  what  was  called  the  Parliament  of  England  and  Scot- 
land:  in  Januaiy  1801.  the  united  Parliament  of  the  three 
kingdoms  assembled  for  the  first  time  in  virtue  of  the  act  which 
united  Ireland  with  Great  Britain.  During  these  two  sessions 
the  most  vehement  discussions  had  been  carried  on  without 
intermission.  ]\Ir.  Pitt  was  visibly  weakened,  not  as  respected 
his  numerical  majority  in  the  Parliament,  but  as  regarded  his 
popular  influence,  and  moral  power  out  of  doors.  Every  one 
felt  that  in  persisting  in  making  war  against  l-'raiicc.  he  had 
overshot  the  mark,  and  had  missed,  on  the  eve  ol"  ^larcMigo  as 
on  that  of  Ilohenlinden,  the  favourable  opjiortunity  of  treating 
advantageously.  To  miss  an  opportnnity  is  for  a  statesman,  as 
well  as  for  a  military  man,  an  in-eparable  misfortune.  Tiie 
moment  for  making  peace  once  past,  fortune  turned  against 
Mr.  Pitt.  He  felt  himself,  and  ihe  peo])le  ]x^rceived  that  lie 
was  vanf|uished  by  tlie  talents  of  ynmig  CiencM-al  I^onajiarte. 

We  must,  however,  do  him.  and  also  England,  the  justice  to 
acknowledge,  that  the  measures  ado])ted  during  this  frightful 
scarcitv  were  marked  by  great  mod(M'ation.  The  ]")ro])osal  of  a 
maxiiniim  was  rejected.      Thev  went   no   t'lirther  tlinn  to  crant 


492  HISTORY  OF  THE  mab.  i8oi 

considerable  bounties  upon  the  importation  of  corn,  to  prohibit 
the  use  of  grain  in  the  distilleries,  and  to  discontinue  all  paro- 
chial relief  in  money,  lest  it  might  raise  the  price  of  bread, 
affording,  however,  that  relief  in  food,  such  as  salted  provisions, 
vegetables,  &c.  A  royal  proclamation  was  addressed  to  all 
classes  in  easy  circumstances,  and  who  had  it  in  their  power  to 
vary  their  diet,  urging  them  to  use  the  utmost  economy  in  the 
consumption  of  bread  in  their  respective  families.  In  addition 
to  this  they  despatched  numerous  fleets  to  obtain  rice  in  the 
East  Indies,  corn  in  America,  and  in  the  Mediterranean.  They 
even  endeavoured  to  procure  it  from  France,  by  a  contraband 
trade  on  the  coast  of  Brittany  and  La  Vendee. 

Nevertheless,  in  the  midst  of  this  distress,  which  was  borne 
with  great  fortitude,  Mr.  Pitt  did  not  neglect  the  prosecution  of 
the  war,  and  he  had  made  every  arrangement  for  a  bold  expedi- 
tion into  the  Baltic  as  soon  asthe  season  would  permit.  He  was 
desirous  to  aim  a  blow  first  at  Denmark  and  then  at  Sweden, 
and  proceed  even  to  the  extremity  of  the  Gulf  of  Finland,  with 
a  view  of  menacing  Eussia.  But  it  is  not  known  even  in  his 
own  country  whether  he  seriously  wished  to  continue  at  the 
head  of  affairs  in  England.  Two  questions  were  constantly 
agitated  by  him  in  the  cabinet,  one  of  which,  most  inopportune 
at  such  a  moment,  led  to  his  retirement.  It  has  been  seen,  that 
after  strenuous  exertions  made  in  the  preceding  year,  he  had 
obtained  what  is  called  the  Act  of  Union  with  Ireland,  that 
is  to  say,  the  union  of  the  Parliaments  of  England,  Scotland, 
and  Ireland  into  one  imperial  legislature.  This  measure  had 
appeared  like  a  sort  of  party  victory,  especially  in  the  face 
of  the  reiterated  attempts  of  the  French  Pepublic  to  stir  up 
an  insurrection  in  Ireland.  But  they  had  only  succeeded  in 
stripping  Ireland  of  her  independence,  by  giving  the  Catholics 
a  formal  pledge  that  emancipation  should  be  granted  to  them. 
The  Catholics  were  told,  that  they  never  would  obtain  their 
enfranchisement,  from  the  prejudices  of  the  Irish  Parliament, 
which  was  undoubtedly  true  ;  but  it  appears  that  promises  were 
actually  made,  amounting  to  a  positive  pledge,  which  must  be 
considered  as  a  serious  political  error,  if  it  be  true,  that  Mr. 
Pitt  was  bound,  by  the  tenor  of  these  engagements,  to  grant 
emancipation,  or  to  retire.  It  was  a  ]iledge  at  that  time  im- 
possible of  performance.  Be  this  as  it  may,  in  the  month  of 
February  i8oi,  at  the  opening  of  the  first  united  Parliament, 
Mr.  Pitt  asked  the  consent  of  George  III.  to  an  emancipation 
bill.  The  king,  a  staunch  Protestant,  conceived  this  to  be  an 
infringement  of  his  coronation  oath,  and  obstinately  refused  it. 
Mr.  Pitt  made  another  request,  which  was  a  most  reasonable 
one :  namely,  not  to  consider  the  occupation  of  Hanover  by 
Prussia  as  an  act  of  hostility,  but  to  keep  on  terms  with  that 


MAR.  1 80 1       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  493 

power,  in  order  to  preserve  at  least  one  friendly  relation  on  the 
continent.  The  sacrifice  was  too  great  for  a  prince  of  the  house 
of  Hanover.  The  dispute  between  the  king  and  the  minister 
grew  warm,  and  on  the  8th  of  February  1 801,  Mr.  Pitt,  together 
with  the  majority  of  his  colleagues,  Messrs.  Dundas  and  Wind- 
ham, Lord  Grenville,  and  others,  tendered  their  resignation. 
This  resignation,  after  an  administration  of  seventeen  years, 
under  circumstances  so  extraordinary,  caused  the  greatest  sen- 
sation. The  people  could  not  view  it  as  arising  out  of  natural 
circumstances,  but  ascribed  secret  motives  to  Mr.  Pitt ;  and  an 
opinion  at  that  time  took  possession  of  the  public  mind,  which 
historians  have  zealously  perpetuated  ever  since,  that  Mr.  Pitt, 
perceiving  the  necessity  of  a  temporary  peace,  consented  to 
stand  aloof  during  a  few  months,  in  order  to  allow  this  peace 
to  be  brought  about  by  others,  rather  than  by  himself,  and  then 
afterwards  to  return  to  the  helm  of  affairs,  when  the  political 
exigency  of  the  moment  should  have  been  provided  for.  Such 
are  the  motives  which  the  multitude  generally  ascribe  to  public 
men,  and  which  ill-informed  writers  repeat  as  they  have  heard 
them.  Mr.  Pitt  neither  foresaw  the  peace  of  Amiens,  nor  its 
short  duration,*  nor  did  he  conceive,  moreover,  that  peace  was 
incompatible  with  his  continuance  in  the  ministry,  as  he  had 
consented  to  the  famed  negotiations  at  Lille  in  1797,  and  even 
recently  he  had  selected  Mr.  Thomas  Grenville  to  represent 
England  at  Luneville.  But  Mr.  Pitt  had  gone  to  great  lengths 
with  the  Catholics ;  he  had  committed  a  blunder,  of  which 
public  men  are  often  guilty,  that  of  sacrificing  the  interest  of 
the  future,  to  secure  the  advantages  of  the  moment.  Having 
promised  too  much,  he  felt  all  the  embarrassment  of  not  fulfill- 
ing those  promises,  and  that  in  a  critical  state  of  parties,  when 
a  small  accession  of  strength  to  his  adversaries  would  suffice 
to  overwhelm  him.  It  is  true  thai  subsequently,  he  denied 
positively  that  he  had  ever  given  any  distinct  pledge  respecting 
Catholic  emancipation,  and  this  denial  was  indeed  wanting  to 
defend  him  from  such  a  charge  of  iui])rudt'nce.  Whatever 
opinion  may  be  entertained  on  this  ])oint,  there  never  was  a 
period  when  the  dangers  of  any  country  justified  to  the  same 
degree,  or  even  required,  the  ])ost]K)nenient  of  solemn  engage- 
ments, for  in  1 801,  I'higland  was  a  l)rey  to  a  famine  within, 
while  abroad  she  was  at  war  with  tiie  whole  of  iMirojie.  Never- 
theless, jNIr.  Pitt  withdi'ew  from  office,  and  his  retitH'Uient  can 
only  be  regarded  as  the  weakness  of  a  superior  mind.  It  is 
evident  that,  everywhen^  surrounded  by  fearful  embarrassments, 

*  I  am  indcblCMl  for  tlie  atxivc  details  to  several  cotpiniiorarics  of  Mr.  I'itt, 
wlio  were  on  the  most  intimate  terms  with  iiim  ;  who  were  eiitravred  in  the 
ministerial  netrotiations  of  that  jierind,  and  who  till.  e\fn  at  the  j. resent  day, 
some  of  the  hiij:lie>l  ollices  in  England. 


494  HISTORY  OF  THE  mar.  1801 

Mr.  Pitt  was  not  sorry  to  be  relieved  from  his  situation,  under 
the  honourable  pretext  of  an  inviolable  fidelity  to  his  own 
engagements.  He  sent  in  his  resignation  to  the  great  grief  of 
the  king,  to  the  great  dissatisfaction  of  the  ministerial  party, 
and  to  the  great  apprehension  of  all  England,  which  viewed 
with  alarming  anxiety  a  set  of  new  and  inexperienced  men 
seize  the  helm  of  affairs  at  this  critical  juncture.  Mr.  Pitt 
caused  himself  to  be  succeeded  by  Mr.  Addington,  who  was  his 
creature,  and  had  for  many  years  past  held  the  speakership  of 
the  House  of  Commons.  Lord  Hawkesbury,  afterwards  Lord 
Liverpool,  succeeded  Mr.  Grenville  at  the  foreign  office.  They 
were  moderate,  prudent  men,  but  of  second-rate  ability,  both 
friends  of  Mr.  Pitt,  and  for  some  time  followed  his  advice.  This 
it  was  which  contributed,  more  than  any  other  cause,  to  give 
currency  to  the  report  that  the  retirement  of  Mr.  Pitt  was 
ostensible  rather  than  real. 

The  feeble  intellect  of  George  III.  was  unequal  to  bear  the 
violence  of  the  political  crisis.  He  was  seized  with  a  fresh 
attack  of  insanity,  and  during  a  month  was  incapable  of  fulfilling 
the  functions  of  royalty.  Mr.  Pitt  had  sent  in  his  resignation. 
Mr.  Addington  and  Lord  Hawkesbury  were  the  ministers  ap- 
pointed to  succeed  him,  but  had  not  yet  received  the  seals  of 
office.  Mr.  Pitt,  although  he  had  ceased  to  be  minister,  was 
still,  in  fact,  King  of  England,  during  this  crisis  of  nearly  a 
month's  duration,  and  was  so  by  the  consent  of  the  whole 
nation.  Explanations  took  place  upon  the  subject  in  the  House 
of  Commons.  They  were  of  a  very  delicate  nature ;  they  were 
demanded  by  Mr.  Sheridan,  and  given  in  noble,  statesmanlike 
language  by  Mr.  Pitt.  The  various  motions,  usually  made  in 
the  English  Parliament,  upon  the  state  of  the  country,  were 
postponed,  and  it  perhaps  occurred  to  some  distrustful  minds 
that  Mr.  Pitt  prolonged,  without  reluctance,  the  sort  of  royal 
authority  which  he  enjoyed.  He  trusted  it  would  be  believed, 
to  use  his  own  language  at  the  time,  that  in  the  event  of  ministers 
being  no  longer  able  to  receive  the  commands  of  his  .Majesty 
from  his  own  mouth,  they  would  propose  measures  to  which  it 
was  unnecessary  to  allude  more  distinctly,  but  which  they  should 
not  delay  for  one  single  day.  They  found  themselves  placed  by 
their  duty  in  an  unprecedented  situation,  which  they  should  not 
wish,  on  any  account,  to  prolong  one  instant  more  than  strict 
necessity  required.  Mr.  Sheridan  replied  to  this,  by  expressing 
the  utmost  confidence,  that  neither  Mr.  Pitt  nor  any  other 
minister  would  ever  presume  to  take  advantage  of  the  unhappy 
condition  of  the  king's  health,  to  prolong,  for  one  moment,  a 
power  equal  to  that  of  the  sovereign  himself. 

The  most  delicate  reserve  was  observed.  The  word  which 
characterised  the  real  condition  of  the  kinsf.  that  of  madness, 


MAR.  1 80 1       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  495 

did  not  escape  the  lips  of  any  one ;  and  the  nation  waited  with 
anxiety,  but  with  perfect  composure,  the  issue  of  this  extra- 
ordinary crisis.  During  this  period,  Mr.  Pitt  induced  subsidies 
to  be  voted,  which  no  one  opposed ;  the  English  fleets  were  got 
ready  for  sea,  and  Admirals  Parker  and  Nelson  left  Yarmouth 
with  forty-seven  sail,  and  proceeded  towards  the  Baltic. 

In  the  middle  of  March,  the  king's  health  was  restored.  Mr. 
Pitt  transferred  the  reins  of  government  to  Mr.  Addington  and 
Lord  Hawkesbury.  The  new  ministers,  when  giving  explana- 
tions, as  usual,  on  assuming  office,  did  not  omit  to  state,  from 
their  seats  in  Parliament,  that  they  entertained  the  highest  sen- 
timents of  esteem  for  their  predecessors ;  that  they  considered 
the  course  of  policy  they  had  adopted  as  highly  salutary,  and 
that  it  had,  in  fact,  saved  England;  they  consequently  declared, 
that  they  should  be  guided  by  the  same  principles,  and  follow 
in  the  same  steps.  "  Why,  then,  have  you  come  into  power?  " 
asked  Messrs.  Sheridan,  Grey,  and  Fox.  "  If  you  mean  to  pur- 
sue the  same  line  of  policy  as  your  predecessors,  the  ministers 
who  have  retired  were  much  more  capable  than  yourselves  of 
carrying  on  the  affairs  of  the  kingdom." 

Impartial  men,  members  of  Parliament,  censured  Mr.  Pitt  for 
having  relinquished  the  government  of  the  nation  at  such  a 
critical  moment,  and  for  retiring  without  valid  and  sufficient 
reasons.  Even  the  opposition  was  so  far  in  the  wrong,  as  to 
reproach  him  with  retiring  at  the  expense  of  the  king's  popu- 
larity, by  giving  out,  that  the  king  refused  to  grant  emancipation, 
which  measure  was  generally  acceptable  to  the  country.  This 
reproach  was  both  unreasonable,  and  at  variance  with  true  con- 
stitutional principles.  Mr.  Pitt,  in  resigning,  was  under  the 
necessity  of  publicly  stating  the  reasons  for  his  withdrawal  from 
office  ;  and  if  the  king  did  realh'  refuse  his  sanction  to  an  eman- 
cipation bill,  Mr.  Pitt  had  a  perfect  right  to  proclaim  it.  He 
made  it  known,  however,  in  language  eniiiiontly  suitable  to  the 
occasion.  But  it  plainly  appeared,  that  this  refusal  was  rather 
a  pretext  than  a  real  motive,  and  that  Mr.  Pitt  yielded  to  a 
state  of  things  with  which  he  was  unecjual  to  contend.  The 
lustre  of  his  star  faded  before  one  that  was  now  rising,  and 
which  was  destined  to  diffuse  a  far  brighter  splendour  than  his 
own.  Although  he  afterwards  appeared  at  the  head  of  affairs, 
and  actually  died  in  office,  the  expiration  of  his  political  exist- 
ence may  be  dated  at  this  period.  Mr.  Pitt,  after  having  con- 
tinued seventeen  years  in  power,  left  his  country  loaded  at  once 
with  increased  riches  and  increased  del)t.  with  greater  burdens. 
and  with  greater  resources,  lie  was  an  acconi])lished  orator,  if 
viewed  as  an  organ  of  the  government ;  an  able  and  ])owerful 
leader,  but  witli  litth^  enlighti'ued  views  as  a  statesman.  He 
had  connnitted   gritnous   errors,  and   was   ever  warped   by  all 


496  HISTORY  OF  THE  mak.  i8oi 

the  prejudices  of  his  countrymen.  No  Englishman  ever  enter- 
tained a  more  deadly  hatred  towards  France ;  but  we  must 
guard  against  being  unjust  towards  him  on  this  account,  and 
evince  our  impartiality  by  honouring  patriotism,  even  when 
engaged  in  a  contest  with  our  own. 

Although  Mr.  Addington  and  Lord  Hawkesbury  were  not  to 
be  compared,  in  talent,  to  Mr.  Pitt,  the  impulse  had  been  given, 
and  the  vessel  of  the  State  was  borne  onwards,  for  a  time,  by 
the  momentum  imparted  to  it  by  the  fallen  minister.  The  sub- 
sidies had  been  asked  and  voted ;  the  English  fleets  were  launched 
towards  the  Baltic,  in  order  to  settle  the  question  of  the  rights 
of  neutrals ;  and  an  army,  transported  on  board  the  fleet  of 
Admiral  Keith,  was  on  its  way  to  the  East,  in  order  to  dispute 
the  possession  of  Egypt  with  the  French. 

Admiral  Parker,  an  old  experienced  officer,  whose  judgment 
could  be  relied  upon  in  critical  emergencies,  commanded  the 
Baltic  fleet.  Nelson  was  next  in  command,  ready  to  act 
whenever  battle  was  necessary;  the  latter,  in  fact,  was  only 
qualified  to  fight,  but  nature  had  endowed  him  with  a  happy 
instinct  for  wai'fare,  and  he  reasoned  ably  upon  subjects  con- 
nected with  his  profession.  He  proposed,  that  without  waiting 
for  the  second  division  of  the  English  fleet,  they  should  pass  the 
Sound,  proceed  direct  to  Copenhagen,  and  there,  by  some  act 
of  vigour,  detach  Denmark  from  the  coalition ;  then  afterwards 
repair  to  the  Baltic,  throw  themselves  into  the  midst  of  the 
combined  fleets,  prevent  their  junction,  and  thus,  from  that 
time,  dictate  terms  at  discretion.  This  plan  was  well  conceived, 
for  it  was  now  the  month  of  March,  the  northern  waters  were 
still  covered  with  ice,  and  this  alone  was  sufficient  to  prevent 
the  fleets  of  the  neutrals  from  effecting  their  junction ;  which, 
indeed.  Nelson  had  good  reason  to  fear,  as  it  must  greatly  have 
endangered  the  British  squadron. 

This  squadron,  consisting  of  seventeen  ships  of  the  line,  and 
thirty  frigates,  or  smaller  vessels,  appeared  on  the  30th  of 
March  in  the  Cattegat.  The  Cattegat  is  the  first  gulf  formed 
by  the  northern  extremity  of  Denmark,  when  it  approaches  the 
opposite  coast  of  Sweden. 

The  neutral  powers  were  proceeding  with  extreme  activity  in 
their  preparations.  The  Emperor  Paul,  animated  by  his  accus- 
tomed ardour,  had  urged  and  incited  on  Sweden,  Denmark, 
and  Prussia,  and  threatened  with  his  enmity  those  who  did  not 
manifest  the  same  zeal  as  himself.  Denmark  and  Prussia  would 
have  preferred  negotiating  in  the  first  instance  ;  but  the  menaces 
of  Paul,  and  the  stern,  but  no  ways  menacing  admonitions  of  the 
First  Consul,  accompanied  with  a  formal  promise  of  assistance 
from  France,  had  prevailed  with  these  two  cabinets.  Denmark, 
besides,  seeing  the  English  respond  to  a  simple  declaration  of 


MAR.  1 80 1       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  497 

principles  by  a  declaration  of  war,  did  not  consider  herself  at 
liberty  to  recede,  and  accordingly  took  energetic  measures  to 
repel  the  enemy.  Prussia,  perplexed  in  the  extreme  by  the 
intimidation  of  Russia  on  the  one  side,  and  France  on  the  other, 
having  ceased  any  longer  to  play  the  part  of  mediatrix,  now 
that  Paul  I.  and  the  First  Consul  were  upon  amicable  terms, 
instead  of  taking  the  lead  as  before,  was  now  reduced  to  the 
position  of  an  obsequious  follower,  and  from  that  time  could 
rely  upon  their  friendly  dispositions  alone  for  a  share  of  the 
Germanic  indemnities  advantageous  to  her  interests,  and  was 
therefore  anxious  to  please  those  powers  by  her  consistent  firm- 
ness. She  accordingly  declared  against  England,  and  replied 
to  her  overtures  by  protestations  of  fidelity  to  the  cause  of  the 
neutrals.  She  prohibited  the  English  from  entering  any  of  the 
northern  ports  situated  between  Holland  and  Denmark ;  she 
closed  the  mouths  of  the  Ems,  the  Weser,  and  the  Elbe,  and 
stationed  troops  and  raised  batteries  at  the  principal  points  of 
the  entrances  to  these  rivers.  To  crown  all,  she  marched  a 
body  of  troops,  and  took  possession  of  Hanover.  This  proceed- 
ing was  of  all  the  rest  the  most  serious  and  decisive.  The  First 
Consul  requited  it  by  the  warmest  proofs  of  his  satisfaction, 
and  by  the  most  positive  pledge  to  her  of  an  advantageous 
participation  in  the  Germanic  indemnities. 

Denmark,  on  her  part,  took  possession  of  Hamburg  and  Lu- 
beck  ;  the  small  port  of  Cuxhaven,  which  belonged  to  Hamburg, 
and  which  was  the  only  place  to  which  the  English  could  have 
access,  had  been  already  occupied  by  Prussia.  Thus,  then,  the 
English  were  left  nothing  but  the  sea  and  tlieir  vessels.  They 
had  not  a  place  where  they  could  cast  an  anchor.  They  now 
had  the  task  to  procure  by  force  a  readmittance  for  their  slii])S 
into  the  continental  ports. 

It  is  necessary,  in  order  to  reach  the  Laltic  from  the  Cattegat, 
to  pass  through  the  celebrated  straits  of  the  Sound.  These 
straits  are  formed  by  the  contiguity  of  the  coasts  of  Denmark 
and  Sweden.  Between  Elsinore  and  Hessingborg  it  is  about 
three  miles  in  width.  The  guns  placed  on  the  batteries  of  the 
two  opposite  banks  can  just  reacli  a  vessel  ]iassing  in  the 
middle  of  the  channel,  but  without  being  abl(>  to  do  much 
damage  to  a  fleet  of  shijis.  Xeverthele^js,  as  the  channel  is 
deeper  on  tlie  Swedish  side,  sliips  of  war  of  a  large  size  are 
obliged  to  approach  nearer  to  this  coast,  and  by  fortifying  it 
with  batteries  the  ]iassag('  could  have  hern  rcndtM-cd  more 
difficult  to  the  I'higlisli.  i5ut  the  Swtnlish  coast  had  at  that 
time  no  Ijattcrics.  and.  ind(HHi,  had  never  had  any  at  any 
previous  period  :  in  fact,  it  lias  no  ])()rt  wliich  iinM-chaiit  vessels 
could  be  tempted  to  fre(|uent.  'ili(M'e  is  no  otlier  ]>ort  in  the 
Sound,  except  that  of   l"]lsinore,  htdonging  to   l)eiiniark.  and  n\\ 

VOL.  I.  2  I 


498  HISTORY  OF  THE  mar.  i8oi 

this  account  batteries  have  been  erected  for  the  defence  of  the 
Danish  coast  only,  with  scarcely  any  on  the  Swedish  side.  On 
the  Danish  side  stands  the  fortress  of  Kronenberg,  regularly 
fortified.  For  these  reasons  the  usage  has  originated  of  paying 
to  the  Danes,  and  not  to  the  Swedes,  the  dues  levied  in  the 
Sound.  In  such  a  state  of  things,  it  would  have  been  requisite 
to  construct  works  on  the  coast  of  Sweden,  of  which  they  were 
deficient.  King  Gustavus  Adolphus,  who,  next  to  Paul,  was 
the  most  violent  of  the  members  of  the  league,  had  consulted 
the  Czar  on  the  subject,  when  he  was  at  St.  Petersburg,  on  his 
recent  visit,  but  they  were  aware  of  the  impossibility  of  exe- 
cuting the  least  work  during  the  present  winter  season,  when 
the  soil,  indurated  by  the  frost,  would  resist  the  pickaxe  and 
the  spade  to  such  a  degree  as  to  render  any  labour  upon  it 
wholly  impracticable.  Gustavus  Adolphiis  had  also  just  had 
an  interview  with  the  Crown  Prince  of  Denmark,  at  that  time 
regent  of  the  kingdom,  the  same  who  died  some  years  ago,  in 
1 84 1,  after  a  long  and  glorious  reign.  They  conferred  together 
upon  this  subject,  and  the  Crown  Prince,  from  private  reasons 
by  which  Denmark  was  influenced,  did  not  seem  to  attach  much 
importance  to  the  fortifying  of  the  Swedish  coast.*  The  Sound 
then  was  but  feebly  defended  on  the  Swedish  side.  There  was 
only  an  old  battery  of  eight  pieces  of  cannon,  constructed  a  long 
time  ago  upon  the  most  salient  point  of  the  shore.  Although 
this  neglect  has  been  greatly  blamed  since,  it  is  certain  that  the 
Sound,  even  if  it  had  been  strongly  fortified  on  both  sides, 
would  not  have  presented  any  serious  dangers  to  the  English,  as 
the  width  of  the  channel  being  about  three  miles,  vessels  passing 
in  the  midst  of  the  straits  would  be  at  a  distance  of  a  mile  and 
a  half  from  the  batteries,  and  would  therefore,  being  almost 
out  of  the  range  of  their  guns,  escape  with  only  perhaps  some 
damage  to  their  sails  and  rigging. 

There  is  also  another  approach  to  the  Baltic  besides  that  of 
the  Sound,  which  is  formed  by  the  two  arms  of  the  sea  which 
separate,  the  one  the  island  of  Zealand  from  the  island  of 
Funen,  the  other  the  island  of  Funen  from  the  coast  of 
Jutland,  passages  well  known  by  the  names  of  the  Great  and 
Little  Belt.     The  Englisli  would  be  but  little  inclined  to  sail  by 

*  Very  erroneous  assertions  have  been  made  on  tliis  subject.  I  have  liad 
recourse  to  the  highest  and  most  authentic  authorities.  The  archives  of 
France,  Sweden,  and  Denmark  contain  tlie  proofs  of  what  I  here  advance. 
Those  who  have  written  to  the  contrary,  Napoleon  amongst  others,  have 
only  repeated  the  allegations  made  at  the  time.  The  second  passage  of  the 
Sound,  which  took  place  in  1807,  at  a  period  when  Sweden  was  at  war  with 
Denmark,  and  viewed  with  jilcasure  the  triumph  of  the  English,  has  contri- 
buted to  confirm  the  idea,  that  the  Swedes  had  acted  perfidiouslj-.  Rut  on 
the  first  occasion,  that  is,  in  1801,  Sweden  acted  with  perfect  good  faith  ;  she 
was  anxious  for  the  general  success,  and  would  have  done  everything  in  her 
power  to  secure  it. 


MAR.  1 80 1       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  499 

this  passage,  in  which  they  would  be  exposed  to  the  fire  of 
more  than  one  Danish  fort ;  but  still  more  to  the  shoals,  which 
rendered  the  navigation  extremely  dangerous  for  ships  of  the 
line ;  they  were,  therefore,  most  likely  to  decide  upon  going 
through  the  passage  of  the  Sound. 

The  Danes  concentrated  all  their  defences,  not  exactly  at  the 
Sound,  but  lower  down,  in  the  channel  which  forms  the  con- 
tinuation of  the  Sound,  that  is  to  say,  before  Copenhagen.  The 
two  coasts  of  Denmark  and  of  Sweden,  after  having  approxi- 
mated to  each  other  at  the  Sound,  now  stretch  out  to  an  extent 
varying  in  width  from  three  to  twelve  leagues,  forming  a  strait 
about  twenty  leagues  in  length,  abounding  with  reefs  and 
shoals,  through  which  a  vessel  can  only  navigate  by  steering 
through  the  narrow  channels,  carefully  ascertaining  the  depth 
of  water  by  incessant  soundings.  The  city  of  Copenhagen  is 
situated  on  the  most  important  of  these  channels,  about  twenty 
leagues  from  the  Sound,  in  a  direction  towards  the  south.  It 
was  at  this  spot  that  the  Danes  had  made  immense  preparations, 
waiting  for  the  approach  of  the  enemy.  The  post  which  they 
occupied  did  not  exactly  close  the  entrance  to  the  Baltic,  as  we 
shall  presently  explain,  but  it  compelled  the  English  to  risk  an 
attack  on  a  well-defended  position,  strongly  fortified  before- 
hand. The  Crown  Prince  had  taken  prompt  and  numerous 
preliminary  measures  for  defence,  lie  had  stationed  before 
Copenhagen  a  number  of  vessels,  cut  down  so  as  to  form 
formidable  floating  batteries,  and  he  had  armed  besides  ten 
line-of-battle  ships,  which  were  only  waiting  for  seamen  from 
Norway  to  complete  their  crews.  It  is  well  known  that  the 
Danish  navy  is  the  best  in  the  whole  North. 

Sweden  and  Kussia,  on  their  parts,  had  also  made  prepara- 
tions for  resistance.  Sweden  had  placed  troops  on  the  coasts 
from  Gottenburg  to  the  Sound,  and  fortified  Carlscrona,  in  the 
Baltic,  as  well  as  all  the  other  accessible  points  on  that  coast. 
J\ing  Gustavus  Adolphus  was  urging  on  Admiral  Cronstedt  to 
complete  the  equipment  of  the  Swedish  fleet.  This  fleet  already 
consisted  of  seven  shii)s  of  the  line  and  two  frigates,  ready  to 
set  sail  the  moment  the  sea  was  dist'iicnnibered  of  the  winter 
ice.  The  Russians  had  twelve  ships  of  \\\v  line  all  ready  at 
Revel,  and  which,  like  tlie  Swedish  vessels,  were  only  detained 
by  the  ice.  The  coalitionists  had  not  aceoinjilished.  doubtless, 
all  that  would  have  been  jiossihle.  if  they  had  had  at  their  head 
an  energetic  mwernment.  lik(>  ['Vance  at  that  period,  but  bv 
assembling,  in  time,  the  se^•en  Swedish,  the  twelve  Ivussian,  and 
ten  Danish  ships  before  ( 'openhagen,  there  would  have  been 
formed  a  fleet  of  thirty  ships  of  the  line,  and  of  from  ten  to 
twelve  frigates,  stationed  in  a  formiilable  ]K)sition.  when'  tln^ 
English  could  not  have  come  to  an  engag(Mnent  witiiout  danger, 


500  HISTORY  OF  THE  mae.  i8oi 

and  still  less  could  have  passed  by  and  disregarded.  To  have 
passed  it,  without  attacking  it,  in  order  to  embark  in  any  enter- 
prise in  the  Baltic,  would  have  been  to  incur  the  danger  of 
leaving  an  imposing  force  in  their  rear,  capable  of  closing  up 
the  sole  outlet  of  this  sea,  and  of  preventing  their  egress  there- 
from, in  case  of  reverses.  But  to  collect  together  these  naval  divi- 
sions, in  proper  time,  required  a  celerity  of  movements  of  which 
these  three  neutral  governments  were  hardly  capable.  They 
used  every  despatch,  doubtless,  but  relying  too  much  upon  the 
continuance  of  severe  weather,  they  had  not  commenced  their 
preparations  sufficiently  early,  and  the  energetic  promptitude  of 
the  English  greatly  surpassed  theirs. 

On  the  2 1st  of  March,  an  English  frigate  touched  at  Elsinore, 
bringing  Mr.  Vansittart,  who  was  commissioned  to  make  a  last 
application  to  the  Danish  government.  Mr.  Vansittart  delivered 
to  Mr.  Drummond,  the  English  chargd  cVaffaires,  the  ultimatum 
of  the  British  cabinet.  The  terms  of  this  ultimatum  required 
the  Danes  to  withdraw  from  the  naval  confederacy  of  the  neutral 
powers ;  to  open  their  ports  to  the  English ;  and  adhere  to  the 
provisional  arrangement  of  the  preceding  August,  by  virtue  of 
which,  they  had  engaged  no  longer  to  convoy  their  merchant 
vessels.  The  Crown  Prince  of  Denmark  promptly  refused  to 
entertain  the  idea  of  such  a  defection,  and  replied  that  Den- 
mark and  her  allies  had  not  made  a  declaration  of  war,  and  that 
they  had  confined  themselves  to  the  publication  of  their  prin- 
ciples of  maritime  law :  that  the  English  were  the  aggressors,  as 
they  had  retaliated  to  a  mere  assertion  of  a  dogma  in  the  law  of 
nations,  by  an  embargo ;  that  Denmark  would  not  commence 
hostilities,  but  she  would  energetically  repel  force  by  force.  The 
gallant  people  of  Copenhagen  nobly  seconded,  by  their  steady 
allegiance,  the  prince  who  represented  them  with  so  much 
dignity.  The  whole  population  took  up  arms ;  and,  at  the  call 
of  their  noble  leader,  formed  themselves  into  corps  of  militia  and 
volunteers.  Eight  hundred  students  rushed  to  arras ;  every  one 
who  could  handle  a  pickaxe  assisted  the  engineers  in  completing 
the  defensive  works  :  redoubts  were  thrown  up  in  every  direction. 
Mr.  Drummond  and  Mr.  Vansittart  abruptly  left  Copenhagen, 
threatening  this  unhappy  city  with  all  the  thunders  of  England. 

On  the  24th,  they  rejoined  the  admirals  of  the  fleet,  who  from 
that  moment  began  to  arrange  their  plan  for  immediate  hostilities. 

Nelson  and  the  commander-in-chief,  Parker,  held  a  council  of 
war,  on  board  the  fleet.  The  plan  of  operation  was  discussed. 
Some  proposed  to  pass  by  way  of  the  Sound,  and  others  by  way 
of  the  Great  Belt.  Nelson  maintained  that  it  was  of  little  con- 
sequence by  which  strait  the  fleet  should  pass,  only  that  not  an 
hour  should  be  lost  in  getting  into  the  Baltic,  and  bearing  up  to 
Copenhagen,  in  order  to  prevent  the  junction  of  the  coalitionists. 


MAR.  1 80 1       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  501 

Once  in  the  Baltic,  a  part  of  the  English  fleet  should  be  directed 
against  Copenhagen,  to  strike  a  blow  against  the  Danes,  and  a 
part  against  Sweden  and  Russia,  to  destroy  the  northern  fleets. 
They  had  twenty  sail  of  the  line,  twenty-five  or  thirty  frigates, 
and  vessels  of  all  descriptions.  He  would  undertake  with  twelve 
ships  to  destroy  all  the  Swedish  and  Russian  fleets;  the  re- 
mainder must  attack  and  bombard  Copeuhagen.  As  to  which 
of  the  passages  they  should  navigate.  Nelson  preferred  braving 
some  of  the  cannon-shot  to  which  they  might  be  exposed  in 
passing  the  Sound,  to  encountering  the  dangerous  shoals  of  the 
Great  and  Little  Belt. 

Admiral  Parker,  less  enterprising,  made  an  attempt,  by  the 
Great  Belt,  on  the  26th  of  March.  Several  light  vessels  of  the 
flotilla  having  grounded,  the  commander-in-chief  recalled  the 
squadron,  and  determined  to  force  the  Sound.  Early  on  the 
morning  of  the  30th  of  March,  they  commenced  this  arduous 
passage.  At  the  time,  it  blew  a  topsail  breeze  from  the  north- 
west, favourable  for  navigating  this  strait,  which  runs  in  a 
direction  from  north-west  to  south-east,  as  far  as  Elsinore,  after 
which  it  continues  almost  due  north  and  south.  The  squadron, 
favoured  by  the  wind,  advanced  boldly,  at  an  equal  distance 
from  the  two  opposite  shores.  Nelson  led  the  van,  Parker  took 
the  command  of  the  centre,  and  Admiral  Graves  brought  up  the 
rear.  The  line-of-battle  ships  formed  a  single  column  in  the 
middle  of  the  channel.  On  each  side  a  flotilla  of  gun  and  bomb 
vessels  approached  nearer  to  the  coast  of  Denmark  and  Sweden, 
in  order  to  engage  the  enemy's  batteries  at  a  shorter  range.  As 
soon  as  this  sc|uaciron  came  in  sight  of  Elsinore,  the  fortress  of 
Kronenberg  immediately  opened  a  fire  upon  them.  One  hun- 
dred pieces  of  heavy  cannon  vomited  forth  a  volley  of  shells 
and  redhot  balls.  But  the  English  admiral,  perceiving  that  the 
fire  on  the  Swedish  side  did  little  or  no  execution,  as  the  old 
battery  of  eight  guns  scarcely  iired,  immediately  approached 
nearer  to  that  side  of  the  coast,  and  passed  the  straits  amidst 
the  jeers  of  th(^  English  sailors  at  the  Danes,  whose  shells  and 
balls  fell  600  yards  short  of  the  enemy's  ships.  The  flotilla  of 
bomb  and  gun  vessels,  which  had  approached  ([uite  close  to  the 
Danish  coast,  poured  forth,  and  received,  an  innnense  ()uantity 
of  shells,  but  little  bloodshed  ensued,  as  four  men  only  were 
wounded  on  the  side  of  the  Danes,  two  of  whom  were  severely 
wounded,  and  two  died.  In  Elsinore.  only  oiu^  house  suffered 
from  the  fire  of  the  FMiglisii.  and  that  was.  singularly  enough, 
the  house  of  the  English  consul. 

The  whole  fleet  anchored,  towards  noon,  in  tlie  middle  of  tiie 
gulf,  off  the  island  of  lluen. 

The  gulf,  as  we  have  just  said,  runs  from  north  to  soiitji.  {ov 
the  distance  of  aljoiit   twentv   leau-ues.  varyini;-  in  width,  as  the 


502  HISTORY  OF  THE  mar.  i8oi 

shores  advance  or  recede,  from  three  to  twelve  leagues,  and 
has  only  a  few  channels  that  are  navigable.  At  about  twenty- 
leagues  towards  the  south,  stands  Copenhagen,  situated  on  the 
west  side  of  the  gulf,  on  the  coast  of  Denmark,  at  a  small  eleva- 
tion above  the  level  of  the  sea,  and  forming  a  slightly  inclined 
plane,  from  which  a  cannon-ball  would  just  skim  over  the  sur- 
face of  the  sea.  The  gulf  is  very  wide  at  this  spot,  and  divided 
by  the  low  island  of  Saltholm  into  two  navigable  channels  :  the 
one,  called  the  passage  of  Malmo,  runs  along  the  Swedish  coast, 
and  is  scarcely  accessible  for  large  vessels :  the  other,  called 
Drogden,  skirts  along  the  coast  of  Denmark,  and  is  generally 
preferred  by  navigators.  The  latter  is  again  divided  by  a  sand- 
bank, which  is  called  the  Middle  Ground,  into  two  passages : 
one,  called  the  King's  Channel,  forms  the  entrance  to  Copen- 
hagen ;  the  other,  called  the  Dutch  Channel,  runs  on  the  outer 
side  of  the  Middle  Ground.  The  Danes  had  taken  up  a  position 
in  the  King's  Channel,  leaving  the  other  open  to  the  English, 
having  in  view  rather  the  defence  of  Copenhagen,  than  to  jsre- 
vent  the  enemy  entering  into  the  Baltic.  But  it  was  very  certain 
that  Parker  and  Nelson  would  not  venture  into  the  Baltic,  with- 
out first  destroying  the  defences  of  Copenhagen,  together  with  the 
maritime  forces  that  the  neutrals  might  have  assembled  there. 

The  means  of  defence,  on  the  side  of  the  Danes,  consisted  of 
land  batteries,  constructed  on  the  right  and  left  of  the  harbour, 
and  of  a  line  of  razeed  vessels,  or  floating  batteries,  moored  in 
the  middle  of  the  King's  Channel,  the  whole  length  of  Copen- 
hagen, with  the  view  of  keeping  the  enemy's  fire  at  a  distance. 
Commencing  at  the  northern  position  was  a  battery  called  the 
Three  Crowns,  constructed  of  stone  work,  almost  completely 
closed  at  the  gorge,  commanding  even  the  entrance  to  the  port, 
and  connecting  its  fire  with  the  citadel  of  Copenhagen.  It  was 
fortified  with  seventy  pieces  of  cannon  of  the  largest  calibre. 
Four  ships  of  the  line,  of  which  two  were  under  sail,  and  two 
at  anchor,  besides  a  frigate  under  way,  completely  blocked  up 
the  entrance  to  the  stream  which  led  to  the  port.  In  proceeding 
from  this  fort,  that  is,  the  Three  Crowns,  towards  the  south, 
twenty  hulks  of  large  ships,  armed  with  guns,  and  strongly 
moored,  filled  up  the  passage  of  the  King's  Channel,  and  was 
thus  connected  with  the  batteries  on  land,  placed  on  the  island 
of  Amak.  Thus  the  line  of  defence  of  the  Danes  was  supported 
on  the  left  by  the  Three  Crowns  battery,  and  on  the  right  by 
the  island  of  Amak ;  its  length  occupying,  and  completely  block- 
ing up,  the  middle  of  the  passage  of  the  King's  Channel.  The 
works  of  the  Three  Crowns  could  not  be  forced,  defended  as 
they  were  by  seventy  yawning  cannon  mouths  ;  and  also  by  five 
vessels,  three  of  which  were  under  sail.  The  line  of  defence, 
consistino-  of  the  rafts  and  stationarv  hulks,  on  the  contrarv. 


APEiLiSoi       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  503 

was  of  too  great  length,  not  sufficiently  close,  and  incapable  of 
manoeuvring;  and,  owing  to  the  object  they  had  in  view,  of 
obstructing  the  middle  of  the  passage,  was  placed  too  much  in 
advance  of  the  point  of  support  on  the  right,  that  is  to  say,  the 
fixed  batteries  on  the  island  of  Amak.  This  island  is  but  a 
continuation  of  the  coast  on  which  Copenhagen  is  seated.  The 
line  of  floating  batteries  could,  therefore,  be  attacked  on  the 
right.  If  it  had  been  formed  of  a  division  of  vessels,  under 
sail,  capable  of  shifting  their  position,  or  even  if  it  had  been 
more  concentrated,  more  strongly  supported  on  the  bank,  the 
English  would  not  have  come  out  of  this  attack  altogether  safe 
and  sound.  But  the  Danes  set  great  value  upon  their  naval 
squadron,  which  they  had  not  the  means  of  replacing  if  it  was 
destroyed ;  and  not  having,  besides,  received  all  the  seamen  from 
Norway  to  man  it  completely,  they  kept  it  protected  in  the 
inner  basin  of  the  harbour,  thinking  that  old  unserviceable 
vessels  were  sufficient  to  answer  the  purpose  of  floating  batteries 
against  the  English  fleet. 

Their  bravest  seamen,  commanded  by  intrepid  officers,  worked 
the  guns,  mounted  on  these  old  hulks,  which  were  strongly 
moored  and  chained  totrether. 

The  English  having  arrived  off  Copenhagen,  long  before  the 
junction  of  all  the  neutral  maritime  powers  at  this  ])oint,  might 
have  passed  to  the  eastward  of  the  Middle  Ground,  disregarding 
the  Danes  stationed  in  the  King's  Channel,  and  have  proceeded 
by  the  before-mentioned  Dutch  Clianuel  into  the  Baltic.  They 
might  have  accomplished  this  beyond  the  reach  of  the  guns  of 
Copenhagen  ;  but  they  would  have  left  in  their  rear  an  impos- 
ing force,  capable  of  cutting  off  their  retreat,  in  case  any  un- 
toward event  should  force  them  back  weakened,  and  in  want 
of  shelter,  through  the  ])assage  of  tlie  Sound.  It  was  better  to 
take  advantage  of  the  isolated  position  of  the  Danes,  and,  by 
striking  a  decisive  blow,  detach  them  from  the  confederacy, 
and,  after  ha\"ing,  by  this  means,  seized  tlie  keys  of  the  Baltic, 
proceed,  with  all  expedition,  against  the  Swedes  and  the  Kus- 
sians.  This  plan  was,  at  the  same  time,  bold  and  prudent ; 
and  it  received  that  which  rarely  occurred — the  concurrent 
approbation  of  both  l^arker  and  Nelson. 

The  entire  days  of  the  31st  of  ]\Iai'cli  and  ist  of  April  were 
occu])ied  in  examining  the  Danish  line,  in  sounding  the  channel, 
and  in  concerting  the  ])lan  of  attack.  Nelson  and  Parker, 
accompanied  by  the  oldest  officers  of  the  ihn't.  with  the  chief 
officer  of  engineers,  reconnoitred,  in  ])erson.  in  the  midst  of  the 
ice,  the  position  of  the  enemy,  l)eing  sometinirs  within  reach  of 
the  enemv's  shot.  Nelson  maintained  thai,  with  ten  >hi])s.  lie 
would  undertaki'  to  attack,  and  bi'eak  tin-  I'ight  liiif  oi  the 
Danes.      ilis   plan    was   to   pi'occrd   down    the    wliolr    length    of 


504  HISTORY  OF  THE  apkiliSoi 

the  Middle  Ground,  by  passing  through  the  Dutch  Channel, 
doubling  round  the  farther  extremity,  and  reascending  by  way 
of  the  King's  Channel,  and  then  take  his  station,  ship  against 
ship,  about  a  cable's  length  from  the  enemy.  He  arranged, 
moreover,  that  a  division  of  the  fleet,  under  a  brave  officer. 
Captain  Riou,  should  attack  the  land  battery  of  the  Three 
Crowns,  and,  after  having  silenced  their  guns,  disembark  looo 
men,  and  take  it  by  storm.  The  commander-in-chief,  Admiral 
Parker,  with  the  remainder  of  the  fleet  under  him,  was  not  to 
engage  in  this  bold  manceuvre;  it  was  agreed  that  he  should 
remain  in  the  rear,  to  cannonade  the  citadel,  and  cover  the 
disabled  vessels  as  they  retired  from  the  action. 

This  manoeuvre,  as  daring  as  that  of  Aboukir,  could  only 
succeed  through  great  ability  and  good  fortune.  Admiral 
Parker  gave  his  assent  to  it,  on  condition  that  it  should  not  be 
carried  too  far,  if  the  difficulties  should  be  found  insurmount- 
able ;  and  placed  at  Nelson's  disposal  twelve  ships,  instead  of 
ten,  for  which  he  had  applied.  On  the  evening  of  the  i  st  of 
April,  Nelson  dropped  through  the  Dutch  Channel,  and  came 
to  an  anchor,  considerably  below  Copenhagen,  at  a  place  on 
the  island  of  Amak,  called  Draco.  In  order  to  get  into  the 
King's  Channel,  and  traverse  its  entire  length,  a  totally  dif- 
ferent wind  was  wanting  to  that  which  had  brought  him  down 
the  Dutch  Channel.  The  next  morning,  the  wind  having 
opportunely  shifted  from  its  direction  on  the  night  before,  he 
ascended  the  King's  Channel,  steering  his  fleet  between  the 
Danish  line  and  the  shoals  of  the  Middle  Ground.  The  whole 
channel  had  been  sounded,  but,  notwithstanding  this  precaution, 
three  ships  struck  on  the  Middle  Ground,  and  Nelson  took  up 
his  position  with  the  remaining  nine  only.  He  was  not  dis- 
heartened, but  anchored  broadside  on,  wathin  half  a  cable's 
length  of  the  Danish  line,  a  distance  which  must  render  the 
effect  of  the  cannonading  most  terrific.  The  want  of  the  three 
vessels  aground  was  greatly  felt,  more  particularly  for  the 
attack  of  the  Three  Crowns  battery,  which  thus  was  obliged 
to  be  attempted  by  frigates. 

At  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  whole  English  squadron 
had  taken  up  its  position,  and  received  and  poured  forth  a 
frightful  volley  of  artillery.  A  division  of  bomb  and  gun-ships, 
drawing  but  little  water,  was  placed  upon  the  shoal  of  the 
Middle  Ground,  and  discharged  their  shells  upon  Copenhagen, 
over  the  masts  of  the  two  squadrons.  The  fire  from  the  Danish 
batteries,  consisting  of  800  guns,  inflicted  considerable  damage 
on  the  English.  The  officers  in  command  of  the  rafts  displayed 
great  intrepidity,  and  their  gunners  exhibited  the  most  heroic 
courage.  The  commander  of  the  Provesten,  in  particular,  who 
occupied  the  extremity  of  the  line  towards  the  south,  conducted 


APRIL  1 80 1       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  505 

himself  with  the  most  distinguished  gallantry.  Nelson,  per- 
ceiving the  importance  of  at  once  depriving  the  Danish  line  of 
the  support  which  it  received  from  the  batteries  of  the  island  of 
Amak,  directed  four  vessels  against  the  Frovesten  alone.  M. 
de  Lassen,  captain  of  the  Frovesten,  defended  himself  until  he 
had  lost  500  out  of  his  600  gunners  ;  he  then  threw  himself 
into  the  sea,  with  the  100  remaining,  and  swam  on  shore  from 
his  vessel,  which  he  left  in  flames.  He  thus  had  the  glory  of 
not  striking  his  flag.  Nelson  then  directed  all  his  efforts 
against  the  other  rafts  and  floating  batteries,  and  succeeded  in 
silencing  several.  In  the  meantime,  at  the  other  end  of  the 
line.  Captain  Riou  suffered  severely.  Three  English  vessels 
being  fast  on  the  Middle  Ground,  he  had  only  frigates  to 
oppose  to  the  Three  Crown  batteries,  and  he  was  exposed  to  a 
frightful  and  destructive  fire  from  their  guns,  without  any 
hope  of  silencing  them,  or  of  being  able  to  take  them  by 
storm.  Parker,  perceiving  the  resistance  of  the  Danes,  and 
fearing  that  the  English  ships,  too  much  injured  in  their 
rigging,  would  be  exposed  to  be  run  aground,  gave  orders  to 
discontinue  action.  Nelson  perceiving  this  signal  thrown  out 
at  Admiral  Parker's  masthead,  gave  way  to  a  noble  expression 
of  indignation.  He  had  lost  the  use  of  one  eye,  and,  taking 
up  the  glass,  and  placing  it  to  his  blind  eye,  he  said  sarcasti- 
cally, "I  really  don't  see  Parker's  signal  for  leaving  off  action," 
and  he  kept  his  signal  for  closer  battle  still  flying.  This  was 
a  noble  act  of  imprudence,  and  was  followed,  as  it  often  happens 
to  audacious  boldness,  by  a  successful  result. 

The  floating  batteries  of  the  Danes,  not  being  able  to  move, 
or  seek  shelter  under  the  land  batteries,  were  exposed  to  a  most 
destructive  fire.  The  Danel)ro(j  blew  up  with  a  terrific  explo- 
sion ;  several  others  were  disabled,  and  drifted  from  their  moor- 
ings, after  having  suffered  an  enormous  loss  of  men.  But  the 
English,  on  the  other  side,  did  not  suffer  less  severely,  and  were 
placed  in  the  greatest  peril.  Nelson,  in  endeavouring  to  take 
possession  of  the  Danish  vessels  which  had  struck,  received,  as 
he  neared  the  batteries  on  the  island  of  Amak.  a  deadly  dis- 
charge from  their  guns.  At  this  moment,  three  or  four  of  his 
vessels  were  so  completely  shattered  as  to  be  almost  unmanage- 
able ;  and,  on  the  side  of  the  Three  Crown  batteries.  Captain 
Riou,  compelled  to  draw  off  liis  vessels  to  a  distance,  was  cut 
in  two  by  a  chain-sliot.  Nelson,  almost  beaten,  was  not  dis- 
concerted, and  conceived  the  idea  of  sending  a  Hag  of  truce  to 
the  IMnce  of  Denmark,  who  was  present,  on  one  of  the  batteries. 
at  this  horrible  scene.  He  told  liiiii  that,  if  he  did  udt  sto])  the 
firing,  which  ])revented  him  taking  possession  of  his  ]irizes. 
which,  by  right,  l)elonged  to  him,  since  they  had  struck  their 
flaers.   he   should   be    obliired   to  blow  tlieni    ui).    with    all    tlu'ir 


506  HISTORY  OF  THE  apeil  1801 

crews ;  that  the  English  were  the  brothers  of  the  Danes,  that 
both  had  fought  sufficiently  to  attest  their  valour,  and  ought  to 
avoid  the  further  effusion  of  blood. 

The  prince,  moved  by  this  appalling  spectacle,  fearing  also 
for  the  city  of  Copenhagen,  now  deprived  of  the  protection  of 
the  floating  batteries,  gave  orders  for  the  firing  to  cease.  This 
was  a  mistake,  for  a  few  moments  longer,  and  Nelson's  fleet, 
almost  disabled,  would  have  been  obliged  to  retire  half  destroyed. 
A  sort  of  negotiation  ensued,  and  Nelson  took  advantage  of  it 
to  quit  his  place  of  anchorage.  Whilst  he  was  in  the  act  of 
retiring,  three  of  his  vessels,  considerably  damaged,  being  no 
longer  manageable,  struck  on  the  Middle  Ground.  If,  at  this 
moment,  the  fire  had  still  continued,  these  three  vessels  must 
have  been  lost. 

The  next  day,  Nelson  and  Parker,  after  great  efforts,  got 
afloat  the  three  vessels  which  had  grounded,  and  opened  a 
negotiation  with  the  Danes  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  a  sus- 
pension of  hostilities.  They  stood  as  much  in  need  of  this  as 
the  Danes,  as  they  had  1200  men  killed  and  wounded,  and  the 
havoc  in  six  of  their  vessels  was  horrible.  The  loss  of  the  Danes 
was  not  much  greater,  but  they  had  relied  too  much  upon  the 
line  of  their  floating  batteries,  and  now  that  these  batteries 
were  destroyed,  the  lower  part  of  the  city,  which  is  open  to  the 
sea,  was  exposed  to  a  bombardment.  They  were  also  appre- 
hensive for  their  vessels  of  war,  which,  half  equipped,  immov- 
able, and  locked  in  the  basin,  might  have  been  set  fire  to,  and 
totally  consumed.  This  apj^rehension  was  to  them  most  alarm- 
ing. They,  in  fact,  clung  to  their  squadron  as  to  their  very 
maritime  existence ;  and  this  squadron,  once  destroyed,  they 
were  not  in  a  position  to  replace  it.  At  this  instant,  under  the 
momentary  irritation  of  suffering  and  danger,  they  complained 
of  their  allies,  without  reflecting  upon  the  difficulties  which  had 
prevented  them  from  repairing  to  the  walls  of  Copenhagen. 
The  contrary  winds,  the  ice,  and  the  shortness  of  time,  had 
detained  the  Swedes  and  the  Russians,  without  any  blame  being 
fairly  attributable  to  them.  It  is  true,  that  had  they  arrived 
with  their  twenty  ships  and  joined  the  Danish  fleet  in  the 
straits,  where  the  engagement  took  place.  Nelson  would  have 
failed  in  his  daring  enterprise,  and  the  cause  of  the  maritime 
neutral  confederacy  would  have  triumphed  on  that  day.  But 
there  had  not  been  time  for  any  of  them  to  get  ready,  and  the 
promptitude  of  the  English  changed  the  fortune  of  the  war. 

Admiral  Parker,  who  was  greatly  alarmed  at  the  temerity  of 
Nelson,  during  the  battle  of  the  2nd,  formed  now  a  correct 
opinion  of  the  position  of  the  Danes,  and  knew  how  to  derive 
every  advantage  from  the  battle  which  had  been  fought.  He 
required  the  Danes  to  witlidraw  from  the  confederacy  of  the 


APRIL  1 8o I       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  507 

neutral  powers,  to  open  their  ports  to  the  English,  and  to 
receive,  moreover,  an  English  force,  under  the  pretence  of 
protecting  them  against  the  resentment  of  their  allies.  Nelson 
had  the  courage  to  land  on  the  3rd  of  April  to  carry  these 
proposals  to  the  Crown  Prince.  He  went  in  a  boat  to  Copen- 
hagen, heard  the  murmurs  of  this  brave  people,  who  were  filled 
with  indignation  at  seeing  him,  but  found  the  Crown  Prince 
inflexible.  This  prince,  more  alarmed,  the  evening  before,  than 
the  actual  danger  of  Copenhagen  justified,  would  not,  never- 
theless, consent  to  the  ignominious  defection  proposed  to  him. 
He  replied,  that  he  would  sooner  be  buried  in  the  ashes  of  his 
city  than  betray  the  common  cause.  Nelson  returned  on  board 
the  flag-ship  without  having  obtained  any  concession. 

During  this  interval,  the  Danes,  seeing  themselves  exposed  to 
the  dangers  of  a  second  conflict,  set  to  work,  and  added  new 
defences  to  those  which  before  existed.  They  rendered  the 
battery  of  the  Three  Crowns  more  formidable,  covered  the 
island  of  Amak  with  guns,  as  well  as  the  lower  part  of  the  city. 
They  transported  their  vessels  of  war,  the  paramount  objects  of 
their  solicitude,  into  the  innermost  basins  of  the  harbour,  the 
farthest  from  the  sea,  carefully  covering  them  with  dung  and 
blindage,  so  as  to  protect  them  against  fire ;  and  were  at  length 
reassured,  when  they  perceived  the  hesitation  of  the  English, 
who  did  not  evince  much  eagerness  to  renew  this  terrific  struggle. 
The  whole  of  the  available  population  lent  their  aid ;  one  part 
was  placed  under  arms,  and  the  other  part  employed  in  prepar- 
ing the  means  for  extinguishing  the  conflagration.  At  length, 
after  waiting  five  days.  Nelson  returned  to  Copenhagen,  not- 
withstanding the  threatening  aspect  of  the  preparations  of  the 
Danes.  The  discussion  was  animated,  and  he  took  upon  himself 
to  make  concessions,  which  Admiral  Parker  had  not  authorised. 
He  agreed  upon  an  armistice  which  amounted  virtually  to  a 
statu  quo.  The  Danes  did  not  withdraw  from  the  confederacy, 
but  all  hostilities  were  suspendrd  between  tliem  and  the  Knglish 
for  fourteen  weeks  ;  at  the  expiration  of  which  period,  they  were 
to  return  to  the  same  position  as  on  the  day  on  which  this  sus- 
pension of  hostilities  was  signed.  Tlie  terms  of  the  armistice 
embraced  only  the  Danish  islands  and  Jutland,  but  not  ilolstein, 
so  that  hostilities  might  be  continued  in  the  Elbe,  and  that  from 
that  time  the  English  were  prohibited  the  navigation  of  that 
river.  The  English  were  to  keep  at  a  cannon-shot  distance  from 
all  the  Danish  ports  and  vessels,  with  thc^  exce])tion  of  the  King's 
Channel,  whicli  they  wen^  free  to  navigate,  in  order  to  reach  the 
Baltic.  They  were  forbidden,  eonse(|uently,  to  estalilish  them- 
selves upon  any  points  of  the  Danish  territory,  and  they  were 
onlv  allowed  to  put  into  any  ])oi't  foi-  the  ])ur])ose  of  refresh- 
ment, or  to  take  in  a  supply  of  prcnisions. 


5o8  HISTORY  OF  THE  apriliSoi 

These  terms  were  all  Nelson  could  obtain,  and  they  were,  we 
must  confess,  all  that  his  victory  entitled  him  to  demand.  But, 
as  he  was  on  the  point  of  leaving  Copenhagen,  a  very  untoward 
report  obtained  currency,  and  the  Crown  Prince,  who  had  been 
influenced  thereby  to  enter  into  negotiations,  succeeded  in  keep- 
ing the  knowledge  of  it  from  him.  The  report  was  in  truth,  at 
the  moment,  that  Paul  I.  had  just  died  suddenly.  Nelson  left 
the  place,  without  being  aware  of  this  intelligence,  which  would 
doubtless  have  greatly  increased  his  pretensions.  The  armistice 
was  immediately  ratified  by  Admiral  Parker.  The  Crown  Prince 
also  intimated  to  the  Swedes,  that  it  was  useless  to  expose 
themselves  unavailingly  to  the  attacks  of  the  English,  which 
they  would  be  unequal  to  resist.  This  advice  was  not  uncalled 
for,  inasmuch  as,  after  great  efforts,  Gustavus  Adolphus  had 
succeeded  in  getting  his  fleet  ready  to  sail.  He  had  in  the 
earnestness  of  his  zeal  dismissed  one  rear-admiral  the  service, 
and  sent  another  admiral  before  a  court-martial,  in  order  to 
punish  them  for  an  alleged  dilatoriness,  which  could  not  justly 
be  laid  to  their  charge. 

All  these  efforts  were,  however,  superfluous.  Paul  I.,  in  fact, 
had  breathed  his  last,  at  St.  Petersburg,  on  the  night  between 
the  23rd  and  24th  of  March.  This  event  put  an  end  much 
more  effectually  than  the  incomplete  victory  of  Nelson  to  the 
maritime  confederacy  of  the  northern  powers.  Paul  I.  had 
been  the  chief  promoter  of  that  confederacy ;  he  had  applied 
all  the  impetuous  energy  of  his  character  to  secure  its  success, 
and  assuredly  he  would  have  exerted  himself  to  the  utmost  to 
repair  the  disaster,  in  other  respects  pretty  equally  shared,  of 
the  battle  of  Copenhagen.  He  would  have  sent  his  land  forces 
to  Denmark,  despatched  the  whole  of  the  neutral  fleet  to  the 
Sound,  and  probably  have  made  the  English  rue  their  bar- 
barous enterprise  against  the  capital  of  the  Danes.  But  this 
prince  had  driven  the  patience  of  his  subjects  to  the  last 
extremity,  and  he  had  just  been  put  to  death,  a  wretched  victim 
of  a  tragical  revolution  at  the  palace. 

Paul  I.  was  of  a  lively  disposition,  but  all  his  opinions  were 
carried  to  the  extreme,  and  as  usual,  with  persons  of  his 
temperament,  capable  of  good  or  evil  actions,  according  to  the 
temporary  impulse  of  his  weak,  excitable,  ill-regulated  mind. 
If  the  temper  of  private  individuals  so  constituted  is  fatal,  it  be- 
comes still  more  so  in  the  case  of  princes,  especially  when  they 
are  invested  with  absolute  power.  With  them  it  often  borders 
on  madness,  assuming  sometimes  even  symptoms  of  a  sanguinary 
character.  Thus,  at  St.  Petersburg,  every  man  trembled  for  his 
own  fate  ;  even  the  favourites  of  Paul,  who  were  treated  with 
the  greatest  kindness,  were  not  certain  but  that  the  favour  they 
at  present  enjoyed  might  terminate  in  an  exile  to  Sibei'ia. 


APRIL  1 8o I       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  509 

This  pi'ince,  both  sensitive  and  chivalrous,  felt  a  lively 
sympathy  for  the  victims  of  the  French  Revolution,  and  a 
vehement  hatred  against  the  Revolution  itself.  Thus,  whereas 
the  able  Catherine  had  wisely,  during  her  reign,  confined  her- 
self to  exciting  all  Europe  against  France,  without  setting  a 
single  soldier  in  motion,  Paul,  on  his  accession  to  the  throne, 
had  sent  Suwarrow  with  100,000  Russians  into  Italy.  In  the 
warmth  of  his  zeal,  he  had  interdicted  from  his  dominions 
every  article  which  came  from  France,  books,  fashions,  and 
dress.  This  more  than  sufficed  to  give  umbrage  to  the  Rus- 
sian nobility,  who,  like  the  whole  of  the  aristocracy  of  Europe, 
delighted  in  reviling  France,  but  nevertheless  with  the  reserva- 
tion, of  enjoying  her  wit,  her  manners,  and  her  highly  advanced 
civilisation.  They  found  this  anti-revolutionary  zeal  intolerable, 
when  carried  to  such  an  excess. 

In  a  short  time,  however,  Paul  was  seen  to  change  these 
opinions  and  go  to  the  very  opposite  extreme,  conceiving  a 
great  hatred  for  his  allies,  and  receiving  his  enemies  into 
favour,  crowding  his  apartments  with  the  portrait  of  General 
Bonaparte,  drinking  publicly  to  his  health,  and  carrying  the 
contrast  so  far  as  actually  to  declare  war  against  Great  Britain. 
This  step  rendered  him  not  only  irksome,  but  actually  odious 
to  the  Russian  nobility,  for  he  not  only  interfered  with  their 
tastes,  but  injuriously  affected  their  material  interests. 

The  vast  extent  of  his  dominions,  occupying  almost  the  whole 
of  the  northern  part  of  Europe,  abounding  in  grain,  timber, 
hemp,  and  ores,  requires  the  aid  of  foreign  merchants,  who  seek 
these  indigenous  commodities,  and  give  in  exchange,  either 
money,  or  manufactured  goods.  The  English  in  their  trade  with 
Russia,  supply  her,  in  return  for  the  raw  produce  of  her  soil, 
with  the  articles  manufactured  by  their  own  labour,  and  thus 
the  Russian  farmers  are  enabled  to  pay  to  their  landlords  the 
rents  of  their  land.  The  I'^nglish  then  engross  the  most  im- 
portant branches  of  trade  with  St.  Petersburg,  and  this  is  th«^ 
tie  by  which,  in  some  measure,  the  policy  of  Russia  is  fettered 
to  English  interests,  and  that  rivalry,  which  sooner  or  later 
nmst  inevitably  break  out  bi^tween  these  two  great  co-partners 
in  the  possession  of  Asia,  is  modified. 

The  Russian  aristocracy  was  accordingly  highly  exas])erated 
with  the  newly  adopted  policy  of  Paul.  If  they  had  ])laine(l.  in 
this  prince,  an  excess  of  hati'cd  against  Fi-ance.  lln'V  foiiiul  still 
greater  fault  with  an  cxci'ss  of  affi-ctinn  towards  Iht.  espi-eially 
when  this  siir])risinLr  <'ittachnicnt  was  cai'i-icd  to  such  an  rxtcut  as 
to  adopt  stt'])s  ruinous  to  tin-  iii1tM-cst>  of  tin'  landiMJ  |u-opriftoi-s. 
Besides  this  oluioxious  intcrfci-cnn'  with  their  tastes  ami  their 
interests,  I'aul  was  still  further  guilty  of  cruelties,  to  which, 
however,  he  was  not  iiaturallv  addicted,  l^eiuir  rathtM-  of  a  i^ood. 


5 1  o  HISTOR  Y  OF  THE  april  i  8o  i 

than  of  a  mischievous  disposition.  He  had  sent  a  multitude 
of  unhappy  wretches  to  Siberia ;  afterwards,  affected  by  their 
sufferings,  he  recalled  them,  but  without  reinstating  them  in 
their  property.  These  unfortunate  creatures  filled  all  St.  Peters- 
burg with  their  complaints,  and  with  their  lamentable  misery. 
Annoyed  by  these  spectacles,  he  exiled  them  a  second  time. 
Becoming  every  day  more  and  more  distrustful,  in  proportion  as 
the  hatred  of  his  subjects  became  more  apparent  to  him,  he 
threatened  the  lives  of  every  one  around  him.  He  conceived 
sinister  designs  against  his  ministers,  sometimes  against  his  wife 
and  children,  and  this  prince,  who  was  all  but  mad,  assumed 
habitually  the  behaviour  of  a  tyrant.  He  surrounded  the  palace 
Michael,  which  was  his  usual  residence,  like  a  fortress,  with 
bastions  and  ditches.  One  would  have  said  that  he  seemed  to 
anticipate  a  sudden  attack.  At  night  he  even  barricaded  the  door 
which  separated  his  apartments  from  those  of  the  empress,  and 
thus  unwittingly  predisposed  everything  for  his  tragical  end. 

Such  a  state  of  things  could  not  long  continue,  and  must 
inevitably  terminate  in  some  deed  of  violence,  similar  to  that 
which,  more  than  once,  had  been  witnessed  in  this  empire,  where, 
it  is  true,  rapid  advances  have  been  made  towards  civilisation, 
but  where  actual  barbarism  was  the  point  of  starting.  The  idea 
of  getting  rid  of  the  unhappy  I'aul  by  the  accustomed  means, 
that  is  to  say,  by  a  revolution  at  the  palace,  there  where  the 
palace  is  the  nation,  suggested  itself  to  every  mind.  Let  us  set 
a  proper  value  upon  the  advantages  of  institutions.  At  another 
extremity  of  Europe,  upon  one  of  the  greatest  thrones  of  the 
universe,  sat  a  prince  afflicted  also  with  insanity,  a  headstrong, 
but  pious  and  good  prince,  George  III.  This  king,  occasionally 
deprived  of  his  reason  during  whole  months,  had  just  experienced 
a  relapse  of  his  malady,  at  one  of  the  most  critical  moments  for 
England.  Nevertheless,  the  business  of  the  nation  proceeded  in 
the  most  regular  and  ordinary  course.  The  constitution  provid- 
ing the  king  with  ministers,  wlio  conduct  the  governjuent  on 
his  behalf,  this  aberration  of  the  royal  mind  did  not,  in  any  way, 
prejudice  the  affairs  of  the  nation.  1s\y.  Pitt  held  the  govern- 
ment for  George  III.,  precisely  as  he  had  held  it  during  seventeen 
years  ;  the  thought  of  an  atrocious  crime  never  entered  into  the 
imagination  of  any  one  !  At  St.  Petersburg,  on  the  contrary, 
the  spectacle  of  an  insane  prince  on  the  throne  gave  rise  to  the 
most  sinister  projects. 

There  was  at  that  time,  at  the  court  of  Russia,  one  of  those 
men,  dreaded  by  all,  who  never  shrink  from  the  perpetration  of 
any  audacious  deed.  In  a  regular  government,  such  men  may 
rise,  perhaps,  to  the  station  of  eminently  good  citizens,  but  in  a 
despotic  government,  they  become  criminals,  if  crime  is,  in  cer- 
tain cases,  one  of  the  ex[3edients  not  actually  sanctioned  by  the 


APKiLiSoi       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  511 

government,  but  incidental  to  its  administration.  Crime  must  be 
condemned  in  every  country  where  it  prevails,  but  we  must  con- 
demn still  more  the  institutions  by  which  it  is  engendered. 

Count  Pahlen  had  served  in  the  Russian  army  with  distinc- 
tion. He  possessed  a  commanding  person,  and  concealed  beneath 
the  rough,  and  sometimes  familiar  manner  of  a  soldier,  a  deep 
and  acute  mind.  He  was  endowed,  moreover,  with  singular 
audacity,  and  an  imperturbable  presence  of  mind.  As  governor 
of  St.  Petersburg,  entrusted  with  the  police  of  the  empire,  and 
initiated,  thanks  to  the  confidence  of  his  master,  into  all  the 
great  affairs  of  State,  he  was,  in  point  of  fact,  though  not  by 
office,  the  principal  personage  in  the  Russian  government.  His 
political  opinions  respecting  the  public  policy  of  the  country 
were  veiy  decided.  The  crusade  against  the  French  Revolution 
seemed  to  him  as  unreasonable  as  the  new-born  zeal  against 
England  was  intemperate.  A  prudent  reserve,  a  neutrality 
skilfully  maintained,  in  the  midst  of  the  formidable  contest 
between  France  and  England,  appeared  to  him  the  only  advan- 
tageous policy  which  Russia  could  pursue.  Entertaining  neither 
English  nor  French  views,  but  being  wholly  Russian  in  his 
opinions,  he  was  also  a  Russian  in  his  manners,  and  a  Russian 
such  as  existed  in  the  days  of  Peter  the  Great.  Being  persuaded 
that  everything  was  hastening  towards  ruin,  unless  the  reign  of 
Paul  were  curtailed,  having  even  conceived  some  alarm  for  him- 
self personally,  from  certain  indications  of  dissatisfaction  which 
had  escaped  the  emperor,  he  boldly  formed  his  resolution,  and 
communicated  it  confidentially  to  Count  Paniin,  vico-cliancellor, 
who  was  at  the  head  of  foreign  affairs.  They  both  were  of 
opinion  that  it  was  necessary  to  terminate  tins  state  of  things, 
which  had  become  as  alarming  for  the  em]:)ire  as  for  individual 
safety.  Count  Palilen  took  upon  himself  the  execution  of  the 
terrible  project  upon  which  they  had  resolved.*    Tlic  lieir  to  tlie 

*  The  followintj  (l(;tnils  arc  tlio  most  authentic  tliat  can  Vic  jtrocnrcd  con- 
cerning the  death  of  J'aul  1.  This  is  the  source  from  which  tliev  are  derived. 
Tlie  court  of  Prussia,  greatly  slincked  at  the  news  of  tlie  (h'alh  of  Paul  1.,  was 
still  more  highly  indignant  at  the  unparalleleci  effrontery  with  which  some  of 
the  accomplices  in  the  crime  dared  to  hoast  of  it  at  IJerliii.  The  court  ob- 
tained, through  various  channels,  and  ]irinci]ially  from  a  well-informed  ]ierson. 
some  curious  details,  which  were  collr'cteil  in  a  minute,  and  transmitted  to 
the  ?"irst  Consul.  These  are  the  jiartii'ulars  wdiich  M.  Hignon.  at  that  time 
secretary  of  our  endjassy  to  the  court  of  Prussia,  was  enalilcd  to  procure,  and 
wdiich  he  has  introduced  into  hi-  work.  IJiil  the  most  ]n"i\alf'  circumstances 
still  remained  unknown,  when  a  singid;ir  aci'idmt  ]ilaced  l-'rancc  in  j.os-ession 
rd'  the  oidy  account  woi'thy  ol  creilit  (•"ncii-niiig  the  di'ath  of  P;iul  I  .  whi(di 
jx'rhaps  is  in  existence.  A  I'"i-en(di  ciiULirant,  who  had  p.-i--i  ,i  lii>  life  jri  the 
service  of  Pussia.  and  who  had  ae(|uired  some  militaiv  reiinwn,  became  i  he 
frien<l  of  Count  Pahlen  and  (Jener.-il  Uennin-jsen.  lieiiig  at  i  lie  cuunt  ry-seat 
of  Count  Pahlen,  he  obtained,  from  their  own  lip>,  a  <Mrci;in'-!:int  i.'il  det.ail  of 
everythinir  which  took  jilace  in  .'^t.  Petei'sburg  on  the  tra_rieal  night  between 
the  23rd  an<l  24th  of  Mar(di.  As  tlu^  emii:rant  was  very  careful  in  taking 
notes  of  every)  hinir  he  saw  and  lu^ard,  he  immediately  <'omnntt4Ml  to  p;i]ier  an 


5 1 2  HIST  OR  Y  OF  THE  april  i  8o  i 

throne  was  the  Grand  Duke  Alexander,  of  whose  reign  we  have 
been  contemporaries — a  young  prince,  who  gave  every  promise 
of  superior  qualities,  and  who  appeared  at  that  time,  what  he  did 
not  prove  subsequently,  easy  to  be  led.  He  it  was  whom  Count 
Pahlen  desired  to  raise  to  the  throne,  by  some  catastrophe 
brought  about  suddenly,  without  disturbance  or  confusion.  It 
was  indispensably  necessary  to  come  to  some  understanding 
with  the  heir,  the  Grand  Duke,  to  have  his  concurrence,  in  order 
to  avoid,  after  the  deed  was  perpetrated,  being  treated  like  a 
vulgar  assassin,  who  is  sacrificed,  whilst,  at  the  same  time,  ad- 
vantage is  taken  of  his  crime.  It  was  embarrassing  to  him  to 
break  the  matter  to  this  prince,  who,  governed  by  amiable  feel- 
ings, was  incapable  of  lending  his  countenance  to  an  attempt 
against  the  life  of  his  father.  Count  Pahlen,  without  disclosing 
his  whole  mind,  without  revealing  any  distinct  project,  dis- 
cussed with  the  Grand  Duke  the  affairs  of  State,  and,  at  each 
successive  extravagance  of  Paul,  endangering  the  empire,  com- 
municated the  fact  to  him,  then  remained  silent,  without  deduc- 
ing any  consequences  therefrom.  Alexander,  in  receiving  these 
communications,  cast  down  his  eyes,  and  also  remained  silent. 
These  mute  but  expressive  scenes  were  of  frequent  occurrence. 
At  length,  it  was  requisite  to  come  to  some  clearer  explana- 
tion. Count  Pahlen,  at  last,  gave  this  young  prince  to  under- 
stand that  such  a  state  of  things  could  not  be  prolonged, 
without  bringing  ruin  to  the  empire ;  and,  taking  care  to  avoid 
the  mention  of  a  crime,  to  which  Alexander  would  not  have 
listened,  he  insinuated  to  him  that  it  was  necessary  to  depose 
Paul,  to  provide  for  him  a  quiet  retreat,  but  at  all  hazards,  to 
wrest  from  his  hands  the  helm  of  power,  and  prevent  him  from 
driving  the  vessel  of  State  to  utter  destruction. 

Alexander  shed  a  flood  of  tears,  disclaimed  any  wish  to  dis- 
pute the  throne  with  his  father,  but  yielded,  by  degrees,  before 
fresh  proofs  of  the  danger  to  which  Paul  exposed  the  affairs  of 
the  country,  and  even  the  imperial  family  itself.  Paul,  in  fact, 
dissatisfied  with  the  supineness  of  Prussia,  in  the  affairs  of  the 
neutral  league,  even  talked  of  marching  80,000  men  upon  Berlin. 
Besides  this,  in  the  delirium  of  his  arrogant  pride,  he  wished 
the  First  Consul  to  take  him  as  his  adviser  in  all  things,  and 

account  of  the  particulars  given  by  these  principal  actors,  and  inserted  it  in 
the  valuable  memoirs  he  has  left  behind  him.  These  manuscript  memoirs  are 
now  the  property  of  France.  They  correct  numerous  inaccurate  or  vague 
statements,  and,  moreover,  do  not  compromise  more  than  they  were  previously, 
the  names  already  involved  in  this  dark  event.  They  furnish,  however,  more 
precise  and  probable  details,  instead  of  the  false  and  exaggerated  accounts 
already  known.  After  comparing  this  report,  emanating  from  a  quarter  per- 
fectly well-informed,  with  the  details  furnished  by  the  court  of  Prussia,  we 
have  drawn  up  the  historical  recital  which  follows,  and  which  seems  to  us  the 
only  one  truly  worthy  of  credit,  perhaps  the  only  complete  one  which  posterity 
will  ever  obtain  of  this  tragical  catastrophe. 


APRIL  1 8o I       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  513 

that  this  powerful  personage  should  not  make  peace  with 
Germany,  nor  with  the  cabinets  of  Piedmont,  Rome,  Naples,  or 
the  Porte,  excepting  upon  terms  laid  down  by  Russia ;  so  that 
it  was  soon  greatly  to  be  feared  that  he  would  not  remain  long 
on  amicable  terms  with  Prance,  whose  policy  he  had  so  warmly 
espoused.  To  these  suggestions  Count  Pahlen  added  the  expres- 
sion of  his  uneasiness  concerning  the  safety  of  the  royal  family, 
of  whom  Paul,  it  was  said,  began  to  harbour  suspicions. 

Alexander  acquiesced  at  length ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  ex- 
acted from  Count  Pahlen  the  most  solemn  oath,  that  no  attempt 
should  be  made  against  the  life  of  his  fatlier;  Count  Pahlen 
swore  to  everything  desired  by  this  inexperienced  youth,  who 
imagined  that  a  sceptre  could  be  wrested  from  the  grasp  of  an 
emperor,  without  depriving  him  of  life. 

The  requisite  actors  in  the  scene  yet  remained  to  be  provided, 
as  Count  Pahlen,  in  conceiving  this  scheme,  deemed  it  beneath 
him  to  take  any  personal  share  in  its  execution.  He  fixed  upon 
them  accordingly,  but  decided  upon  only  entrusting  them,  sooner 
or  later,  with  the  part  they  were  destined  to  perform,  according 
as  they,  by  degrees,  acquired  his  confidence.  The  brothers 
Soubow,  upstarts  raised  by  the  favour  of  Catherine,  were  chosen 
as  the  chief  instruments  of  the  plot.  Count  Pahlen  only  re- 
vealed it  to  them  at  a  late  period.  Plato  fSoubow,  the  favourite 
of  Catherine,  supple,  restless,  was  worthy  of  figuring  conspi- 
cuously in  the  revolution  of  a  palace.  His  brother  Nicholas, 
remarkable  only  for  great  personal  strength,  was  well  qualified  to 
play  a  subordinate  part;  Valerien  Soubow,  a  brave  and  honour- 
able soldier,  a  friend  of  the  Grand  Duke  Alexander,  deserved, 
from  his  merit,  to  have  been  excluded  from  tiie  plot.  They  had 
a  sister,  intimately  connected  with  all  the  English  faction — 
a  friend  of  Lord  Whitworth,  the  English  ambassador — who 
inflamed  them  with  zeal  for  the  British  policy.  Count  Pahlen 
engaged  many  other  accomplices,  and  brought  them  to  St. 
Petersburg,  under  various  pretences,  but  still  without  disclosing 
anything  to  them.  Tiiere  was  one  other  individual  whom  he  had 
summoned  to  8t.  Petersburg,  upon  whose  co-o])eration  he  knew 
he  could  rely,  as  well  as  upon  his  formidable  courage  ;  this  was 
the  famous  General  Benniugsen,  a  Hanoverian,  in  t  lie  service,  of 
Russia,  the  first  oflBcer  in  the  Russian  service  at  that  tinu',  and 
who,  at  a  later  period,  in  1 807,  had  the  honour  to  check,  in 
Poland,  the  victorious  march  of  Napoleon,  and  whose  hands, 
worthy,  indeed,  of  wielding  a  sword,  should  ntner  have  been 
sullied  by  a  poniard. 

Benningsen  had  retired  into  the  country,  dreading  the  effects 
of  Paul's  anger,  which  Ik;  had  incurred;  Count  Pahlen  withdrew 
him  from  his  retreat,  initiated  him  into  the  plot,  but  pr()])i)se(l 
nothing  further  to  him,  if  General  Benningsen  can  be  credited. 

VOL.  I.  2   K 


514  HISTORY  OF  THE  april  1801 

than  the  project  of  deposing  the  emperor.  Benningsen  pledged 
his  word,  and  kept  it  with  an  appalling  courage. 

They  resolved  to  fix  upon  some  day  for  the  execution  of  their 
project,  when  the  regiment  of  Semenourki,  wholly  devoted  to 
the  Grand  Duke  Alexander,  should  be  on  duty  at  the  palace 
Michael.  They  were  obliged  to  wait.  But  time  pressed,  for 
Paul's  malady  made  rapid  progress,  became  every  day  more 
alarming,  and  placed  the  interests  of  the  empire,  as  well  as  the 
safety  of  his  attendants,  in  greater  jeopardy.  One  day  Paul  laid 
hold  of  the  imperturbable  Pahlen  by  the  arm,  and  addressed 
him  in  these  singular  terms : — "  Were  you  at  St.  Petersburg 
in  1762?"  (It  was  in  that  year  that  the  emperor,  the  father 
of  Paul,  was  assassinated,  to  transfer  the  throne  to  the  Great 
Catherine.)  "Yes,"  answered  Count  Pahlen,  quite  coolly,  "I 
was."  "What  part  did  you  take  in  the  event  of  that  time?" 
"  That  of  a  subaltern  cavalry  officer  in  the  ranks  of  his  regiment. 
I  was  a  witness  of,  but  not  an  actor  in,  that  catastrophe." 
"  Well,"  continued  Paul,  casting  a  look  of  distrust  and  of  accusa- 
tion at  his  minister,  "  they  want  to  re-enact  to-day  the  revolu- 
tion of  1762."  "I  am  aware  of  it,"  replied  Count  Pahlen, 
without  betraying  the  least  emotion.  "  I  know  all  the  plot ; 
I  am  a  party  to  it."  "What!  "  exclaimed  Paul,  "are  you  one 
of  the  conspirators?"  "Yes!  but  to  be  better  apprised  of 
it,  and  that  I  may  be  in  a  position  more  effectually  to  watch 
over  your  safety."  The  calmness  of  this  formidable  conspirator 
quite  set  all  Paul's  conjectures  at  defiance,  and  disarmed  his 
suspicions  respecting  him ;  but  he  still  continued  discomposed 
and  excited. 

An  event  of  almost  public  interest,  if  such  a  term  may  be 
employed  with  reference  to  such  a  crime,  concurred  to  hasten 
their  proceeding.  Paul  ordered  a  despatch  to  be  written,  on 
the  23rd  of  March,  to  M.  de  Krudener,  his  minister  at  Berlin, 
enjoining  him  to  declare  to  the  court  of  Prussia,  that  if  she 
did  not  promptly  act  against  England,  he  would  order  an  army 
of  80,000  men  to  march  upon  the  Prussian  frontiers.  Count 
Pahlen,  desirous,  without  saying  too  much,  to  induce  M.  de 
Krudener  to  attach  no  importance  to  this  declaration,  added,  in 
his  own  handwriting,  the  following  postscript : — "  His  Imperial 
Majesty  is  lahouring  under  indisposition  to-day  ;  the  consequences 
may  prove  serioiis."  * 

The  23rd  of  March  was  fixed  upon  for  the  execution  of  the 
plot.  Count  Pahlen,  under  colour  of  giving  a  dinner-party, 
assembled  at  his  house  the  Soubows,  Benningsen,  and  several 
general  officers  upon  whom  he  thought  he  could  rely.  Wines 
of  all  kinds  were  served  with  profusion.    Pahlen  and  Benningsen 

*  This  despatch  was  shown  to  the  French  ambassador,  General  Beurnon- 
ville,  who  instantly  forwarded  these  particulars  to  his  government. 


APRIL  1 8o I       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  515 

did  not  drink  any.  When  dinner  was  over,  they  unfolded  to 
the  conspirators  the  project  for  which  they  were  assembled. 
The  most  part  were  now,  for  the  first  time,  made  acquainted 
with  this  terrible  plot.  They  were  not  told  that  they  would 
be  required  to  assassinate  Paul,  as  almost  every  one  would  have 
shrunk  with  dismay  from  the  perpetration  of  such  a  crime.  They 
were  told,  that  they  must  proceed  to  the  palace,  and  compel 
him  to  abdicate,  that  thus  they  would  deliver  the  empire  from 
an  imminent  danger,  and  that  they  would  save  a  multitude  of 
innocent  lives,  at  present  threatened  by  the  sanguinary  madness 
of  Paul.  At  last,  in  order  to  succeed  in  })ersuadiug  them,  it 
was  affirmed  that  the  Grand  Duke  Alexander  himself,  convinced 
of  the  necessity  of  saving  the  empire,  was  acquainted  with  the 
])roject,  and  approved  it.  Then  these  men,  already  excited  with 
wine,  no  longer  demurred,  and,  for  the  most  part,  with  only 
three  or  four  exceptions,  set  out  under  the  impression  that  they 
were  going  to  depose  a  mad  emperor,  and  not  to  slied  the  blood 
of  an  unfortunate  master. 

The  night  appearing  sufficiently  advanced,  the  conspirators, 
to  the  number  of  about  sixty,  sallied  forth,  divided  into  two 
bands.  Count  I'ahlen  took  one  under  his  direction.  General 
Benningsen  the  command  of  the  other;  both  officers,  dressed 
in  their  full  uniform,  and  wearing  their  sashes  and  orders, 
marched  forward,  sword  in  hand.  The  palace  Michael  was 
constructed  and  guarded  like  a  fortress ;  but  the  bridges  were 
lowered  and  the  gates  thrown  open  to  the  chiefs  of  the  con- 
spirators. Benningsen's  party  marched  first,  and  ])roceeded 
direct  towards  the  emperor's  apartments.  Count  Pahlen  re- 
mained behind,  with  his  reserved  body  of  cons])irators.  This 
man,  who  had  organised  the  conspiracy,  disdained  to  assist 
])ersonally  in  its  execution.  He  was  only  there  to  provide  for 
any  unexpected  emergencies.  Benningsen  penetrated  into  the 
apartment  of  the  sleeping  monarch.  Two  heyduks  wt^-e  on 
duty  as  his  bodyguard.  These  brave  and  faithful  attendants 
attempted  to  defend  their  sovereign.  One  was  struck  down 
by  a  blow  from  a  sabre,  the  other  took  llight,  crying  out  for 
help — cries  utterly  unavailing  in  a  palace,  the  guards  of  which 
are  almost  all  acconi])lices  in  the  plot!  A  valet,  who  slept  in 
a  room  adjoining  that  of  the  ('iii])eror,  ran  to  the  scene:  they 
compelled  him,  by  force,  to  open  the  door  of  his  master's 
chaml)er.  The  unha])]n'  l\aul  might  have  found  a  refuge  in 
the  apartments  of  the  empress:  but.  in  his  distrustful  sus- 
picions, he  had  taken  the  ])recauti()n,  eveiy  night,  to  barricade 
the  door  which  led  to  them.  All  esca]ie  being  cut  off.  lie  ilimg 
himself  to  the  bottom  of  the  bed,  ami  concealed  himself  beliind 
the  folds  of  a  screen.  Plato  Soubow  ran  to  the  im])erial  bed. 
and,  finding  it   em])fy.  ci-ied   out.  in   alarm,  "'i'iie  eni]>ei-()r   lias 


5 1 6  HISTOB  Y  OF  THE  kvwih  1 80 1 

escaped;  we  are  lost!  "  But,  at  the  same  instant,  Benningsen 
caught  sight  of  the  prince,  rushed  towards  him,  sword  in  hand, 
and  presented  to  him  the  act  of  abdication.  "  You  have  ceased 
to  reign  !  "  he  exclaimed  to  him  ;  "  the  Grand  Duke  Alexander 
is  now  emperor.  I  summon  you,  in  his  name,  to  resign  the 
empire,  and  to  sign  this  act  of  abdication.  On  this  condition 
alone  I  answer  for  your  life."  Plato  Soubow  repeated  the  same 
summons.  The  emperor,  confused  and  lost  in  dismay,  demanded 
of  them  what  he  had  done  to  deserve  such  treatment.  "  For 
years  past  you  have  never  ceased  to  persecute  us,"  retorted  the 
half-intoxicated  assassins.  They  then  pressed  upon  the  unhappy 
Paul,  who  struggled  hard,  expostulated,  and  implored  them  in 
vain.  At  this  moment  a  noise  was  heard ;  it  was  the  footsteps 
of  some  of  the  conspirators  who  had  remained  behind ;  but  the 
assassins,  believing  that  some  one  was  coming  to  the  assistance 
of  the  emperor,  fled  in  disorder.  Benningsen  alone,  inflexibly 
resolute,  remained  in  the  presence  of  the  monarch,  and,  advanc- 
ing towards  him,  with  his  sword  pointed  at  his  breast,  prevented 
him  stirring  from  the  spot.  The  conspirators  having  recognised 
each  other,  re-entered  the  chamber,  the  theatre  of  their  crime. 
They  again  hemmed  in  the  unfortunate  monarch,  in  order  to 
force  him  to  subscribe  his  abdication.  The  emperor  for  an 
instant  tried  to  defend  himself.  In  the  scuffle,  the  lamp  which 
gave  light  to  the  frightful  scene  was  overturned  and  extin- 
guished ;  Benningsen  ran  to  procure  another,  and,  on  his  return, 
discovered  Paul  expiring  under  the  blows  of  two  assassins ;  one 
had  broken  in  his  skull  with  the  pommel  of  his  sword,  whilst 
the  other  was  strangling  him  with  his  sash. 

Whilst  this  scene  was  enacting.  Count  Pahlen  had  remained 
outside,  with  the  second  band  of  conspirators.  When  he  was 
told  that  all  was  over,  he  ordered  the  body  of  the  emperor  to  be 
laid  out  on  the  bed,  and  placed  a  guard  of  thirt}^  men  at  the  door 
of  the  apartment,  with  orders  not  to  admit  any  one,  even  the 
members  of  the  imperial  family.  He  then  repaired  to  the  Grand 
Duke,  to  announce  to  him  the  terrible  occurrence  of  the  night. 

The  Grand  Duke,  in  a  state  of  violent  agitation,  demanded  of 
him,  when  he  approached,  what  had  become  of  his  father.  The 
silence  of  Count  Pahlen  soon  dissipated  tlie  fatal  illusions  he 
had  cherished,  in  imagining  that  an  act  of  abdication  was  only 
contemplated.  The  grief  of  the  young  prince  was  profound  ;  it 
continued  to  be,  we  are  told,  the  secret  remorse  of  his  life,  as  he 
was  naturally  of  a  good  and  generous  nature.  He  threw  himself 
upon  a  chair,  and  burst  into  tears ;  would  listen  no  longer  to 
anything,  but  loaded  Pahlen  with  bitter  reproaches,  which  the 
latter  received  with  an  imperturbable  composure. 

Plato  Soubow  went  in  quest  of  the  Grand  Duke  Constantine, 
who  was  wholly  ignorant  of  what  was  going  on,  but  who  has 


APRIL  1 8o I       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  517 

been  unjustly  accused  of  having  been  implicated  in  this  bloody 
catastrophe.  He  came  to  the  spot  trembling,  believing  that  all 
his  family  were  to  be  sacrificed,  found  his  brother  overwhelmed 
with  despair,  and  then  learnt  everything  which  had  taken  place. 
Count  Pahlen  had  desired  a  lady  of  the  palace,  who  was  very 
intimate  with  the  empress,  to  acquaint  her  with  the  fact  of  her 
tragical  widowhood.  This  princess  rushed  in  haste  towards  her 
husband's  apartments,  and  attempted  to  reach  his  deathbed  ; 
but  the  guards  kept  her  back.  Having  for  an  instant  recovered 
from  her  first  paroxysm  of  grief,  she  felt,  together  with  the 
emotions  of  sorrow,  the  rising  impulses  of  ambition  awaken  in 
her  breast.  She  thought  of  the  Great  Catherine,  and  wished  to 
reign.  She  despatched  several  persons  to  Alexander,  who  was 
about  to  be  proclaimed,  telling  him  that  the  throne  belonged 
of  right  to  her,  and  that  it  was  she,  and  not  he,  wlio  ought  to 
be  proclaimed  as  successor.  This  was  a  new  embarrassment ; 
this  was  increased  anguish  for  the  already  lacerated  heart  of 
the  son,  who,  about  to  ascend  the  steps  of  the  throne,  had  to 
pass  between  the  corpse  of  a  murdered  father,  and  an  agonised 
mother,  in  tears,  frantically  demanding,  by  turns,  her  husband 
or  the  sceptre.  The  night  was  consumed  while  these  appalling 
and  tragical  events  were  passing ;  the  day  ap]')r()ached ;  it  was 
necessary  to  leave  no  time  for  reflection ;  it  was  of  importance 
that  the  death  of  l^aul  and  the  accession  of  his  successor  should 
be  proclaimed  at  the  same  time.  Count  Pahlen  approached 
the  young  prince:  "You  have  we^^t  sufiicieiitly  as  a  child," 
said  he;  "come  now  and  reign."  He  tore  him  from  this  house 
of  mourning,  and,  followed  by  B(Miningsc-n,  hastened  to  present 
him  to  the  troops. 

The  first  regiment  they  met  was  that  of  I'n'obrajcsnky.  As 
it  was  entirely  devoted  to  Paul  L,  their  recei^tioii  was  very  cold. 
iiut  the  others,  who  were  attached  to  the  (irand  Duke,  and  who, 
besides,  were  under  the  influence  of  (Vnmt  l^ahlen.  who  ])os- 
sessed  considcn-able  ascendency  over  the  army,  did  not  hesitate 
to  ciy  "Long  live  Alexander."  The  exain]ile  was  followed,  and 
soon  the  young  emjieror  was  ]iroclaimed.  and  ]')laced  in  ])osses- 
sion  of  the  throne.  He  returned,  and  took  up  his  residence  with 
his  wife,  the  Empress  lillizabelli,  at  the  "Winter  Palaci'. 

St.  Petersburg  was  filled  with  consternation  at  the  news  of  tliis 
blf)ody  catastrophe.  The  ini]iression  it  created.  ])ro\e(l  that  the 
manners  of  the  empire  had  undergone  a  change,  and  that  since 
1762,  Russian  maniiei's  had  become  modified  by  the  influenct^  of 
European  civilisation.  It  may  l)e  said  to  the  honour  of"  Russia, 
that  if  slie  had  ali-eadv  i)rogresse{l  since  1762.  slie  has  eipially 
advanced  since  liSoo.  The  ivussians  exJiihited  on  that  occa- 
sion feelings  which  did  thejn  honour.  'I'hey  feai-ed  Paul  1.  and 
his  insanity   more   tlian    they   hated    him.   as    he   was  not   of  a 


5 1 8  HISTOR  Y  OF  THE  apeil  i  8o  i 

sanguinaiy  character.  The  horrible  circumstances  of  his  death 
were  immediately  known,  and  inspired  the  deepest  commisera- 
tion. His  body  lay  in  state  according  to  usage,  but  infinite  pre- 
cautions were  used  to  disguise  his  wounds.  j\lilitary  gloves 
concealed  the  mutilation  of  his  hands.  A  large  hat  completely 
covered  his  head.  His  face  was  disfigured  by  contusions,  but 
it  was  given  out  that  he  had  died  of  apoplexy. 

This  barbarous  event  produced  an  extraordinary  effect  through- 
out Europe.  The  news  spread  like  lightning  to  Vienna,  Berlin, 
London,  and  Paris.  It  caused  the  deepest  horror  and  consterna- 
tion. Some  years  previously,  Paris  had  terrified  all  Europe  by 
shedding  royal  blood  ;  but  at  present,  Paris  exhibited  a  spectacle 
of  order,  humanity,  and  tranquillity ;  it  was  now  the  ancient 
monarchies  which  in  their  turn  scandalised  the  whole  civilised 
world.  A  year  before,  the  Neapolitan  sovereign  had  imbrued 
his  hands  in  the  blood  of  his  su.bjects ;  now  a  revolution  in  the 
palace  bathed  the  imperial  throne  of  Russia  in  blood.; 

Thus,  in  this  agitated  age,  every  country  in  succession  fur- 
nished melancholy  examples,  and  supplied  deplorable  subjects  of 
animadversion  to  its  enemies !  Truly,  if  nations  wish  to  revile 
each  other,  their  several  histories  furnish  ample  materials  for 
mutual  recrimination ;  but  let  us  avoid  recurring  to  these  sad 
reminiscences  for  such  a  purpose.  If  we  relate  these  horrible 
details,  it  is  because  truth  is  the  first  duty  of  the  historian  ;  it  is 
because  truth  is  the  most  useful,  the  most  powerful  of  lessons,  the 
most  effectual  in  averting  the  recurrence  of  similar  scenes;  and 
thus,  without  offending  any  nation,  let  us  say  again,  that  the  in- 
stitutions are  more  to  be  blamed  than  the  people ;  and  that  if, 
at  St.  Petersburg,  an  emperor  was  murdered  in  order  to  bring 
about  a  change  of  policy ;  at  London,  on  the  contrary,  without 
any  sanguinary  crisis,  a  peace  policy  followed  a  war  policy,  by  the 
mere  substitution  of  Mr.  Addington  in  the  place  of  Mr.  Pitt. 

The  particulars  of  this  catastrophe  soon  became  public,  through 
the  indiscretion  of  the  assassins  themselves.  At  Berlin  espe- 
cially, where  the  court  was  closely  connected  with  that  of  St. 
Petersburg,  the  details  of  the  crime  spread  with  singular  rapidity. 
The  sister  of  the  Soubows  had  taken  refuge  in  that  city,  and 
had  manifested,  it  was  said,  certain  symptoms  of  uneasiness 
and  anxiety,  like  one  who  awaits  some  great  event.  It  so 
happened  that  her  son  was  the  very  officer  appointed  to 
announce  to  Prussia  the  accession  of  Alexander.  This  young 
man,  with  all  the  indiscretion  of  his  age,  partially  divulged  the 
particulars  of  the  assassination,  and  thus  occasioned  at  Potsdam 
a  scandal  which  gave  great  offence  to  the  young  and  virtuous 
King  of  Prussia.  The  court  made  this  young  man  feel  the 
impropriety  of  his  conduct ;  but  hence  arose  a  foul  calumny. 
This  sister  of  the  Soubows  was  on  terms  of  intimate  friendship 


AFiiiLiSoi       CONSULATE  AND  TEE  EMPIRE.  519 

with  the  English  ambassador,  Lord  Whitworth,  who  figured 
afterwards  at  Paris,  and  played  there  a  very  conspicuous  part. 
The  death  of  the  Emperor  Paul  was  so  highly  advantageous  to 
the  English,  it  occurred  so  opportunely  to  complete  the  doubt- 
ful victory  of  Copenhagen,  that  the  vulgar  throughout  Europe 
readily  ascribed  the  perpetration  of  this  crime  to  British  policy. 
The  intimacy  of  the  English  ambassador  with  a  family  so 
deeply  implicated  in  the  assassination  of  Paul  furnished  strong 
plausible  surmises  confirmatory  of  the  calumny,  together  with 
fresh  arguments  for  those  who  can  never  perceive  that  events 
may  originate  in  general  and  natural  causes. 

Nevertheless,  none  of  these  conjectures  were  founded  in  truth. 
Lord  Whitworth  was  an  honourable  man,  incapable  of  partici- 
pating in  such  a  plot.  The  cabinet  by  which  he  was  accredited 
had  committed  numerous  unpardonable  acts  during  many  pre- 
vious years,  and,  soon  after,  was  guilty  of  others  still  more 
difficult  to  justify,  but  it  was  as  much  taken  by  surprise  as  the 
rest  of  Europe  by  the  death  of  the  Czar.  And  yet,  the  First 
Consul  himself,  notwithstanding  the  unquestionable  impartiality 
of  his  judgment,  could  not  help  entertaining  some  suspicions, 
and  he  gave  rise  to  still  more,  by  the  terms  in  which  the  death 
of  the  Emperor  l^aul  was  announced  in  the  Moniteur.  "  It  is 
for  history,"  says  this  official  journal,  "to  develop  the  mystery 
which  surrounds  this  tragical  death,  and  to  declare  which  cabinet 
in  the  world  was  the  most  deeply  interested  in  bringing  about 
such  a  catastrophe." 

This  event  delivered  England  from  a  relentless  enemy,  and 
deprived  the  First  Consul  of  a  powerful  ally,  but  one  that 
latterly  was  becoming  embarrassing,  and  almost  as  dangerous  as 
he  was  serviceable.  It  is  certain  that  the  deceased  emperor,  in 
the  fulness  of  his  arrogance,  believing  that  the  First  Consul 
could  no  longer  refuse  him  anything  in  return  for  his  alliance, 
had  required  conditions  with  regard  to  Italy,  Germany,  and 
Egypt,  which  France  could  never  have  conceded,  and  theso 
demands  must  have  interposed  great  obstacles  to  the  re-estab- 
lishment of  peace,  a  desire  for  which  was  now  becoming  general 
throughout  Europe.  The  First  Consul  sclt^ctod  his  favourite 
aide-de-camp,  Duroc,  who  had  been  previously  sent  to  Berlin 
and  to  A'ienna,  and  despatched  him  to  Russia.  He  ordered 
him  to  repair  to  St.  Petersburg,  with  an  autograph  letter,  to 
congratulate  the  new  emperor  on  his  accession,  and  to  bring  to 
bear  all  the  powers  of  flattery  and  pe^rsiiasion  of  a  gn\'it  man.  in 
order  to  instil,  if  possible,  into  his  mintl,  sound  ideas  concerning 
the  relations  between  France  ami  l{ussia. 

Duroc  set  out  instantly  with  orders  to  i^roceed  In-  way  of  Berlin. 
He  was  to  visit  J^russia  for  the  second  timt>,  collect  more  correct 
information  n>s]iecting  the  recent  events  which  had  occurred  in 


5  20  HIS  TOE  Y  OF  THE  april  i  8o  i 

the  North,  and  thus  reach  St.  Petersburg  better  acquainted  with 
the  men  and  the  facts  with  which  he  would  there  have  to  deal. 

England  was  delighted,  as  well  she  might  be,  with  receiving 
at  the  same  time  the  news  of  the  victory  of  Copenhagen,  and 
the  death  of  the  formidable  adversary  who  had  originated  the 
league  of  the  neutral  powers  against  her.  The  valour  of  the 
British  hero,  the  gallant  Nelson,  was  exalted  to  the  skies,  and 
that  with  a  most  natural  and  legitimate  enthusiasm,  for  nations 
do  well,  in  the  first  ecstasies  of  their  joy,  to  celebrate,  and  even 
exaggerate  their  triumphs.  Nevertheless,  the  first  transports 
of  enthusiasm  being  over,  when  the  nation  became  more  calm, 
the  victory  of  Copenhagen  was  more  correctly  appreciated. 
The  passage  of  the  Sound  had  been,  it  was  said,  not  very  diffi- 
cult to  force ;  the  attack  on  Copenhagen  in  a  narrow  strait, 
where  the  English  ships  could  not  manoeuvre  without  great 
peril,  was  an  adventurous,  bold  act,  worthy  of  the  victor  at 
Aboukir.  But  the  English  fleet  had  been  seriously  disabled, 
and  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  too  great  eagerness  of  the  Crown 
Prince  of  Denmark  to  listen  to  Nelson's  flag  of  truce,  the  day 
would  probably  have  been  lost.  The  victory  had  been  very 
close  upon  a  defeat,  and  moreover,  the  results  obtained  were 
quite  unimportant,  since  the  English  had  only  extorted  from 
the  Danes  a  simple  armistice,  at  the  expiration  of  which  the 
struggle  must  be  renewed.  If  the  Emperor  Paul  had  not  died, 
this  naval  enterprise  which  the  English  must  have  prosecuted, 
in  the  midst  of  an  enclosed  sea,  in  which  they  could  not  put 
into  any  port,  and  the  outlet  from  which  might  be  shut  against 
them,  must  have  had  many  terrible  dangerous  chances  against 
its  success.  But  the  blow  struck  so  opportunely  against  the 
power  which  commanded  the  entrance  to  the  Baltic,  that  is  to 
say,  the  Danes,  was  decisive ;  Paul  was  no  longer  there  to  take 
up  the  gauntlet,  and  to  continue  the  contest.  This  is  an 
additional  proof,  illustrating  the  numberless  others  with  which 
history  abounds,  that  there  are  in  this  world  many  propitious 
chances  in  favour  of  boldness,  especially  when  its  efl^orts  are 
seconded  by  suflSciently  commanding  ability. 

The  English  immediately  proceeded  to  take  advantage  of  this 
fortunate  change  of  sovereigns,  by  relaxing  the  rigour  of  the 
principles  they  had  laid  down  respecting  the  maritime  law  of 
nations,  so  as  to  arrive  at  some  honourable  adjustment  with 
Russia,  and,  after  Russia,  with  all  the  remaining  powers.  They 
were  well  aware  of  the  kind  and  amiable  character  of  the  young 
prince  who  had  ascended  the  throne  of  Russia,  as  at  that  period 
it  was  pronounced  to  be  rather  bordering  on  weakness ;  and, 
besides,  they  flattered  themselves  with  having  regained  consider- 
able influence  at  St.  Petersburg.  They  sent  Lord  St.  Helens  to 
that  capital,  with  the  necessary  powers  to  efi^ect  an  arrangement. 


APRIL  1 8o I       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  521 

M.  de  Woronzoff,  ambassador  of  Russia  to  the  court  of  George 
III.,  wholly  wedded  to  the  cause  of  British  policy,  having  even 
incurred  the  sequestration  of  his  property  on  account  of  his  not 
having  quitted  London,  his  accustomed  place  of  residence,  re- 
ceived an  invitation  to  appear  there  in  his  official  capacity,  which 
he  forthwith  accepted.  The  vessels  belonging  to  the  neutral 
powers,  detained  in  the  English  ports,  were  released.  Nelson, 
by  order  of  his  government,  continued  inactive  in  tlie  Baltic, 
and  was  instructed  to  intimate  to  the  courts  of  the  Noi'th,  that 
he  should  refrain  from  any  act  of  hostility,  unless  they  determined 
to  put  their  fleets  to  sea,  in  which  case  he  should  engage  with 
them  ;  but  if,  on  the  contrary,  these  fleets  should  remain  in  their 
respective  ports,  and  not  attempt  to  make  the  long  threatened 
junction  with  the  Danish  squadron,  he  should  abstain  from  any 
hostile  act  against  the  coasts  of  Denmark,  of  Sweden,  and  of 
Russia ;  that  he  should  allow  free  passage  to  all  the  merchant 
vessels,  and  the  relations  between  the  countries  should  be  upon 
the  same  footing  as  before  the  rupture. 

The  blow  struck  against  Coiienhagen  had  unfortunately  pro- 
duced its  effect.  The  minor  neutral  powers,  such  as  the  Danes 
and  the  Swedes,  although  dee])ly  irritated  on  their  own  account 
against  England,  had  only  been  forced  into  the  league  by  the 
menacing  influence  of  i\iul  I.  Prussia,  who  regarded  her  mari- 
time interests  as  f|uite  secondars'  com])ared  with  her  other  national 
interests,  and  who  strongly  inclined  towards  peace,  had  only 
engaged  in  the  dispute,  when  urged  on  by  the  twofold  influence 
of  Paul  I.  and  the  First  Consul :  she,  accordingly,  felt  overjoyed 
on  finding  herself  extricated  from  such  an  embarrassment.  She 
was,  like  the  rest,  eagerly  disposed  to  co-operate  in  the  re-estab- 
lishment of  commercial  relations. 

In  a  short  time  the  trading  vessels  of  all  nations.  l']nglish, 
Swedish,  Danish,  and  Russian,  reappeared  in  the  J3altic ;  and 
trade  and  navigation  resumed  their  accustomed  activity.  Nelson 
allowed  them  to  pass  unmolested,  and  received  in  return,  along 
the  northern  coasts,  the  refreshments  of  which  he  stood  in  need. 
This  virtual  armistice  was.  therefore,  generally  acceded  to.  The 
Russian  cabinet,  directed  by  Count  Pahlen,  without  yielding 
unbecomingly  to  British  influence,  showed  a  dis])osition  to  ter- 
minate the  maritime  dis])ute.  by  such  an  adjustment  as  would 
secure,  u])  to  a  certain  point,  the  rights  of  the  neutrals.  It 
intimated  that  they  would  receive  J.iord  St.  Helens.  Already 
it  had  authorised  the  return  of  M.  de  Woronzoff  to  London, 
whither  M.  de  Bernestoff  also  repaired,  as  tht^  representative  of 
Denmark. 

The  First  Consul,  wlio  had  ably  contrived  and  elal)orated 
this  formidable  coalition  against  Great  Britain,  a  coalition 
founded  moreover  u]ion  the  interests  of  all  the  maritime  nations, 


522  HISTORY  OF  THE  apriliSoi 

viewed  with  regret  its  dissolution,  occasioned  as  it  was  by  the 
weakness  of  the  confederates.  He  tried  to  make  them  ashamed 
of  the  promptitude  with  which  they  receded ;  but  each  excused 
his  conduct  by  the  example  of  his  neighbour.  Denmark,  justly 
proud  of  the  bloody  engagement  of  Copenhagen,  declared  that 
she  had  done  her  part,  and  that  it  was  the  duty  of  the  others  to 
perform  theirs.  Sweden  expressed  herself  ready  to  fight ;  but, 
she  added,  that  as  the  Danish,  Prussian,  and,  above  all,  the 
Russian  flags,  were  freely  traversing  the  seas,  she  could  not  see 
why  her  subjects  alone  should  be  debarred  from  the  benefits  of 
trade.  Prussia  excused  her  inaction  by  the  change  which  had 
happened  at  St.  Petersburg,  but,  at  the  same  time,  reiterated  to 
France  the  warmest  assurances  of  steadfast  constancy.  She 
declared  that  a  just  estimate  would  be  formed  of  her  perseverance 
in  the  cause,  when  the  proper  time  arrived  for  concluding  an 
arrangement,  and  the  articles  of  the  maritime  law  of  nations 
should  be  definitively  settled.  Russia  affected  not  to  neglect  the 
rights  of  the  neutrals,  but  avowedly  confined  her  endeavours  to 
the  accomplishment  of  one  thing  only,  which  was  the  cessation 
of  hostilities  commenced  upon  insufiicient  grounds. 

The  First  Consul,  who  was  desirous  of  retarding  an  accom- 
modation between  Prussia  and  England  as  long  as  possible,  con- 
ceived a  very  ingenious  expedient  to  prolong  the  dispute.  He 
had  offered  Malta  to  Paul,  and  he  now  tendered  Hanover  to 
Prussia.  We  have  seen  that  Prussia  had  occupied  that  province, 
so  dear  to  the  heart  of  George  III.,  by  way  of  reprisals  for  the 
violent  acts  which  the  English  government  had  committed  against 
the  neutral  flags.  Prussia  had  lent  herself  with  considerable 
hesitation  to  this  act  of  aggression,  but  the  secret  longing  which 
she  has  always  felt  for  the  possession  of  that  province,  the  most 
desirable  for  her,  that  which  would  most  conveniently  enlarge 
and  round  ofi:  the  frontiers  of  her  territory,  prompted  her  to 
seize  upon  it,  notwithstanding  her  anxiety  for  peace  and  repose. 
Other  motives  also  had  influenced  her.  She  had,  besides,  an 
indemnity  to  claim  in  Germany,  as  she  was  amongst  the  number 
of  the  secular  princes  who  were  to  be  indemnified  for  their  losses 
on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine  by  the  secularisation  of  the 
ecclesiastical  States.  These  claims  were  very  large,  and  in  the 
hope  that  the  First  Consul  would  favour  them,  she  was  anxious 
to  propitiate  him,  by  taking  possession  of  Hanover.  General 
Bonaparte  declared  at  once,  that  if  she  wished  to  keep  Hanover, 
and  indemnify  herself  thereby,  although  this  indemnity  was  of 
ten  times  greater  valvie  than  the  amount  to  which  she  was  entitled, 
he  would  willingly  consent,  without  giving  way  to  any  jealousy 
at  this  great  augmentation,  conceded  to  a  power  whose  territory 
was  conterminous  with  France.  This  proposal  at  once  delighted 
and  disturbed  the  young  monarch.     The  offer  was  a  seductive 


APRIL  1 8o I       CONSULATE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  523 

one,  but  the  chief  stumbling-block  was,  the  resentment  of 
England.  Nevertheless,  without  accepting  the  proposal  in  a 
definitive  manner,  the  cabinet  of  Berlin  replied,  that  the  king, 
Frederick  William,  was  fully  sensible  of  the  friendly  dispositions 
of  the  First  Consul,  that  he  had  come  to  no  resolution  yet,  that 
it  was  better  to  defer  the  consideration  of  this  territorial  question 
till  the  negotiations  for  a  general  peace  throughout  Europe ; 
and  he  added,  that  grounding  his  conduct  upon  the  present 
state  of  things,  which  was  an  armistice  tacitly  acquiesced  in, 
rather  than  formally  stipulated,  he  should  continue  to  keep 
possession  of  Hanover. 

The  First  Consul  did  not  require  more,  being  content  with 
having  thereby  involved  the  courts  of  London  and  Berlin  in  a 
question  of  the  most  complicated  solution,  and  placed  in  the 
hands  of  a  power  which  was  devoted  to  him,  a  precious  pledge, 
which  could  be  most  advantageously  used  in  the  negotiations 
with  England. 

The  period  of  these  negotiations  at  length  approached. 
England  had  seized  with  avidity  the  opportunity  of  relaxing 
the  rigour  of  her  maritime  principles,  with  a  view  of  quelling 
the  danger  which  threatened  her  in  the  North ;  she  was  now 
anxious  to  terminate  this  state  of  things,  and  to  conclude  peace, 
not  only  with  the  neutrals,  but  with  a  power  still  more  formi- 
dable than  they ;  with  France,  which  during  the  last  ten  years 
had  convulsed  all  F.urope,  and  which  began  to  threaten  the 
British  soil  with  serious  dangers.  At  one  period,  thanks  to  the 
obstinacy  of  Mr.  Pitt,  and  the  talents  of  General  Bonaparte, 
she  found  herself  alone,  contending  against  all  the  world  ; 
having  extricated  herself  from  this  position  by  a  successful  act 
of  temerity,  by  a  fortuitous  stroke  of  good  fortune,  she  was 
averse  to  again  incur  similar  dangers,  through  a  repetition  of 
similar  errors.  England,  moreover,  could  now  treat  with  honour, 
and  it  was  expedient,  after  having  lost  so  many  good  o])por- 
tunities,  not  to  miss  the  one  which  now  presented  it.self.  \\  hy, 
reasoned  the  people  of  England,  why  prolong  the  war  ?  We 
have  taken  all  the  colonies  worth  having:  France,  at  tlie  same 
time,  has  vanquished  all  the  allies  to  which  we  have  been 
attached ;  she  has  aggrandised  herself  at  their  expense,  and 
has  become  the  most  formidable  power  in  the  univei'se.  Every 
day  added  to  the  struggle  renders  it  more  serious,  especially 
through  her  successive  concpiest  of  all  the  European  coasts  and 
harbours.  She  has  reduced  Holland  and  Naples,  and  at  the 
present  moment  is  marching  against  Portugal.  We  must  not 
render  her  more  powerful,  by  pertinaciously  persisting  in  the 
prosecution  of  the  war.  If  it  was  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
most  salutary  principles  that  we  contended  some  years  ])ast ; 
if  it  was  for  social  ordt»r  menaced  l)v  th(^   French   Revolution  : 


524  HISTORY  OF  THE  apriliSoi 

that  is  now  no  longer  the  case,  since  France  affords  the  brightest 
example  of  order  and  of  wisdom.  Can  we  think  to  re-establish 
the  Bourbons  ?  There,  indeed,  was  Mr.  Pitt's  grand  error,  his 
mistaken  policy ;  and  if  his  great  influence,  his  great  talents 
are  lost  to  us,  we  must  secure  the  only  advantage  we  can  from 
his  retirement,  that  is  to  say,  we  must  relinquish  that  unre- 
mitting, malignant  spirit  of  hatred,  which  dictated  the  most 
imprudent  and  gross  personalities  between  him  and  General 
Bonaparte. 

All  sensible,  reflecting  men  in  England  were  in  favour  of 
peace.  This  feeling  had  the  powerful  support  of  the  king  and 
the  people.  The  pious  and  obstinate  King  of  England,  who 
refused  the  emancipation  of  the  Catholics  to  Mr.  Pitt,  out  of 
fidelity  to  the  Protestant  cause,  did  not  the  less  rejoice  at  the 
restoration  of  Catholicism  in  France,  a  re-establishment  which 
was  expected  soon  to  take  place.  He  viewed  in  that,  the 
triumph  of  religious  principles,  and  was  content.  He  had  a 
great  aversion  to  the  French  Revolution,  and  although  General 
Bonaparte  had  thwarted  and  seriously  counteracted  the  policy 
of  England,  he  was  greatly  ]3leased  with  him  for  the  reaction 
against  that  Pevolution,  and  for  reinstating  true  social  principles 
in  public  opinion.  France,  which  possesses  in  such  an  eminent 
degree  the  power  of  communicating  to  other  nations  the  feelings 
she  herself  experiences,  being  now  calmed  down,  brought  back 
to  sound  notions.  King  George  III.  regarded  the  blessings  of 
social  order  as  preserved  to  mankind.  If  with  Mr.  Pitt  the  war 
had  been  one  of  national  ambition,  as  respected  George  III.  it 
had  been  a  war  of  principle.  General  Bonaparte  might,  there- 
fore, consider  him  as  a  friend,  but  a  friend  of  a  very  different 
stamp  from  Paul  I.  Having  recovered  from  the  attack  which 
had  obscured  his  reason  during  several  months,  he  was  now 
decidedly  inclined  to  peace,  and  pressed  his  ministers  to  con- 
clude it.  The  English  people,  fond  of  novelty,  looked  upon  a 
peace  with  the  French  as  the  greatest  of  novelties ;  for  they 
had  slaughtered  each  other,  during  the  last  ten  years,  in  every 
quarter  of  the  world ;  ascribing  also  the  prevailing  scarcity  to 
the  sanguinary  struggle  which  desolated  both  land  and  sea, 
they  called  loudly  for  a  reconciliation  with  France.  Moreover, 
the  new  prime  minister,  Mr.  Addington,  unfit  to  aspire  to  the 
same  glory  as  Mr.  Pitt,  to  whom  he  was  greatly  inferior  in 
talents,  in  celebrity,  and  in  general  administrative  capacity,  had 
but  one  plain  intelligible  object  in  view,  which  was  to  make 
peace.  He  accordingly  desired  to  bring  it  about,  and  Mr.  Pitt, 
still  powerful  in  Parliament,  counselled  him  to  this  step,  as  the 
most  expedient.  The  events  in  the  North,  far  from  swelling 
the  pride  of  England,  disposed  her,  on  the  contrary,  to  seize  a 
very  convenient  and  very  honourable  opportunity  of  negotiating. 


APRIL  1 80 1       CONSULA  TE  AND  THE  EMPIRE.  5  2  5 

The  new  minister  had  determined  upon  this  on  tlie  day  he 
assumed  office ;  and  he  was  only  confirmed  in  his  resolution, 
when  the  intelligence  reached  him  of  what  had  taken  place  at 
Copenhagen  and  at  St.  Petersburg.  Going  still  further,  he 
decided  upon  making  a  direct  overture  to  the  First  Consul, 
which  would  correspond  with  the  initiative  taken  by  the  latter 
towards  England  upon  his  accession  to  power. 

Lord  Hawkesbury,  who  presided  over  the  foreign  office  in 
Mr.  Addington's  administration,  sent  for  M.  Otto.  This  gentle- 
man transacted  in  London,  as  we  have  already  seen,  the  diplo- 
matic business  relative  to  the  prisoners,  and  had  been  six 
months  before  entrusted  with  the  duties  connected  with  the 
naval  armistice.  He  was,  therefore,  the  natural  medium  of 
fresh  comTiuinications,  which  were  about  to  take  place  between 
the  two  governments.  Lord  Hawkesbury  informed  M.  Otto 
that  the  king  had  confided  to  him  a  most  agreeable  task,  the 
knowledge  of  which  would  no  doubt  cause  as  much  pleasure  in 
France  as  in  England,  and  this  was,  to  propose  peace.  He 
said,  that  His  Majesty  was  even  ready  to  send  a  plenipotentiary 
to  Paris,  if  it  were  so  desired,  or  to  any  other  city  more  agree- 
able to  the  French  Consul.  Lord  Hawkesbury  added,  that  the 
conditions  which  it  was  his  intention  to  propose  were  perfectly 
honourable  to  both  countries,  and  as  a  proof  of  the  sincerity  of 
this  reconciliation,  he  declared,  that  from  that  day,  every  design 
directed  against  the  present  government  of  France  should  be 
discountenanced  by  the  British  cabinet.  He  ex]5ected  a  full 
reciprocity  on  the  part  of  the  French  Republic. 

This  was  disavowing  the  antecedent  policy  of  ^Ir.  Pitt,  who 
had  always  pretended  to  aim  at  the  re-establisliment  of  the 
J3ourbons,  and  who  had  unremittingly  fomented  the  attempts 
of  the  emigrants  and  the  Vendeans  by  P]nglish  gold.  The 
negotiations  could  not  have  been  opened  in  a  more  dignified 
manner.      Lord  Hawkesbury,  however,  required  a  prompt  reply. 

The  First  Consul,  who  at  that  time  only  aimed  at  kee])ing 
faithfully  the  pledge  made  to  France,  to  procure  for  the  country 
peace  and  tran(|uillity,  was  delighted  with  this  solution  of  the 
question,  which  he  had,  in  fact,  obtained  by  his  successes,  and 
by  the  wisdom  of  his  policy.  He  accepted  the  overtures  of 
England  with  as  much  eagerness  as  she  had  shown  in  ])ropos- 
ing  them.  Nevertheless,  a  negotiation  of  formality  ajipfarcd 
to  him  tedious,  and  not  sufficiently  efficacious.  The  rcnifMu- 
brance  of  that  of  Lord  Malmesbury.  in  179",  which  was  liuf 
an  empty  demonstration  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Titt.  had  left 
an  unpleasant  impression  on  his  mind.  Il(>  thought  that,  if 
they  were  really  sincere  at  fjondon,  as  indeed  they  a])])eared 
really  to  be,  it  was  cpiite  sufficient  to  confer  directly  with  the 
foreign  office,  and  there  discuss,  with  frankness  and  candour,  the 


526  HISTORY  OF  THE  CONSULATE.       apwl  i8oi 

conditions  of  peace.  He  considered  these  easy  of  arrangement, 
if  a  reconciliation  were  sincerely  intended.  "  For,"  said  he, 
"  England  has  taken  the  Indies,  and  we  have  taken  Egypt :  if 
we  mutually  agree,  each  to  preserve  these  rich  conquests,  the 
rest  is  but  of  little  importance.  Of  what  importance  are,  in 
fact,  a  few  islands  in  the  West  Indies,  or  elsewhere,  which 
England  keeps  from  us,  or  our  allies,  compared  with  the  vast 
conquests  we  have  made  ?  Can  she  refuse  to  restore  them, 
when  Hanover  is  in  our  hands,  when  Portugal  will  soon  be  so, 
and  we  offer  to  evacuate  these  kingdoms  in  return  for  a  few 
islands  in  America  ?  Peace  is  therefore  easy  to  be  brought 
about,"  so  ran  his  despatch  to  M.  Otto ;  "if  the  English  desire 
it.  I  empower  you  to  treat,  but  directly  only  with  Lord 
Hawkesbury." 

Full  powers  were  sent  to  M.  Otto,  with  a  recommendation 
not  to  make  anything  public,  to  write  as  little  as  j^ossible,  to 
negotiate  verbally,  and  only  to  exchange  written  notes  upon 
the  most  important  questions.  It  was  impossible  to  keep  such 
a  negotiation  an  absolute  secret ;  but  the  First  Consul  enjoined 
M.  Otto  to  require  and,  on  his  part,  to  observe  the  greatest 
discretion,  relative  to  those  questions  which  must  necessarily 
on  both  sides  be  raised  and  discussed. 

Lord  Hawkesbury,  in  the  name  of  the  King  of  England, 
consented  to  this  mode  of  proceeding,  and  it  was  agreed  that 
the  conferences  should  commence  at  once  at  London,  between 
him  and  M.  Otto.  They  did  really  open  in  the  early  part  of 
April  1 80 1  (middle  of  Germinal,  year  IX.). 

From  the  i8th  Brumaire,  year  VIII.  (9th  of  November 
1799),  to  the  month  of  Germinal,  year  IX.  (April  1801), 
eighteen  months  had  elapsed,  and  France,  at  peace  with  the 
Continent,  engaged  in  a  frank  and  sincere  negotiation  with 
England,  was  about  to  obtain,  for  the  first  time  for  ten  years, 
a  general  peace  on  land  and  at  sea.  The  condition  of  this 
general  peace,  admitted  by  all  the  contracting  parties,  was  the 
preservation  of  our  brilliant  conquests. 


END  OF  VOL.  1. 


Series  9482 


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